Skip to main content

Full text of "Annals and antiquities of Rajasthan, or The central and western Rajput states of India"

See other formats










ill's •:.'''.^-' 







- -! >iSGO 


3 1822 00719 8203 


University of California, San Diego 


'^FP 3 1939 



JAN 6 m'\ 


DEC 1 3 1^5 






,'--> J 

6 ; 



(From the bust by Vo. Livi, 1837. By peiinission of Lt.-Col. E. W. 
Blunt-.Mackenzie, U.A.). 











HON. D.SC. OXON., B.A., F.R.A.l. 







[Oriyinat Dedication of the First Volume.^ 




The gracious permission accorded me, to lay at the foot of the Throne 
the fruit of my lahours, allows me to propitiate Your Majesty's con- 
sideration towards the object of this work, the prosecution of wliich 1 
have made a paramount duty. 

The Rajput princes, happily rescued, by the triumph of the British 
arms, from the yoke of lawless oppression, are now the most remote 
tributaries to Your Majesty's extensive empire ; and their admirer and 
annalist may, perhaps, be permitted to hope that the sighs of this 
ancient and interesting race for the restoration of their former independ- 
ence, whicli it would suit our wisest policy to grant, may be deemed not 
undeserving Your Majesty's regard. 

With entire loyalty and devotion, I subscribe myself. 

Your Majesty's 

Most faithful subject and servant, 


Bird Hurst, Croydox, 
June 20, 1829. 

[Original Dedication of the Second Volume. ] 




Your Majesty has graciously sanctioned the presentation of the 
Second Volume of the Annah- of Rajputana to the Public under the 
auspices of Your Majesty's name. 

In completing this work, it has been my endeavour to draw a faithful 
picture of States, the ruling principle of which is the paternity of the 
Sovereign. That this patriarchal form is the best suited to the genius 
of the people may be presumed from its durability, which war, famine, 
and anarchy have failed to destroy. The throne has always been the 
watchword and rallying-point of the Rajputs. My prayer is, that it 
may continue so, and that neither the love of conquest, nor false views 
of policy, may tempt us to subvert the independence of these States, 
some of which have braved the storms of more than ten centuries. 

It will not, I trust, be deemed presumptuous in the Annalist of these 
gallant and long-oppressed races thus to solicit for them a full measure 
of Your Majesty's gracious patronage ; in return for which, the Rajputs, 
making Your Majesty's enemies their own, would glory in assuming the 
" saifron robe," emblematic of death or victory, under the banner of that 
chivalry of which Your Majesty is the head. 

That Your Majesty's throne may ever be surrounded by chiefs who 
will act up to the principles of fealty maintained at all hazards by the 
Rajput, is the heartfelt aspiration of. 


Your Majesty's 

Devoted subject and servant, 




No one can undertake with a light heart the preparation of a new 
edition of Colonel Tod's great work, The Annals and Antiquities 
of Rajasthan. But the leading part which the Rajputs have taken 
in the Great War, the summoning of one of their princes to a seat 
at the Imperial Conference, the certainty that as the result of 
the present cataclysm they will be entitled to a larger share in 
the administration of India, have contributed to the desire that 
this classical account of their history and sociology should be 
presented in a shape adapted to the use of the modern scholar 
and student of Indian history and antiquities. 

In the Introduction which follows I have endeavoured to 
estimate the merits and defects of Colonel Tod's work. Here it 
is necessary only to state that though the book has been several 
times reprinted in India and once in this country, the obvious 
difficulties of such an undertaking have hitherto prevented any 
writer better quahfled than myself from attempting to prepare 
an annotated edition. Irrespectively of the fact that this work 
was published a century ago, when the study of the history, 
antiquities, sociology, and geography of India had only recently 
started, the Author's method led him to formulate theories on a 
wide range of subjects not directly connected with the Rajputs. 
In the light of our present knowledge some of these speculations 
have become obsolete, and it might have been possible, without 
impairing the value of the work as a Chronicle of the Rajputs, 
to have discarded from the text and notes much which no longer 
possesses value. But the work is a classic, and it deserves to be 
treated as such, and it was decided that any mutilation of the 
original text and notes would be inconsistent with the object of 
this series of reprints of classical works on Indian subjects. The 


only alternative course was to correct in notes, clearly distinguished 
from those of the Author, such facts and theories as are no longer 
accepted by scholars. 

It is needless to say that during the last century much advance 
has been made in our knowledge of Indian history, antiquities, 
philology, and sociology. We are now in a position to use im- 
proved translations of many authorities which were quoted by the 
Author from inadequate or incorrect versions. The translation 
of FerishtcCs History by A. Dow and Jonathan Scott has been 
superseded by that of General J. Briggs, that of the Ain-i-Akbari 
of F. Gladwin by the version by Professor H. Blochmann and 
Colonel H. S. Jarrett. For the Memoirs of Jahdnglr, the Author 
relied on the imperfect version by Major David Price, which has 
been replaced by a new translation of the text in its more complete 
form by Messrs. A. Rogers and H. Beveridge. For the Laws of 
Mann we have the translation by Dr. G. Biihler. The passages 
in classical literature relating to India have been collected, 
translated, and annotated by the late Mr. J. W. McCrindle. 
Much information not available for the Author's use has been 
provided by The History of India as told by its own Historians, 
by Sir H. M. Elliot and Professor J. Dowson, and by Mr. W. 
Irvine's translation, with elaborate notes, of N. Manueei's Storia 
do Magor. Among original works useful for the present edition 
the following may be mentioned : J. Grant Duff's History of the 
Mahrattas ; Dr. Vincent A. Smith's Early History of India, 
History of Fine Art in India and Ceylon, Asoka, the Buddhist 
Emperor of India, and Akbar, the Great Mogul ; Professor 
Jadunath Sarkar's History of Aurangzib, of which only three 
volumes have been published ; Mr. W. Irvine's Army of the 
Indian Moghuls ; Sir W. Lee- Warner's Protected Princes of 

Much historical, geographical, and ethnological information 
has been collected in the new edition of the Imperial Gazetteer of 
India the Bombay Gazetteer edited by Sir J. M. Campbell, and, 
more particularly, in the revised Gazetteer of Rajputana, including 
that of Mewar and the Western States Residency and BIkaner 
Agency by Lieutenant-Colonel K. D. Erskine, and that of Ajmer 
by Mr. C. C. Watson. Lieutenant-Colonel Erskine's work, based 
on the best local information, has been of special value, and it 
is much to be regretted that this officer, after serving as Consul- 


General at Baghdad, was invalided and died in England in 1914, 
leaving that part of the Gazetteer dealing with the Eastern States, 
Jaipur, Kotah, and Bundi, unrevised. For botany, agriculture, 
and natural productions I have used Sir G. Watt's Dictionary of 
the Economic Products of India, and liis Commercial Products of 
India ; for architecture and antiquities, J. P'ergusson's History 
of Indian and Eastern Architecture, edited by Dr. J. Burgess, and 
The Cave Temples of India by the same writers. In ethnology 
I have consulted the pubUcations of the Etluiological Survey of 
India, of which Mr. H. A. Rose's Glossary of the Tribes and Cartes 
of the Punjab and North-West Frontier Province, Mr. Bhimbhai 
Kirparam's account of the Hindus and Ivhan Bahadur FazaluUah 
LutfuUah's of the Musalmans of Gujarat, published in the Bombay 
Gazetteer, vol. ix. Parts i. ii., have been specially valuable. Besides 
the general works to which reference has been made, many articles 
on Rajputana and the Rajputs will be found in the Journal of 
the Royal Asiatic Society and its Bombay branch, in the Journal 
of the Asiatic Society of Bengal, and in the Indian Antiquary, and 
other periodicals. The Reports of the Archaeological Survey of 
India conducted by Sir A. Ciumingham, Dr. J. Burgess, and Sir 
J. H. Marshall, are of great importance. 

I cannot pretend to have exhausted the great mass of new 
information available in the works to which I have referred, 
and in others named in the Bibhography ; and it was not my 
object to overload the notes which are already voluminous. 
To the general reader the system of armotation which I have 
attempted to carry out may appear meticulous ; but no other 
course seemed possible if the work was to be made more useful 
to the historian and to the scholar. The editor of a work of tliis 
class is forced to undertake the somewhat invidious duty of 
calUng attention to oversights or errors either in fact or theory. 
But this does not detract from the real value of the work. In 
some cases I have been content with adding a note of interroga- 
tion to warn the reader that certain statements must be received 
with caution. As regards geography, I have in many cases 
indicated briefly the position of the more important places, so 
far as they can be traced in the maps with which I was provided. 
The Author was so intimately acquainted with the ground, that 
he assumed in the general reader a degree of knowledge which 
he does not possess. 


The text and notes, with the exception of a few obvious over- 
sights, have been reprinted as they stood in the first edition, 
and as tlie latter is often quoted in books of authority, I have 
added its pagination for facihty of reference. It was decided, 
after much consideration, to correct the transHteration of personal 
and place names and other vernacular terms according to the 
system now adopted in official gazetteers, maps, and reports. 
This change might have been unnecessary if the transliteration 
of these words, according to the system in use at the time when 
the book was written, had been uniformly correct. But this is 
not the case. At the same time I have preserved the original 
readings of those names which have become established in popular 
usage, such as " Mogul," " Mahratta," " Deccan," in place of 
"Mughal," "Marhata," " Dakkhin." Following the Author's 
example, I have not thought it necessary to overload the text 
by the use of accents and diacritical marks, which are useless 
to the scholar and only embarrass the general reader. But in 
the Index I have accentuated the personal and place names 
so far as I beheved I could do so with safety. Some of these 
I have been unable to trace in later authorities, and I fear 
that I may have failed to secure complete miiformity of 

The scheme of the book, which attempts to give parallel 
accounts of each State, naturally causes difficulty to the reader. 
A like embarrassment is felt by any historian who endeavours 
to combine in a single narrative the fortvmes of the Mughal 
Empire with those of the kingdoms in Bengal, the Deccan, or 
southern India ; by the historian of Greece, where the centre 
of activity sliifts frona Athens to Sparta, Thebes, or Macedonia ; 
by the historian of Giermany before the minor kingdoms were 
more or less fully absorbed by the HohenzoUerns. I have 
endeavoured to assist the reader in dealing with these independent 
uimals by largely extending the original Index, and by the use 
of page headings and paragraph summaries. 

In the dates recorded in the summaries I have generally followed 
LieuLenant-Colonel Erskine's guidance, so far as his work was 
available. In view of the inconsistencies between some dates 
in the text and those recorded in the sununaries, it must be 
remembered that it was the Author's habit in adapting the 
dates of the Samvat tu those of the Christian era, to deduct 56, 


not 57 from the former, contrary to the practice of modern 

I am indebted to many friends for assistance. Captain C. D'. 
M'K. Blunt has kindly given me much help in the record of 
Colonel Tod's life, and has suppUed a photograph of the charming 
miniature of the Author as a young officer and of a bust which 
have been reproduced in the frontispieces. Mr. R. E. Enthoven, 
C.I.E., has given me the photograph of the Author engaged in 
his studies with his Jain Guru.^ The fragments of local ballads 
scattered through the text were unfortunately copied from very 
incorrect texts. Dr. L. P. Tessitori, an Itahan scholar, who, 
until the outbreak of the War, was engaged in collecting the 
local ballads of the Rajputs, has given a correct version of these 
ballads ; and in improving the text of them I have been assisted 
by Colonel C. E. Luard, his Pandit, and Sir G. Grierson, K.C.I.E. 
Since the greater part of the following pages was in type, I have 
received copies of three reports by Dr. L. P. Tessitori, " A Scheme 
for the Bardic and Historical Survey of Rajputana," and two 
Progress Reports for the years 1915 and 1916, pubUshed in the 
Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal (New Series, vol. x. 
No. 10 ; xii. No. 3 ; xiii. No. 4). These contain information 
regarding the MSS. copies of some ballads and inscriptions, 
which throw Ught on the traditions and antiquities of the Rajputs. 
I regret that I was imable to use these papers, which, however, 
do not supply much information on questions connected with 
The Annals. Among other friends who have helped me in 
various ways I may name the late Sir G. Birdwood; Mr. W. 
Foster, CLE. ; Professor A. Keith, F.R.S. ; Lieutenant-Colonel 
Sir D. Prain, F.R.S. ; and Dr. Vincent A. Smith, CLE. 


1 This picture, supposed to be the work of Ghasi, the Author's artist, was 
recently discovered in Rajputana, 



Preface by the Editor ...... ix 

Introduction ry the Editor . . . . . xxv 

BiRLIOGRAPHY ........ xlvii 

Author's Introduction ...... Iv 




Genealogies of the Rajput princes — The Puranas — Connexion of 

the Rajputs with tlie Scytliic tribes . . . .23 


Genealogies continued — Fictions in the Puranas — -Union of the 
regal and the priestly characters — Legends of the Puranas 
confirmed by the Greek historians . . . .29 


Genealogies continued — Comparisons between the lists of Sir W. 
Jones, IMr. Bentley, Captain Wiiford, and the Author — 
Synchronisms . . . . . . .39 




Foundations of States and Cities by the different tribes . . 45 


The dynasties wliich succeeded Rama and Krishna — The Pandava 

family — Periods of tlie different dynasties . . .55 


Genealogical history of tlie Rajput tribes subsequent to Vikrama- 
ditya — Foreign races wluch entered India — Analogies be- 
tween the Scythians, the Rajputs, and the tribes of Scan- 
dinavia ........ 68 


Catalogue of the Thirty-six Royal Races . . . .97 

Reflections on the present political state of the Rajput tribes . 145 




Introduction — Existing condition of Rajasthan — General re- 
semblance between the ancient systems of Asia and Europe 
— Noble origin of the Rajput race — Rathors of Rlarwar — 
Kachhwahas of Amber — Sesodias of Mewar — Gradation of 
ranks — Revenues and rights of the Crown — Barar — Khar 
Lakar ........ 153 




Legislative authority — Rozina — Military service — Inefficiency of 

this form of government ...... 170 


Feudal incidents — Duration of grants .... 184 


Rakliwali — Servitude — Basai — Gola and Das — Private feuds and 

composition — Rajput Pardhans or Premiers • . . 203 


Adoption — Reflections upon the subjects treated . . . 220 

Appendix ..... . . 228 



Origin of the Guhilot princes of Mewar — Authorities — Kanaksen 
the founder of the present dynasty — His descent from Rama 
— He emigrates to Saurashtra — Valabhipura — Its sack and 
destruction by the Huns or Parthians .... 247 


Birth of Goha — He acquires Idar — Derivation of the term 
" Guhilot " — Birth of Bappa — Early religion of the Guhilots — 
Bappa's liistory — Oghana Panarwa — Bappa's initiation into 
the worship of Siva — He gains possession of Chitor — Remark- !> 
able end of Bappa — Four epochs established, from the second i 
to the eleventh century . . . . . . ' 258 




Alleged Persian extraction of the Ranas of Mewar — Authorities 
for it — Implied descent of the Ranas from a Christian princess 
of Byzantium — Tlie Author's reflections upon tliese points . 271 


Intervening sovereigns between Bappa and Samarsi — Bappa's 
descendants — Irruptions of the Arabians into India — Cata- 
logue of Hindu princes who defended Chitor . . 281 


Historical facts furnished by the bard Chand — Anangpal — 
Prithiraj — Samarsi — Overthrow of the Chauhan monarch by 
the Tatars — Posterity of Samarsi — Rahap — Changes in the 
title and the triSe of its prince — Successors of Rahap • 297 


Rana Lakhamsi — Attack on Chitor by Alau-d-din — Treachery of 
Ala — Ruse of the Chitor chiefs to recover Bhimsi — Devotion 
of the Rana and his sons — Sack of Chitor by the Tatars — Its 
destruction — Rana Ajaisi — Hamir — He gains possession of 
Cliitor — Renown and prosperity of Mewar — lihetsi — Lakha 307 


Delicacy of the Rajputs — The occasion of changing the rule of 
primogeniture in Mewar — Succession of the infant Mokalji, 
to the prejudice of Chonda, the rightful heir — Disorders in 
Mewar through the usurpations of the Rathors — Chonda 
expels them from Chitor and takes Mandor — Transactions 
between Mewar and Marwar — Reign of Mokalji — His 
assassination ....... 322 


Succession of Kumbha — He defeats and takes prisoner Mahmud 
of Malwa — Splendour of Kumbha's reign — Assassinated by 
his son — The murderer dethroned by Raemall — Mewar in- 
vaded by the imperial forces — RaemalFs successes — Feuds 
of the family — Death of Raemall .... 333 




Accession of Rana Sanga— State of the Muhammadan power — 
Grandeur of Mewar — Sanga's victories — Invasions of India — 
Babur's invasion — Defeats and kills the King of Dellii — 
Opposed by Sanga — Battle of Khanua — Defeat of Sanga — His 
death and character — Accession of Rana Ratna — His death 
— Rana Bikramajit — His character — Disgusts his nobles — 
Chitor invested by the King of Malwa — Storm of Chitor — - 
Sakha or immolation of the females — Fall and plunder of 
Chitor — Humayun comes to its aid — He restores Chitor to 
Bikramajit, who is deposed by the nobles — Election of 
Banbir — Bikramajit assassinated .... 348 


The bastard Banbir rules Mewar — Attempted assassination of the 
posthumous son of Sanga — ^Udai Singh's escape and long 
concealment — Acknowledged as Rana — The Dauna described 
— Udai Singh gains Chitor — Deposal of Banbir — Origin of 
the Bhonslas of Nagpur — Rana Udai Singh — His unworthi- 
ness — Humayun expelled the throne of India — Birth of Akbar 
— Humayun recovers his throne— His death — Accession of 
Akbar— Characters of Akbar and Udai Singh contrasted — 
Akbar besieges Chitor, which is abandoned by the Rana — Its 
defence — Jaimall and Patta — Anecdotes of Rajput females 
— Sakha or Johar — General assault — Chitor taken — Massacre 
of the inliabitants — Udai Singh founds the new capital 
Udaipur— His death . . . . . .367 


Accession of Partap — The Rajput princes unite with Akbar — 
Depressed condition of Partap — He prepares for war — 
Maldeo submits to Akbar — Partap denounces connexion 
with the Rajput princes — Raja Man of Amber — Prince Salim 
invades Mewar — Battle of Haldighat — Partap encounters 
Salim, is wounded, and saved by the Jhala chief — Assisted 
in liis flight by his brother Sakta — Kumbhalmer taken by 
Akbar — Udaipur occupied by the Moguls — Partap cuts off 
Farid and his army — Partap's family saved by the Bhils — 
The Khankhanan^ — Aggravated hardships of Partap — ^He 
negotiates with Akbar— Prithiraj of Bikaner — -The Khushroz 
described — Partap abandons Mewar — Departure for the 
Indus — Fidelity of his minister — Returns — Surprises the 
Moguls — Regains Kumbhalmer and Udaipur — His successes 
— His sickness and death ..... 385 




Amra mounts the throne — Akbar's death through an attempt to 

poison Raja Man — Amra disregards the promise given to his > 
father — Conduct of the Salumbar chief — Amra defeats the 
Imperial armies — Sagarji installed as Rana in Chitor — Re- 
signs it to Amra — Fresh successes — Origin of the Saktawats 
' — ^The Emperor sends his son Parvez against the Rana, who 
is defeated — Mahabat Khan defeated — Sultan Khurram in- 
vades Mewar — Amra's despair and submission — Embassy 
from England — Amra abdicates the throne to his son — 
Amra's seclusion — His death — Observations . • . 407 


Rana Karan fortifies and embellishes Udaipur — The Ranas of 
Mewar excused attendance at court — Bhim commands the 
contingent of Mewar — Leagues with Sultan Khurram against 
Parvez — Jahangir attacks the insurgents — Bhim slain — 
Kliurram flies t» Udaipur — His reception by the Rana — 
Death of Karan — Rana Jagat Singh succeeds — Death of 
Jahangir and accession of Khurram as Shah Jahan — Mewar 
enjoys profound peace — ^The island palaces erected by 
Jagat Singh — Repairs Chitor — His death — Rana Raj Singh 
— ^Deposal of Shah Jahan and accession of Aurangzeb — 
Causes for attachment to the Hindus of Jahangir and Shah 
Jahan — Aurangzeb's character ; imposes the Jizya or 
capitation tax on the Rajputs — Raj Singh abducts the in- 
tended wife of the emperor and prepares for war — Aurangzeb 
marches — The valley of Girwa — Prince Akbar surprised — 
Defeated — Blockaded in the mountains — Liberated by the 
heir of Mewar — Diler Khan defeated — Aurangzeb defeated 
by the Rana and his Rathor allies — Aurangzeb quits the 
field — Prince Bhim invades Gujarat — The Rana's minister 
ravages Malwa — United Rajputs defeat Azam and drive him 
from Chitor — Mewar freed from the Moguls — ^War carried 
into Marwar — Sesodias and Rathors defeat Sultan Akbar — 
Rajput stratagem — ^Design to depose Aurangzeb and elevate 
Akbar to the throne — Its failure— The Mogul makes over- 
tures to the Rana — Peace — ^Terms — The Rana dies of his 
wounds — His character, contrasted with that of Aurangzeb 
— Lake Rajsamund — Dreadful famine and pestilence . 427 


Rana Jai Singh — Anecdote regarding him and his twin brother — 
The Rana and Prince Azam confer — Peace — Rupture — The 
Rana forms the Lake Jaisamund — ^Domestic broils — Amra, 
the heir-apparent, rebels — The Rana dies — Accession of Amra 
— His treaty with the heir of Aurangzeb — Reflections on the 



events of tliis period — Imposition of the Jizya or capitation 
tax — Alienation of the Rajputs from the empire — Causes — 
Aurangzeb's death — Contests for empire — Bahadur Shah, 
emperor — The Sikhs declare for independence — Triple 
alliance of the Rajput States of Mewar, Marwar, and Amber 
— They commence hostilities — Death of the JMogul Bahadur 
Shah — Elevation of Farrukhsiyar — He marries the daughter 
of the Prince of Marwar — Origin of the British power in India 
— The Rana treats with the emperor — The Jats declare their 
independence — Rana Amra dies — His character . . 45G 


Rana Sangram — Dismemberment of the Mogul Empire — 
Nizamu-1 Mulk establishes the Haidarabad State — Murder 
of the Emjieror Farrukhsiyar — Abrogation of the Jizya-*— 
Muhammad. Shah, Emperor of Delhi- — Saadat KJian obtains 
Oudh — Repeal of the Jizya confirmed — Policy of Mewar — 
Rana Sangram dies — Anecdotes regarding him — Rana 
Jagat Singh II. succeeds — Treaty of triple alliance with 
Marwar and Amber — The Mahrattas invade and gain footing 
in Malwa and Gujarat — Invasion of Nadir Sliah — Sack of 
Delhi — Condition of Rajputana — Limits of Mewar — Rajput 
alliances — Bajirao invades Mewar — Obtains a cession of 
annual tribute — Contest to place Madho Singh on the throne 
of Amber — Battle of Rajmahall — The Rana defeated — He 
leagues wth Malharrao Holkar — Isari Singh of Amber takes 
poison — The Rana dies — His character . . .472 


Rana Partap II. — Rana Raj Singh II. — Rana Arsi — Holkar in- 
vades Mewar, and levies contributions — Rebellion to depose 
the Rana — A Pretender set up by the rebel chiefs — Zalim 
Singh of Kotah — ^The Pretender unites vnth Sindhia — ^Their 
combined force attacked by the Rana, who is defeated — 
Sindhia invades Mewar and besieges Udaipur — Amra Chand 
made minister by the Rana — His noble conduct — ^Negotiates 
with Sindhia, who withdraws — Loss of territory to Mewar — 
Rebel chiefs return to their allegiance — Province of Godwar 
lost — Assassination of the Rana — Rana Hamir succeeds — 
Contentions between the Queen Regent and Amra — His 
noble conduct, death, and character — Diminution of the 
Mewar territory . . , . . . .496 


Rana Bliim — Feud of Sheogarh — The Rana redeems the alien- 
ated lands — Ahalya Bai attacks the Rana's army — Which 
is defeated — Chondawat rebellion — Assassination of the 



Minister Soniji— The rebels seize on Chitor — Mahadaji Sindhia 
called in by the Rana — Invests Chitor — The rebels surrender 
— Designs of Zalim Singh for power in Mewar — Counter- 
acted by Ambaji, who assumes the title of Subahdar, con- 
tested by Lakwa — Effects of these struggles — Zalim obtains 
Jahazpur — Holkar invades Mewar — Confines the priests of 
Nathdwara — Heroic conduct of the Chief of Kotharia — 
Lakwa dies — The Rana seizes the Mahratta leaders — 
Liberated by Zalim Singh — Holkar returns to Udaipur — 
Imposes a heavy contribution^Sindhia's invasion — Re- 
flections on their contest with the British — Ambaji projects 
the partition of Mewar — Frustrated — Rivalry for Krishna 
Kunwari, the Princess of Mewar, produces war throughout 
Rajasthan — Immolation of Krishna — Amir Khan and Ajit 
Singh — Their villainy — British Embassy to Sindhia's Court 
at Udaipur — Ambaji is disgraced, and attempts suicide — 
Airur Khan and Bapu Sindhia desolate Mewar — The Rana 
forms a treaty with the British . . . . .511 


Overthrow of the predatory system — Alliances with the Rajput 
States — Envoy appointed to Mev/ar — Arrives at Udaipur — 
Reception — Description of the Court^ — ^Political geography 
of Mewar — The Rana — His character — His ministers — Plans 
— Exiles recalled — Merchants invited — Bhilwara established 
— Assembly of the nobles — Charter ratified ; Resumptions of 
land ; Anecdotes of the Chiefs of Arja, Badnor, Badesar, 
and Amet — Landed tenures in Mewar — Village rule — Free- 
hold {bupota) of Mewar — Bhumia, or allodial vassals : Char- 
acter and privileges— Great Register of Patents— Traditions 
exemplifying right in the soil — The Patel ; his origin ; 
character — Assessment of land-rents — General results . 547 


Bust of Colonel James Tod 
Section of Country 






List of Thirty-six Royal Races 


Salumbar . 


Sanskrit Grant 


Palace of Udaipur 


Palace of Rana Blilm 


Ruins of Fortress of Bayana 








Maharaja BliTin Singli 


Facsimile of Native Drawing 


VOL. 1 


James Tod, the Author of this work, son of James Tod and Mary 
Heatly, was born at Islington on March 20, 1782. His father, 
James Tod the first, eldest son of Henry Tod of Bo'ness and Janet 
Monteath, was born on October 26, 1745. In 1780 he married 
in New York Mary, daughter of Andrew Heatly, a member 
of a family originally settled at Mellerston, Co. Berwick, where 
they had held a landed estate for some four centuries. Andrew 
Heatly emigrated to Rhode Island, where he died at the age of 
thirty-six in 1761. He had married Mary, daughter of Sueton 
Grant, of the family of Gartinbeg, really of Balvaddon, who left 
Inverness for Newport, Rhode Island, in 1725, and Temperance 
Talmage or Tollemache, granddaughter of one of the first and 
principal settlers at Easthampton, Rhode Island. He had been 
forced to emigrate to America during the Protectorate, owing to 
his loyalty to King Charles I. James Tod, the first, left America, 
and in partnership with his brother John, became an indigo- 
planter at Mirzapur, in the United Provinces of Agra and Oudh. 
.Tames Tod, the second, was thus through his father and his 
uncles Patrick and S. Heatly, both members of the Civil Service 
of the East India Company, closely connected with India, and in 
1798, being then sixteen years old, he obtained through the 
influence of his imcle, Patrick Heatly, a cadetship in the service 
of the East India Company. On his arrival at Calcutta he was 
attached to the 2nd European Regiment. -In 1800 he was trans- 
ferred, with the rank of Lieutenant, to the 14th Native Infantry, 
from which he passed in 1807, with the same rank, to the 25th 
Native Infantry. In 1805 he was appointed to the command of 
the escort of his friend Mr. Graeme Mercer, then Government 
Agent at the Camp'of Daulat Rao Sindhia, who had been defeated 


two years before at the battle of Assaye by Sir Arthur Wellesley. 
In more than one passage in The Annals Tod speaks of Mr. 
Graeme Mercer with respect and affection, and by him he was 
introduced to official life and Rajput and Mahratta politics. His 
tastes for geographical inquiries led liim to undertake surveys in 
Rajputana and Central India between 1812 and 1817, and he 
employed several native surveyors to traverse the then little - 
known region between Central India and the valley of the Indus. 

At this period the Government of India was engaged in a 
project for suppressing the Pindaris, a body of lawless free- 
booters, of no single race, the debris of the adventurers who 
gained power during the decay of the Mughal Empire, and who 
had not been incorporated in the armies of the local powers 
which rose from its ruins. In 1817, to effect their suppression, 
the Governor-General, the Marquess of Hastings, collected the 
strongest British force which up to that time had been assembled 
in India. Two armies, acting in co-operation from north and 
south, converged on the banditti, and met with rapid success. 
Sindhia, whose power depended on the demoralized condition of 
Rajputana, was overawed ; Holkar was defeated ; the Raja of 
Nagpur was captured ; the Mahratta Peshwa became a fugitive ; 
the Pindaris were dispersed. One of their leaders, Amir Khan, 
who is frequently mentioned in Tod's narrative, disbanded his 
forces, and received as his share of the spoils the Principality of 
Tonk, still ruled by his descendants. 

In the course of this campaign Tod performed valuable 
services. At the beginning of the operations he supplied the 
British Staff with a rough map of the seat of war, and in other 
ways his local knowledge was utilized by the Generals in cha;-ge 
of the operations. In 1813 he had been promoted to the rank of 
Cajitain in command of the escort of the Resident, Mr. Richard 
Strachey, who nominated him to the post of his Second Assistant. 
In 1818 he was appointed Political Agent of Western Rajputana, 
a post which he held till his retirement in June 1822. The work 
which he carried out in Rajputana during this period is fully 
described in The Annals and in his " Personal Narrative." Owing 
to Mahratta oppression and the ravages of the Pindaris, the 
condition of the country, political, social, and economical, was 
deplorable. To remedy this prevailing anarchy the States were 
gradually brought under British control, and their relations with 


the paramount power were embodied in a series of treaties. In 
this work of reform, reconstruction, and conciliation, Tod played 
an active part, and the confidence and respect with which he was 
regarded by the Princes, Chiefs, and peasantry enabled him to 
interfere with good effect in tribal quarrels, to rearrange the fiefs 
of the minor Chiefs, and to act as arbitrator between the Rana 
of Me war and his subjects. 

Tod was convinced that the miserable state of the country 
was chiefly due to the hesitation of the Indian Government in 
interfering for the re-establishment of order ; and on this ground 
he does not hesitate to condemn the cautious policy of Lord 
Cornwallis during his second term of office as Governor- General. 
Few people at the present day would be disposed to defend the 
policy of non-intervention. " This policy has been condemned 
by historians and commentators, as well as by statesmen, 
soldiers, and diplomatists ; by Mill and his editor, H. H. Wilson, 
and by Thornton ; by Lord Lake and Sir John Malcolm. The 
mischief was done and the loss of influence was not regained for 
a decade. It was not till the conclusion of an expensive and pro- 
tracted campaign, that the Indian Government was replaced in 
the position where it had been left by Wellesley. The blame for 
tliis weak and unfortmiate policy must be divided between Corn- 
wallis and Barlow, between the Court of Directors and the Board 
of Control." But it was carried out in pursuance of orders from 
the Home Government. " The Court of Directors for some time 
past had been alarmed at Lord Wellesley's vigorous foreign 
policy. Castlereagh at the Board of Control had taken fright, 
and even Pitt v/as carried away and committed himself to a hasty 
oi^inion that the Governor -General had acted imprudently and 
illegally." ^ 

Tod tells us little of his relations with the Supreme Government 
during his four years' service as Political Agent. He was notori- 
ously a partisan of the Rajput princes, iDarticularly those of Mewar 
and Marwar ; he is never tired of abusing the policy of the 
Emperor Aurangzeb, and, fortunately for the success of his work, 
Muhammadans form only a shght minority in the population of 
Rajputana. Tliis attitude naturally exposed him to criticism. 
Writing in 1824, Bishop Heber,^ while he recognizes that he was 

1 W. S. Seton Carr, The Marquess Cornwallis, 180, 189 f. 
2 Narrative of a Journey through the Upper Provinces, ed. 1861, ii. 54- 


held in affection and respect by "all the upper and middhng 
classes of society," goes on to say : " His misfortiine was that, 
in consequence of his favouring the native princes so much, the 
Government of Calcutta were led to suspect him of corruption, 
and consequently to narrow his powers and associate other officers 
with him in his trust till he was disgusted and resigned his place. 
They are now, I beheve, well satisfied that their suspicions were 
groundless. Captain Todd {sic) is strenuously vindicated from 
the charge by all the officers with whom I have conversed, and 
some of whom had abundant means of knowing what the natives 
themselves thought of him." The Bishop's widow, in a later 
issue of the Diary of her husband, adds that " she is anxious to 
remove any unfavourable impressions which may exist on the 
subject by stating, that she has now the authority of a gentleman, 
who at the time was a member of the Supreme Covmcil, to say, 
that no such imputation was ever fixed on Colonel Todd's (sic) 

Whatever may have been the real reason for the premature 
termination of liis official career at the age of forty, iU-health 
was put forward as the ostensible cause of his retirement. He 
had served for about twenty-four years in the Indian plains 
without any leave ; he had long suffered from malaria ; and, 
though he hardly suspected it at the time, an attempt had been 
made by one of his servants to poison him with Datura ; he 
had met with a serious accident when, by chance or design, his 
elephant-driver dashed his howdah against the gate of Begun 
fort in eastern Mewar. In spite of all this, he retained sufficient 
health to make, on the eve of his departure from India, the 
extensive tour recorded in his Travels in Western India. Neither 
on his retirement, nor at any subsequent period, were liis services, 
official and hterary, rewarded by any distinction. 

During his seventeen years' service in Central India and 
Kajputana he showed indefatigable industry in the collection 
of the materials which were partially used in liis great work. 
His taste for the study of liistory and antiquities, etluiology, 
popular religion, and superstitions was stimulated by the pioneer 
work of Sir W. Jones and other writers in the Asiatic Researches. 
He was not a trained philologist, and he gained much of liis 
information from liis Guru, the Jain Yati Gyanchandra, and the 
Brahman Pandits whom he employed to make inquiries on his 


behalf. They, too, were not trained scholars in the modern 
sense of the term, and many of his mistakes are due to his rash- 
ness in following their guidance. 

His hfe was prolonged for tliirteen years after he left India. 
In 1824, he attained the rank of Major, and in 1826 that of Lieu- 
tenant-Colonel. Much of his time in England was spent in 
arranging liis materials and compiling the works upon which his 
reputation depends : The Annals, pubhshed. between 1829 and 
1832 ; and his Travels in Western India, published after his 
death, in 1839. He was in close relations with the Royal Asiatic 
Society, of wliich he acted for a time as Librarian. In this fine 
collection of books and manuscripts he gained much of that 
discursive learning which appears in' The Annals. He presented 
to the Society niunerous manuscripts, inscriptions, and coins. 
The fine series of drawings made to illustrate his works by Captain 
P. T. Waugh and a native artist named Ghasi, have recently 
been rearranged and catalogued in the Library of the Society. 
They well deserve inspection by any one interested in Indian art. 
He also made frequent tours on the Continent, and on one occasion 
visited the great soldier, Comit Benoit de Boigne, who died in 
1830, leaving a fortune of twenty millions of francs. 

On November 16, 1826, Tod married Juha, daughter of Dr. 
Henry Clutterbuck, an eminent London surgeon, by whom he 
had two sons and a daughter. In 1835 he settled in a house in 
Regent's Park, and on November 17 of the same year he died 
suddenly wliile transacting business at the office of his bankers, 
Messrs. Robarts of Lombard Street. The names of his descend- 
ants will appear from the pedigree appended to this Introduction. 

The Annals of Rajasthan, the two volumes of which were, 
by permission, dedicated to Kings George IV. and WiUiam IV. 
respectively, was received with considerable favour. A con- 
temporary critic deals with it in the following terms : ^ " Colonel 
Tod deserves the praise of a most delightful and industrious 
collector of materials for history, and his own narrative style in 
many places displays great freedom, vigour, and perspicuity. 
Though not always correct, and occasionally stiff and formal, it 
is not seldom highly animated and picturesque. The faults of 
his work are inseparable from its nature ; it would have been 
almost impossible to mould up into one continuous history the 
^ Quarterly Review, vol. xlviii. Oct.-Dec. 1832, pp. 38 f. 


distinct and separate annals of the various Rajput races. The 
patience of the reader is thus imavoidably put to a severe trial, 
in having to reascend to the origin, and again to trace downwards 
the parallel annals of some new tribe — sometimes interwoven 
Avith, sometimes entirely distinct from, those which have gone 
before. But, on the whole, as no one but Colonel Tod could have 
gathered the materials for such a work, there are not many who 
could have used them so well. No candid reader can arise from 
its perusal without a very high sense of the character of the Author 
— no scholar, more certainly, without respect for his attainments, 
and gratitude for the service which he has rendered to a branch 
of literature, if far from popular, by no means to be estimated, as 
to its real importance, by the extent to which it may command 
the favour of an age of duodecimos." 

In estimating the value of the local authorities on which the 
liistory is based. Tod reposed undue confidence in the epics and 
ballads composed by the poet Chand and other tribal bards. It 
is believed that more than one of these poems have disappeared 
since his time, and these materials have been only in part edited 
and translated. The value to be placed on bardic literature is a 
question not free from difficulty. " On the faith of ancient songs, 
the uncertain but the only memorials of barbarism," says Gibbon, 
" they [Cassiodorus and Jornandes] deduced the first origin of the 
Goths." ^ The poet may occasionally record facts of value, but 
in his zeal for the honour of the tribe which he represents, he is 
tempted to exaggerate victories, to minimize defeats. This is a 
danger to which Indian poets are particularly exposed. Their 
trade is one of fulsome adulation, and in a state of society like 
that of the Rajputs, where tribal and personal rivalries flourish, 
the temptation to give a false colouring to history is great. In 
fact, bardic literature is often useful, not as evidence of occurrences 
in antiquity, but as an indication of the habits and beliefs current 
in the age of the writer. It exhibits the facts, not as they really 
occurred, but as the writer and lais contemporaries supposed that 
they occurred. The mind of the poet, with all its prejudices, 
projects itself into the distant past. Good examples of the 
methods of the bards will appear in the attempt to connect the 
Rathors with the dynasty of Kanauj, or to represent the Chauhans 
as the founders of an empire in the Deccan. 

^ Decline and Fall, ed. W. Smith, i. 375. 


Recent investigation has thrown much new hght on the origin 
of the Rajputs. A wide gulf hes between the Vedic Kshatriya 
and the Rajput of medieval times which it is now impossible to 
bridge. Some clans, with the help of an accommodating bard, 
may be able to trace their lineage to the Kshatriyas of Buddhist 
times, who v.ere recognized as one of the leading elements in 
Hindu society, and, in their own estimation, stood even higher 
tlxan the Brahmans.^ But it is now certain that the origin of 
many clans dates from the Saka or Kushan invasion, which began 
about the middle of the second century B.C., or more certainly, 
from that of the ^Vl^lite Huns who destroyed the Gupta empire 
about A.D. 480. The Gurjara tribe connected with the latter 
people adopted Hinduism, and their leaders formed the main 
stock from which the higher Rajput families sprang. When 
these new claimants to princely honours accepted the faith and 
institutions of Brahmanism, the attempt would naturally be made 
to ainiiate themselves to the mythical heroes whose exploits are 
recorded in the Mahabharata and Ramayana. Hence arose the 
body of legend recorded in The Annals by wliich a fabulous 
origin from the Sun or Moon is ascribed to two great Rajput 
branches, a genealogy claimed by other princely families, like 
the Incas of Peru or the Mikado of Japan. Or, as in the case of 
the Rathors of Marwar, an equally fabulous story was invented 
to link them with the royal house of Kanauj, one of the genuine 
old Hindu ruling families. The same feeling lies at the root of 
the Aeneid of Virgil, the court poet of the new empire. The clan 
of the emperor Augustus, the lulii, a jiatrician family of Alban 
origin, was represented as the heirs of lulus, the supposed sou of 
Aeneas and founder of Alba Longa, thus linking the new Augustan 
house with the heroes of the Iliad. 

One of the merits of Tod's work is that, though his knowledge of 
ethnology was imperfect, and he was unable to reject the local 
chronicles of the Rajputs, he advocated, in anticipation of the 
conclusions of later scholars, the so-called " Scythic " origin of 
the race. To make up for the lack of direct evidence of Scythian 
manners and sociology to support this position, he was forced 
to rely on certain superficial resemblances of custom and belief, 
not between Rajputs, Scythians and Hims, but between Rajputs, 

1 V. A. Smith, Early History of India, 3rd ed. 408 ; Rhys Davids, Buddhist 
India, 60 f. 


Getae or Thracians, or the Germans of Tacitus. In the same way 
a supposed identity of name led him to identify the Jats of 
northern India with the Getae or with the Goths, and finally to 
bring them with the Jutes into Kent. 

A similar process of groping in semi-darkness induced him to 
make constant references to serpent worship, which, as Sir E. 
Tylor remarked, " years ago fell into the hands of speculative 
writers who mixed it up with occult philosophies, druidical 
mysteries, and that portentous nonsense called the ' Arkite sym- 
bolism,' till now sober students hear the very name of ophiolatry 
with a shudder." ^ He repeatedly speaks of a people whom he 
calls the " Takshaks," apparently one of the Scytliian tribes. 
There is, however, no reason to beheve that serpent worship 
formed an important element in the beliefs of the Scythians, or 
to suppose that the cult, as we observe it in India, is of other than 
indigenous origin. 

The more recent \aews of the origin of the Rajputs may be 
briefly illustrated in comiexion with some of the leading septs. 
Dr. Vincent A. Smith holds that the term Kshatriya was not an 
ethnical but an occupational designation. Rajaputra, ' son of a 
Raja,' seems to have been a name applied to the cadets of ruhng 
houses who, according to the ancient custom of tribal society, 
were in the habit of seeking their fortunes abroad, winning by 
some act of valour the hand of the princess whose land they visited, 
and with it the succession to the kingdom vested in her under the 
system of Mother Right. Sir James Frazer has described various 
forms of this mode of succession in the case of the Kings of Rome, 
Ashanti, Uganda, in certain Greek States, and other places.^ 
Dr. Smith goes on to say : " The term Kshatriya was, I beheve, 
always one of very vague meaning, simply denoting the Hindu 
ruhng classes wliich did not claim Brahnianical descent. Occasion- 
ally a raja might be a Brahman by caste, but the Brahman's place 
at court was that of a minister rather than that of king." " This 
ollice in Rajputana, as we learn from numerous instances in The 
Annals, was often taken by members of the Bania or mercantile 
class, because the Brahmans of the Desert, by their laxity of 

1 Primitive Culture, 2nd ed. ii. 239. 

* Lectures on the Early History of the Kingship, 231 £E. ; The Golden Bough, 
3rd ed. ; The Magic Art, ii. 269 ff. 
3 Early History oj India, 408. 


practice, had acquired an equivocal reputation, and were gener- 
ally illiterate. The Rajput has always, untU recent times, 
favoured the Bhat or bard more than the Brahman. 

The group denoted by the name Kshatriya or Rajput thus 
depended on status rather than on descent, and it was therefore 
possible for foreigners to be introduced into the tribes without 
any violation of the prejudices of caste, which was then only 
partially developed. In later times, under Brahman guidance, 
the rules of endogamy, exogamy, and confarreaiio have been 
deiinitely formulated. But as the power of the priesthood 
increased, it was necessary to disguise this admission of foreigners 
imder a convenient fiction. Hence arose the legend, told in two 
different forms in The Annals, wliich describes how, by a solemn 
act of purification or initiation, under the superintendence of one 
of the ancient Vedic Risiiis or inspired saints, the " fire-born " 
septs were created to help the Brahmans in repressing Buddhism, 
Jainism, or other heresies, and in estabhshing the ancient tradi- 
tional Hindu social pohcy, the temporary downfall of which, 
under the stress of foreign invasions, is carefully concealed in the 
Hindu sacred Uterature. This privilege was, we are told, confined 
to four septs, known as Agnikula, or ' fire-born ' — the Pramar, 
Parihar, Chalukya or Solanki, and the Chauhan. But there is 
good reason to beheve that the Pramar was the only sept which 
laid claim to this distinction before the time of the poet Chand, 
who flourished in the twelfth century of our era.^ The local 
tradition in Rajputana was so vague that in one version of the 
story Vasishtha, in the other Visvamitra, is said to have been the 
olficiating priest. 

In the case of the Sesodias of Mewar, Mr. D. R. Bhandarkar 
has given reasons to beheve that Gehlot or Guliilot means simply 
' son of Guliila,' an abbreviation of Guhadatta, the name of its 
founder.^ He is said to have belonged to the Gurjara stock, 
kinsmen or aUies of the Huns who entered India about the sixth 
century of our era, and founded a kingdom in Rajputana with its 
capital at Bhilmal or Srimal, about fifty miles from Mount Abu, 

^ Journal Royal Asiatic /Society, 1905, I 11". The tradition seems to have 
started earlier in Southern India, y. Krishnaswami Aiyangar, Ancient 
India, 1911, 390 ff. 

- Journal Asiatic Society Bengal, 1909, 167 ff. The criticism by Pandit 
Mohaulal Vishnulal Pandia [ibid., 1912, 63 ff.) is extremely feeble. 


the scene of the regeneration of the Rajputs. This branch, which 
took the name of Maitrika, is said to be closely connected with the 
Mer tribe, which gave its name to Merwara, and is fully described 
in The Annals. The actual conqueror of Chitor, Bapa or Bappa, 
is said in inscriptions to have belonged to the branch known as 
Nagar, or ' City ' Brahmans which has its present headquarters 
at the town of Vadnagar in the Baroda State. Tliis conversion 
of a Brahman into a Rajput is at first sight starthng, but the fact 
implies that the institution of caste, as we observe it, was then 
only imperfectly estabfished, and there was no difficulty in 
believing that a Brahman could be ancestor of a princely house 
which now claims descent from the Sun. As will appear later on, 
Bapa seems to be a historical personage. These facts help us to 
understand the strange story in The Annals, which tells how 
Gohaditya received inauguration as chief by having his forehead 
smeared with blood drawn from the finger of a BhJl, a form of the 
blood covenant which appears among many savage tribes.^ In 
those days no definite hne was drawn between the Bhlls, now a 
wild forest tribe, and the Rajputs. The Bhils were the free lords 
of the jungle, original owners of the soil, and though they practised 
rites and followed customs repulsive to orthodox Hindus, they 
did not share in the impvu-ity which attached to foul outcastes 
like the Dom or the Chandala. , As the Bhils were believed to be 
autochthonous, and thus understood the methods of controlling 
or conciliating the local spirits, by this form of inauguration they 
passed on their knowledge to the Rajputs whom they accepted 
as their lords. The relations of the Minas, another jungle tribe 
of the same class, with the Kachhwahas of Jaipur were of the 
same kind. 

According to the bardic legend given in The Annals, the 
Rathors, the second great Rajput clan, owed their origin to a 
migration of a body of its members to the western Desert when 
the territory of Kanauj was conquered by Shihabu-d-din in a.d. 
1193. But it is now certain that the ruling dynasty of Kanauj 
belonged, not to the Rathor, but to the Gaharwar clan, and that 
the first Rathor settlement in Rajputana must have occurred 
anterior to the conquest of Kanauj by the Musalmans. An 
inscription, dated a.d. 997, found in the ruins of the ancient town 
of Hathundi or Hastikundi in the Bali Hakumat of the Jodhpur 
j ^ E. S. Hartland, Primitive Paternity, i. 258 ff. 


State, names four Rathor Rajas who reigned there in the tenth 
century.^ The local legend is an attempt to connect the line of 
Rathor princes with the Kanaiij dynasty. It has been suggested 
that the Deccan dynasty of the Rashtrakiitas which, in name at 
least, is identical with Rathor, reigning at Nasik or Malkhed from 
A.D. 753 to 973, was connected with the Reddis or Raddis, a 
caste of cultivators which seem to have migrated from Madras 
into the Deccan at an early period. But any racial connexion 
between the Deccan Reddis and the Rathors of Rajputana is 
very doubtful.* * 

The Chandel clan, ranked in The Annals among the Thirty- 
six Royal Races, is believed to be closely connected with the 
Bhars and Gonds, forest tribes of Bundelkhand and the Central 
Provinces. Mr. R. V. Russell prefers to connect them with the 
Bhars alone, on the ground that the Gonds, according to the best 
traditions, entered the Central Provinces from the south, and 
made no effective settlement in Bundelkhand, the headquarters 
of the Chandels.^ But there was a Gond settlement in the 
Hainlrpur District of Bundelkhand, and the close connexion 
between the Gonds and the Chandels began in what is now the 
Chhatarpur State. 

The results of recent investigations into Rajput ethnology are > 
thus of great importance, and enable us to correct the bardic 
legends on which the genealogies recorded in The Annals were 
founded. Much remains to be done before the question can be 
finally settled. The local Rajput traditions and the ballads of 
the bards must be collected and edited ; the ancient sites in 
Rajputana must be excavated ; physical measurements, now 
somewhat discredited as a test of racial affinities, must be made in 
larger numbers and by more scientific methods. But the general 
thesis that some of the nobler Rajput septs are descended from 
Gurjaras or other foreigners, while others are closely connected 
with the autochthonous races, may be regarded as definitely 

One of the most valuable parts of The Annals is the chapter 

1 K. D. Eiskine, Gazetteer Western Rajput States and Bikaner Agency, 
A. i. 177. 

2 Bombay Gazetteer,!. Part i. 385; Bombay Census Heport, 1911, i. 279; 
Smith, Early History, 413. 

s Tribes and Castes of llie Central Provinces, iv. 441. 


describing the popular religion of Mewar, the festival and rites 
in honour of Gauri, the Mother goddess. There are also many 
incidental notices of cults and superstitions scattered through 
the work. A race of warriors like the Rajputs naturally favours 
the worship of Siva who, as the successor of Rudra, the Vedic 
storm-god, was originally a terror-inspiring deity, a side of his 
character only imperfectly veiled by his euphemistic title of Siva, 
' the blessed or auspicious One.' In his phallic manifestation 
his chief shrine is at Eklingji, ' the single or notable phallus,' 
about fourteen miles north of Udaipur city. The Ranas hold 
the office of priest-kings, Dlwans or prime-ministers of the god. 
Their association with this deity has been explained by an in- 
scription recently found in the temple of Natha, ' the Lord,' 
now used as a storeroom of Jhe Eklingji temple.^ The inscription, 
dated a.d. 971, is in form of a dedication to LakulTsa, a form of 
Siva represented as bearing a club, and refers to the Saiva sect 
known as Lakullsa-Pasapatas. It records the name of a king 
named Sri-Bappaka, ' the moon among the princes of the Guhila 
dynasty,' who reigned at a place called Nagahvada, identified 
with Nagda, an ancient town several times mentioned in The 
Annals, the ruins of which exist at the foot of the hill on which 
the temple of Eklingji stands. Sri-Bappaka is certainly Bapa 
or Bappa, the traditional founder of the Mewar dynasty, which 
had at that time its capital at Nagda. From this inscription it is 
clear that the Eklingji temple was in existence before a.d. 971, 
and, as Mr. Bhandarkar remarks, " it shows that the old tradition 
about Nagendra and Bappa Rawal's infancy given by Tod had 
some historical foundation, and it is intelligible how the Ranas of 
Udaipur could have come to have such an intimate connexion with 
the temple as that of high priests, in which capacity they still 
officiate." This office vested in them is a good example of one 
of those dynasties of priest-kings of which Sir James Frazer has 
given an elaborate account.^ 

The milder side of the Rajput character is represented in the 
cult of Krishna at Nathdwara. The Mahant or Abbot of the 
temple, situated at the old village of Siarh, twenty-two miles 

^ D. R. Bhandarkar, Journal Bombay Branch Royal Asiatic Society, 
1916, Art. xii. 

2 The. Golden Bauqh, 3rd ed. ; The Magic Art, i. 44 flf. ; Adonis, Attis, 
Osiris, i. 42 f., 143 £f. 


from the city of Udaipur, enjoys semi-royal state. In anticipation 
of tlie raid by Aurangzeb on Mathura, a.d. 1669-70, tlie ancient 
image of Kesavadeva, a form of Krishna, ' He of the flowing 
locks,' was removed out of reach of danger by Rana Raj Singh 
of Mewar. When the cart bearing the image arrived at Siarh, 
the god, by stopping the cart, is said to have expressed liis inten- 
tion of remaining there. This was the origin of the famous temple, 
still visited by crowds of pilgrims, and one of the leading seats 
of the Vallabhacharya sect, ' the Epicureans of the East,' whose 
practices, as disclosed in the famous Maharaja libel case, tried at 
Bombay in 1861, gave rise to grievous scandal.^ The ill-feeling 
against this sect, aroused by these revelations, was so intense that 
the Maharaja of Jaipur ordered that the two famous images of 
Krishna worshipped in his State, which originally came from 
Gokul, near Mathura, should be removed from his territories 
into those of the Bharatpur State. 

Tod bears witness to the humanizing effect on the Rajputs of 
the worship of this god, whom he calls " the Apollo of Braj," the 
holy land of Krishna near Mathura. He also asserts that the 
Emperor Akbar favoured the worship of Krishna, a feeling shared 
by his successors Jahangir and Shah Jahan. Akbar, in his search 
for a new faith to supersede Islam, of which he was parens cultor 
et infrequens, dallied with Hindu Pandits, Parsi priests, and 
Christian missionaries, and he was doubtless well informed about 
the sensuous ritual of the temple of Nathdwara.^ 

The character of the Rajputs is discussed in many passages 
in The Annals. The Author expresses marked sympathy with 
the people among whom his official life was spent, and he expresses 
gratitude for the courtesy and confidence which they bestowed 
upon him. This applies specially to the Sesodias of Mewar and 
the Rathors of Marwar, with whom he lived in the closest intimacy. 
He sliows, on the other hand, a decided prejudice against the 
Kachhwahas of Jaipur, of whose diplomacy he disapproved. 
This feeling, we may suspect, was due in part to their hesitation 
in accepting the British alliance, a policy in which he was deeply 

1 Karsandas Mulji, History of the Sect of the Maharajas or Vallabhdcharyas, 
London, 1865 ; Report of the Mahdrdj Libel Case, Bombay, 1862 ; F. S. 
Growse, Mathura, 3rd ed. 283 f. 

2 V. A. Smith, Akbar, The Great Mogul, 162 ff. 


The virtues of the Rajput He on the surface — their loyalty, 
devotion, and gallantry ; their chivalry towards women ; their 
regard for their national customs. Their weaknesses — though 
Tod does not enumerate them in detail — are obvious from a study 
of their history — their instability of character, their liability to 
sudden outbreaks of passion, their tendency to yield to panic on 
the battlefield, their inability, as a result of their tribal system, 
to form a permanent combination against a public enemy, their 
occasional faithlessness to their chiefs and allies, their excessiv-e 
use of opium. These defects they share with most orientals, but, 
on the whole, they compare favourably with other races in the 
Indian Empire. There is much in their character and institutions 
which reminds us of the Gauls as pictured by Mommsen in a 
striking passage.^ Rajput women are described as virtuous, 
affectionate, and devoted, taking part in the control of the family, 
sharing with their husbands the dangers of war and sport, con- 
temptuous of the coward, and exercising a salutary influence in 
public and domestic affairs. 

Strangely enough, Tod omits to give us a detailed account of 
their marriage regulations and ceremonies. According to Mr. 
E. H. Kealy,^ while male children under one year old exceed the 
females, " the excess is not sufficiently great to justify the con- 
clusion that female babies are murdered, nor is the theory that 
female infants lost their lives by neglect supported by the 
statistics. Unhappily the returns show that a high proportion 
of married women is combined with a very low percentage of 
females as compared with males between the ages of ten and 
fourteen, the early stage of married life, and this defect is largely 
due to premature cohabitation, lack of medical attendance, and 
of sanitary precautions." No one can read without horror the 
many narratives of the Johar, the final sacrifice by which womei\ 
in the hour of defeat gave their lives to save their honour, and of 
the numerous cases of Sati. Both these customs are now only 
a matter of history, but so late as 1879 General Hervey was able 
to count at the Bikaner palace the handmarks of at least thirty- 
seven widows who ascended the pyre with their lords.* 

Much space in The Annals is occupied by a review of the 

1 History of Rome, ed. 1866, iv. 209 if. ' 

* Censufs Report, Rajpittana, 1911, i. 132. 

* Some Rerorch of Crime, ii, 217 f. 


so-called ' Feudal ' system in Rajputana. Tod was naturally 
attracted in the course of his discursive reading by Henry 
Hallam's View of the State of Europe during the Middle Ages, 
which first appeared in 1818, four years before Tod resigned his 
Indian appointment. Hallam himself was careful to point out 
that " it is of great importance to be on our guard against seeming 
analogies which vanish away when they are closely observed." ^ 
This warning Tod unguardedly overlooked. Hallam recognized 
that Feudalism was an institution the ultimate origin of which 
is still, to some extent, obscure. It possibly began with the 
desire for protection, the rakhzvdli of the Rajputs, but it seems 
to have been ultimately based on the private law of Rome, while 
the influence of the Church, interested in securing its endowments, 
was a factor in its evolution. In its completed form it represented 
the final stage of a process which began under the Frankish 
conquerors of Gaul. At any rate, it was of European origin, and 
though it absorbed much that was common to the types of tribal 
organization found in other parts of the world, it was moulded by 
the political, social, and economical environment amidst which 
it was developed. Hence, while it is possible to trace, as Tod has 
done, certain analogies between the tribal institutions of the 
Rajputs and the social organization of medieval Europe — 
analogies of feudal incidents connected with Reliefs, Fines upon 
alienation, Escheats, Aids, Wardship, and Marriage — these 
analogies, when more closely examined, are found to be in the 
main superficial. If we desire to undertake a comparative study 
of the Rajput tribal system, it is unnecessary to travel to medieval 
Europe, while we have close at hand the social organization of 
more or less kindred tribes on the Indian borderland, Pathans, 
Afghans, or ^aloch ; or, in a more primitive stage, those of the 
Kandhs, Gonds, Mtindas, or Oraons. It is of little service to 
compare two systems of which only the nucleus is common to 
both, and to place side by side institutions which present only 
a factitious similitude, because the social development of each 
has progressed on different lines. 

The Author's excursions into philology are the diversions of 
a- clever man, not of a trained scholar, but interested in the 
subject as an amateur. In his time the new learning on oriental 
subjects had only recently begun to attract the attention of 

1 View of the State of Europe during the Middle Ages, 12th ed. 1868, i. 186. 
VOL. I d 


scholars, of which Sir W. Jones was the prophet. Tod was a 
diligent student of The Asiatic Researches, the publication of 
which began at Calcutta in 1788. While much material of value 
is to be found in these volumes, many papers of Captain Francis 
Wilford and others are full of rash speculations which have not 
survived later criticism. Tod is not to blame because he followed 
the guidance of scholars who contributed articles to the leading 
Indian review of his time ; because he was ignorant of the laws 
of Grimm or Verner ; because, like his contemporaries, he 
believed that the mythology of Egypt or Palestine influenced the 
beliefs of the Indian people. It was his fate that many of his 
guesses were quoted with approval by writers like T, Maurice in 
his Indian Antiquities, and by N. Pococke in his India in Greece. 
It is also well to remember that many of the derivations of the 
names of Indian deities, confidently proposed by Kuhn and Max 
Muller a few years ago, are no longer accepted. Tod, at any 
rate, published his views on Feudalism and Philology without 
any pretence of dogmatism. 

One special question deserves examination — the constant 
references to the cult of Bal-Siva, a form of the Sun god. A 
learned Indian scholar. Pandit Gaurishankar Ojha, who is now 
engaged on an annotated edition of The Annals in Hindi, states 
that no temple or image dedicated to tliis god is known in 
Rajputana. It is, of course, not unlikely that Siva, as a deity 
of fertility, should be associated with Sun worship, but there 
is no evidence of the cult on which Tod lays special stress- It 
is almost useless to speculate on the source of his error. It 
may be based on a reference in the Ain-i-Akhari ^ to a certain 
Balnath, Jogi, who occupied a cell in a place in the Sindh Sagar 
Duab of the Panjab. At the same time, like many of the 
writers of his day, he may have had the Semitic Baal in his 

It was largely due to imperfect information received from his 
assistants that he shared with other writers of the time the con- 
fusion between Buddhism and Jainism, and supposed that the 
former religion was introduced into India from Central Asia. 
His elaborate attempt to extract history and a trustworthy 
scheme of chronology from the Puranas must be pronounced to 
be a failure. Recently a learned scholar, Mr. F. E. Pargiter, has 

1 ii. 315. 


shown how far an examination of these authorities can be con- 
ducted with any approach to probability.^ 

The questions wliich have been discussed do not, to any 
important extent, detract from the real value of the work. Even 
in those points which are most open to criticism, The Annals 
possesses importance because it represents a phase in the study 
of Indian religions, ethnology, and sociology'. No one can 
examine it without increasing pleasure and admiration for a 
writer who, immersed in arduous official work, was able to in- 
dulge his tastes for research. His was the first real attempt to 
investigate the beliefs of the peasantry as contrasted with the 
official Brahmanism, a study which in recent years has revolu- 
tionized the current conceptions of Hinduism. Even if his 
versions of the inscriptions which he collected fail to satisfy the 
requirements of more recent scholars, he deserves credit for 
rescuing from neglect and almost certain destruction epigraphical 
material for the use of his successors. The same may be said of 
the drawings of buildings, some of which have fallen into decay, 
or have been mutilated by their careless guardians. When he 
deals with facts which came under his personal observation, his 
accounts of beliefs, folk-lore, social life, customs, and manners 
possess permanent value. 

He observed the Rajputs when they were in a stage of transi- 
tion. Isolated by the inaccessibility of their country, they were 
the last guardians of Hindu beliefs, institutions, and manners 
against the rising tide of the Muhammadan invasions ; without 
their protection much that is important for the study of the Hindus 
must have disappeared. To avoid anarchy and the ultimate 
destruction of these States, it was necessary for them ta accept 
a closer union with the British as the paramount power. By 
this they lost something, but they gained much. The new 
connexion involved new duties and responsibiUties in adapting 
their primitive system of government to modern requirements. 
Tod thus stood at the parting of the ways. With the introduction 
of the railway and the post-office, the disappearance of the caravan 
as a means of transport, the increase of trade, the gi-owth of new 
wants and possibilities of development in association with the 

^ " Ancient Indian Genealogies and Chronology," " Earliest Indian 
Traditional History," Journal Royal Asiatic Society, January 1910, April 


Empire, the period of Rajput isolation came to a close. To some 
it may be a matter of regret that the personal rule of the Chief 
over a people strongly influenced by what they term swdmldharma, 
the reciprocal loyalty of subject to prince and of prince to people, 
should be replaced by a government of a more popular type. But 
this change was, in the nature of things, inevitable. As an 
example of this, a statement made by the Maharaja of BIkaner, 
when he was summoned to attend the Imperial Conference in 1917, 
may be quoted. " In my own territories we inaugurated some years 
ago the beginnings of a representative assembly. It now consists 
of elected, as well as nominated, non-official members, and their 
legislative powers follow the lines of those laid down for the 
Legislatures of British India in the 1909 reforms. In respect to 
the Budget they have the same powers as those conferred on the 
Supreme and Provincial Legislatures in British India by the 
Lansdowne reforms in force from 1893 to 1909. When announcing 
my intention of creating this representative body, I intimated 
that as the people showed their fitness they would be entrusted 
with more powers. Accordingly, at the end of the first triennial 
term, when the elections will take place, we are revising the rules 
of business in the direction of greater liberality and of removing 
unnecessary restrictions." It remains to be seen how far this 
policy will prove to be successful. 

It was a happy accident that before the period of transi- 
tion had begun in earnest, such a competent and sympathetic 
observer should have been able to examine and record one of 
the most interesting surviving phases of the ancient Hindu 

A soldier and a sportsman, Tod learned to understand the 
romantic, adventurous side of the Rajput character, and he 
recorded with full appreciation the fine stories of manly valour, 
of the self-sacrifice of women, the tragedies of the sieges of Chitor, 
the heroism of Ranas Sanga and Partab Singh, or of Durgadas. 
Many of these tales recall the age of medieval chivalry, and Tod 
is at his best in recording them. No one can read without admira- 
tion his account of the attack of the Saktawats and Chondawats 
on Untala ; of Suja and the tiger ; the tragedy of Krishna 
Kunwari ; of the queen of Ganor ; of Sanjogta of Kanauj ; of 
Guga Chauhan and Alu Hara. In many of these tales the Rajput 
displays the loyalty and valour, the punctilious regard for his 


personal honour wliicli in the case of the Spanish grandee have 
passed into a proverb. 

While the Rajput is courteous in his intercourse with those 
who are prepared to take him as he is, when he meets an English 
officer he resents any hint of patronage, he is jealous of any 
intrusion on the secluded folk behind the curtain, and he is often 
rather an acquaintance than a friend, inchned to shelter himself 
behind a dignified reserve, unwilUng to open his mind to any one 
who does not accept his traditional attitude towards men of a 
different race and of a different faith. When he makes a cere- 
monial visit to a European officer, his conversation is often con- 
fined to conventional compliments, or chat about the weather 
and the state of the crops. 

To remove these difficulties which obstruct friendly and con- 
fidential intercourse, the young officer in India may be advised 
to study the methods illustrated in this work. But he will do 
well to avoid Tod's openly expressed partisanship. He owed 
the affection and respect bestowed upon Mm by prince and 
peasant, and even by the jealously guarded ladies of the zenanah, 
to his kindhness and sympathy, his readiness to converse freely 
with men of aU classes, his patience in hstening to grievances, 
even those wliich he had no power to redress, his impartiahty as 
an arbitrator between the Rana of Mewar and his people or 
between individuals or sects unfriendly to each other. He studied 
the national traditions and usages ; he knew enough of reUgious 
behefs and of social customs to save lihn from giving offence by 
word or deed ; he could converse with the people in their own 
patois, and could give point to a remark by an apt quotation of a 
proverb or a scrap of an old ballad. 

When, if ever, a new history of the Rajputs comes to be 
written, it must be largely based on Tod's collections, supple- 
mented by wider historical, antiquarian, and epigraphical research. 
The liistory of the last century cannot be compiled until the 
recent administration reports, now treated as confidential, and 
the muniment rooms of Calcutta and London are open to the 
student. But it is unlikely that, for the present at least, any 
writer will enjoy, as Tod did, access to the records and correspond- 
ence stored in the palaces of the Chiefs. 

For the Rajput himself and for natives of India interested in 
the history of their coimtry, the work will long retain its value. 


It preserves a record of tribal rights and privileges, of claims 
based on ancient tradition, of feuds and their settlement, of 
genealogies and family history which, but for Tod's careful record, 
might have been forgotten or misinterpreted even by the Rajputs 
themselves. In the original Enghsh text which many Rajputs 
are now able to study they will find a picture of tribal society, 
now rapidly disappearing, drawn by a competent and friendly 
hand. Its interest will not be diminished by the fact that while 
the writer displays a hearty admiration for the Rajput character, 
he is not blind to its defects. At any rate, the Rajput will enjoy 
the satisfaction that his race has been selected to furnish the 
materials for the most comprehensive monograph ever compiled 
by a British officer describing one of the leading peoples of India. 























II — 

II — 

II — 




















4J O 


James Tod, S 
Bo'ness, b. 






— V 




! y 

- S3 

—in « 

•" si 

'^ c 

« 3 

3 § 




« ' 



►2'^ . 







« w V, 




^ ^• 











- <u . 

« h-H 









.2 s 


— en 



— C 

_ c 

— 3 


V o 











fe OS 





Abulghazi. General History of the Turks, Moguls, and Tartars. 

2 vols. London, 1729-30. 
AIn. Abu-1 Fazl, Allami. The Ain-i-Akbari, translated and edited 

by H. Blochmann and H. S. Jarrett. 3 vols. Calcutta, 1873-^4. 
AiTKEN, E. H. Gazetteer of Sind. Karachi, 1907. 
Akbarnama. The Akbarnama of Abu-1 Fazl, Allami, trans. H. 

Beveridge. Calcutta. Vol. i., 1907 ; vol. ii., 1912 ; vol. iii., in 

the press. 
Asiatic Researches. 20 vols. Calcutta, 1788-1836. 
ASR. Archaeological Survey Reports, India, ed. Sir A. Cunningham, 

Sir J. H. Marshall, J. Burgess. Calcutta, 1871- 
Badaoni. Muntakhabat-tawarikh, ed, G. S. A. Ranking, W. H. Lowe, 

E. B. Cowfell. 2 vols. Calcutta, 1884-98. 
Baden-Powell, B. H. The Indian Village Community. London, 

Balfour, E. Cyclopaedia of India. 3rd ed. 3 vols. London, 

Barnett, L. D. The Antiquities of India. London, 1914. 
Bayley, Sir E. C. The Local Muhammadan Dynasties of Gujarat. 

London, 1886. 
Beal, S. Si-yu-ki. Buddhist Annals of the Western World, translated 

from the Cliinese of Hiuen Tsiang. 2 vols. London, 1884. 
Bernier, F. Travels in the Mogul Empire, ed. A. Constable, V. A. 

Smith. Oxford, 1914. 
BG. Gazetteer of the Bombay Presidency, ed. Sir J. Campbell. 27 

vols. Bombay, 1874-1904. 
BiLGRAMi, Syed Hossain ; WiLMOTT, C. Historical and Descriptive 

Sketch of H.H. The Nizam's Dominions. 2 vols. Bombay, 




BoiLEAu, Lieutenant A. H. E. Narrative of a Tour through Rajwara 
in 1835. Calcutta, 1837. 

Broughton, T. D. Letters written in a Mahratta Camp. West- 
minster, 1892. 

BucKLAND, C. Dictionary of Indian Biography. London, 1906. 

BdHLER, J. G. ; Burgess, J. The Indian Sect of tlie Jainas. London, 

Burton, Sir R. The Book of a Thousand Niglits and a Night. 12 
vols. London, 1893. 

Cardevv, F. G. Sketch of the Services of the Bengal Army to 1895. 
Calcutta, 1903. 

Census Reports. India, 1891, London, 1893 ; 1901, Calcutta, 1903 
1911, Calcutta, 1913 ; Baluchistan, 1901, Bombay, 1902 
Baroda, 1901, Bombay, 1902 ; Bombay, 1911, Bombay, 1912 
Marwar, 1891, Jodhpore, 1894 ; Rajputana and Ajmer-Merwara, 
1901, Lucknow, 1902 ; 1911, Ajmer, 1913. 

Chevers, N. Manual of Medical Jurisprudence for India. Calcutta, 

Colebrooke, H. T. Essays on the Religion and Philosophy of the 
Hindus. London, 1858. 

CoMPTON, H. A Particular Account of the European Military Adven- 
turers of Hindostan. London, n.d. ; original edition, 1892. 

Cook, A. B. Zeus : a Study in Ancient Religion. Vol. i. Cambridge, 

Cosmas Indicopleustes, ed. J. W. McCrindle. London, 1897. 

Crooke, W. Tribes and Castes of the North- Western Provinces and 
Oudh. 4 vols. Calcutta, 1896. 

Popular Religion and Folklore of Northern India. 2 vols. 
Westminster, 1896. 

Things Indian. London, 1906. 

fuNNiNGHAM, Sir A. The Ancient Geography of India ; the Buddhist 
Period. London, 1871. 

Dabistan, or School of Manners, trans. D. Shea, A. Troyer, Paris. 
3 vols., 1843. 

Davids, T. W. Rhys. Buddhist India. London, 1893. 

Dow, A. The History of Hindostan, translated from the Persian. 
3 vols. London, 1812. 

DowsoN, J. A Classical Dictionary of Hindu Mythology and Religion, 
Geography, History, and Literature. London, 1879. 

Duff, C. M. The Chronology of India to the Beginning of the Six- 
teenth Century. London, 1899. 

Egerton, Hon. W. An Illustrated Handbook of Indian Arms. 
London, 1880. 

Elliot-Dowson. The History of India as told by its own Historians, 
ed. by Sir II. M. Elliot, J. Dowson, 8 vols. London, 1867-77. 


Elphinstone, M. The History of India ; the Hindu and Mahomedan 

Period. 6th ed. London, 1874. 
An Account of the Kingdom of Caubul and its Dependencies. 

2nd ed. 2 vols. London, 1842. 
Encyclopaedia BibHca, ed. T. K. Cheyne, J. S. Black. 4 vols. London, 

EB. Encyclopaedia Britannica. 11th ed. 28 vols. Cambridge, 1910. 
Enthoven, R. E. The Ethnograpliic Survey of Bombay, 1904. 

Folklore Notes, i. Gujarat ; ii. Konkan. 2 vols. Bombay, 

Erman, a. Life in Ancient Egypt. London, 1894. 
Erskine, Major K. D. Rajputana Gazetteers ; ii. A., ii. B. The 

Mewar Residency. Ajnier, 1908 ; iii. A., iii. B. The Western 

Rajput States and Bikaner Agency. Allahabad, 1908-9. 
Erskine, W. The History of India under Baber and Humayun. 

2 vols. London, 1854. 
Fanshawe, H. C. Delhi Past and Present. London, 1902. 
Fergusson, J. The History of Indian and Eastern Architecture. 

2 vols. London, 1910. 

and J. Burgess. The Cave Temples of India. London, 1880. 
Ferishta. The History of the Mahomedan Power in India till the 
Year a.d. 1612, translated from the original Persian of Mahomed 
Kasim Ferishta, by J. Briggs. 4 vols. Calcutta, 1908. 
Forbes, A. See Rasmala. 
Francklin, W. History of the Reign of Shah-Aulum. London, 1798. 

Military Memoirs of Mr. George Thomas. Calcutta, 1803. 
Frazer, Sir J. G, The Golden Bough. 3rd ed. 12 vols. London, 
Lectures on the Early History of the Kingship. London, 1905. 
Totemism and Exogamy. 4 vols. London, 1910. 
Frazer, R. W. a Literary History of India. London, 1898. 
Fryer, J. A New Account of India and Persia, ed. W. Crooke. 

3 vols., Hakluyt Society. London, 1909-13. 

FiJHRER, A. The Monumental Antiquities and Inscriptions of the 

North-West Provinces and Oudh. Allahabad, 1891. 
Grant, C. Gazetteer of the Central Provinces of India. Nagpur, 

Greaves, E. Kashi, the Illustrious, or Benares. Allahabad, 1909. 
Grierson, G. a. The Modern Vernacular Literature of Hindustan. 

Calcutta, 1889. 
Grimm, J. Teutonic Mythologj', trans. J. E. Stallybrass. 4 vols. 

London, 1880-88. 
Growse, F. S. Mathura, a District Memoir. 3rded. Allahabad, 1883. 
Hall, H. R. H. The Oldest Civilization in Greece ; Studies of the 

Mycenaean; Age. London, 1901. 


Hallam, H. a View of the State of Europe during the Middle Ages. 
2 vols. London, 1818. 

Harrison, J. E. Prolegonaena to the Study of Greek Religion. Cam- 
bridge, 1903. 

Hartland, E. S. Primitive Paternity. 2 vols. London, 1910. 

Ritual and Belief ; Studies in the History of Religion. London, 

Hastings, J. Encyclopaedia of Religion and Ethics. 8 vols. Edin- 
burgh, 1908- 

Hebkr, R. Narrative of a Journey through the Upper Provinces of 
India. 2 vols. London, 1861. 

Hehn, V. The Wanderings of Plants and Animals from their First 
Home. London, 1885. 

Herodotus, ed. G. Rawlinson. 3rd ed. 4 vols. London, 1875. 

Hervey, Colonel C. R, W. Some Records of Crime, the Diary of an 
Officer of Thuggee and Dacoitee Police. 2 vols. London, 1892. 

HowoRTH, Sir H. H. A History of the Mongols. 3 vols, London, 

HijGEL, C. A. A, Travels in Kashmir and the Panjab. London, 1845. 

lA. The Indian Antiquary, Bombay, 1872- 

Ibbetson, D. C. J. Punjab Ethnography. Calcutta, 1883. 

Ibn Batuta. Travels, ed. S. Lee. London, 1829. 

IGI. The Imperial Gazetteer of India. 26 vols, with Atlas. Oxford, 

JASB. Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal. Calcutta, 1834- 

JRAS. Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society. London, 1834- 

Jadunath Sarkar. History of Aurangzib, mainly based on Persian 
Sources. 3 vols, Calcutta, 1912-16. 

.Jaffur Shurreef. Qanoon-e-Islam, or Customs of the Mussulmans 
of India. 2nd ed. Madras, 1863. 

Jauangir. Memoirs, trans. Major D. Price, London, 1829. 

Tuzuk-i-Jahangiri, or Memoirs of Jahangir, trans. A, Rogers, 
H. Beveridge. 2 vols. London, 1909-14, 

Jataka. Stories of the Buddha's Former Births, 7 vols. Cam- 
bridge, 1895-1914. 

Kalhana, Rajatarangini, a Chronicle of the Ivings of Kashmir, ed, 
and trans, M, A. Stein. 2 vols, London, 1900. 

Kaye, Sir J. W. Life and Correspondence of Lord Metcalfe. 2 vols. 
London, 1854, 

Keene, H. G, The Turks in India, London, 1879, 

Sketch of the History of Hindustan. London^ 1885. 

Madhava Rao Sindhia. Oxford, 1891. 

The Fall of the Moghul Empire of Hindustan. London, 1887. 

Kennedy, M. Notes on the Criminal Classes of the Bombay Presi- 
dency, Bombay, 1908, 


Kern, H. A Manual of Indian Buddhism. Strassburg, 1896. 
Lane, E. An Account of the Manners and Customs of the Modern 

Egyptians. 5th ed. 2 vols. London, 1871. 
LuARD, Major C. E. Ethnographic Survey of Central India. Bombay, 

Macdonell, a. a. a History of Sanskrit Literature. London, 1900 ; 

and A. Keith, A Vedie Index of Names and Subjects. 2 vols. 

London, 1912. 
Maixolm, Sir J. History of Persia. 2nd ed. 2 vols, London, 1829. 

Memoir of Central India. 2nd ed. 2 vols. London, 1824. 
Malik Muhammad Din. Gazetteer of the Bahawalpur State. Lahore, 

Malleson, G. B. Historical Sketch of the Native States of India. 

London, 1875. 
Manxj. The Laws, trans. G. Biihler. Oxford, 1886. 
Manucci, N. Storia do Magor, ed. W. Irvine. 4 vols. London, 

Marco Polo. The Book of. Ed. Sir H. Yule. 2 vols. London, 

McCrindle, Alexander. The Invasion of India by Alexander the 

Great, ed. J. W. McCrindle. Westminster, 1893. 

Ptolemy, Ancient India as described by Ptolemy. London, 


Ancient India, Ancient India as described in Classical Litera- 
ture. Westminster, 1901. 

Megasthenes, Ancient India as described by Megasthenes and 

Arrian. Calcutta, 1877. 

Periplus, The Commerce and Navigation of the Erythraean Sea. 

Calcutta, 1879. 
Minn, E. H. Scythians and Greeks. Cambridge, 1913. 
MoNiER-WiLLiAMS, Sir M. Brahmanism and Hinduism. 4th ed. 

London, 1891. 
MuiR, J. Original Sanskrit Texts on the Origin and History of the 

People of India. 5 vols. London, 1858-72. 
MiJLLER, F. Max. India, what can it teach us ? London, 1905. 
Oppert, G. The Original Inhabitants of Bharatavarsa or India. 

Westminster, 1893. 
[Orme, R.] Historical Fragments of the Mogid Empire, of the 

Morattoes, and of the English Concern in Indostan. London, 

[Parks, F.] Wanderings of a Pilgrim in Search of the Picturesque. 

2 vols. London, 1850. 
Prinsep, J. Useful Tables. Calcutta, 1834. 
Rajendrala Mitra. The Indo-Aryans ; Contributions towards their 

Ancient and Mediaeval History. 2 vols. London, 1881. 


Rajputana Gazetteer. 3 vols. Simla, 1879-80. 

Hasmala, or Hindoo Annals of the Province of Goozerat in Western 

India, by A. K. Forbes. London, 1878. 
Rawlinson, G. The Seventh Great Oriental Monarchy : the Sas- 

sanians or New Persian Empire. London, 1876. 
Rhys, Sir J. Celtic Britain. 3rd ed. London, 1904. 
Rice, B. L. Mysore Gazetteer, revised ed. 2 vols. Westminster, 

Mysore and Coorg from the Inscriptions. London, 1909. 
Risley, Sir H. H. The People of India. 2nd ed. London, 1915. 

Tribes and Castes of Bengal. 2 vols. Calcutta, 1891. 
Rose, H. A. A Glossary of the Tribes and Castes of the Punjab and 

North-West Fi-ontier Province. 2 vols. Lahore, 1911-14. 
Russell, R. V. The Tribes and Castes of the Central Provinces of 

India. 4 vols. London, 1916. 
Sherring, C. R. Western Tibet and the British Borderland. London, 

Sherring, M. A. The Sacred City of the Hindus. London, 1888. 
Skrine, F. H. D. ; Ross, E. D. The Heart of Asia. London, 1899. 
Sleeman, W. H. Rambles and Recollections of an Indian Official, 

ed. V. A. Smith. 2nd ed. Oxford, 1915. 
Smith, Vincent A. EHI. The Early History of India from 600 b.c. 

to the Muhammadan Conquest, including the Invasions of Alex- 
ander the Great. 3rd ed. Oxford, 1914. 

HFA. A History of Fine Art in India and Ceylon from the 

Earliest Period to the Present Day. Oxford, 1911. 

Asoka, The Buddhist Emperor of India. 2nd ed. Oxford, 1909. 
Akbar, the Great Mogul. Oxford, 1917. 
Smith, W. R. The Religion of the Semites. 2nd ed. London, 

Syad Muhammad Latif. Agra Historical and Descriptive. Calcutta, 

Sykes, Lieut .-Colonel P. M. The History of Persia. 2 vols. London, 

Tarikh-i-Rashidi : A History of the Moghuls of Central Asia, trans. 

N. E. Elias, E. D. Ross. London, 1898. 
Tavernier, J. B. Travels in India, ed. V. Ball. 2 vols. London, 

Temple, Sir R. C. The Legends of the Panjab. 3 vols. Bombay, 

Terry, E. A Voyage to East India. London, 1777. 
Thomas, E. The Chronicles of the Pathan Kings of Delhi. London, 

Thurston, E. Castes and Tribes of Southern India. 7 vols. Madras, 



Tod, J. Annals and Antiquities of Rajasthan, or the Central and 
Western Rajpoot States. 2 vols. London, 1829-32. Re- 
printed, Madras, 1873 ; Calcutta, 1884, 1898 ; London, 1914. 
Travels in Western India. London, 1839. 

Vishnu Purana, trans. H. H. Wilson. London, 1840. 

Watson, C. C. Rajputana Gazetteer. I. A. Ajmer-Merwara. Ajmer, 

Watt. Econ. Diet. : A Dictionary of the Economic Products of India, 
by Sir G. Watt. 6 vols. Calcutta, 1889-93. 

Com. Prod. The Commercial Products of India. London, 

Webb, W, W. The Currencies of the Hindu States of Rajputana. 
Westminster, 1893. 

Wilberforce-Bell, Captain H. The History of Kathiawar from the 
Earliest Times. London, 191G. 

Wilson, C. R. The Early Annals of the English in Bengal. 3 vols. 
Calcutta, 1895-1911. 

Wilson, H. H. Sketch of the Religious Sects of the Hindus. 2 vols. 
London, 1861. 

The History of British India from 1805 to 1835. 3 vols. 
London, 1845. 

Wilson, J. Indian Caste. 2 vols. Bombay, 1877. 

Yule, Sir H. ; Burnell, A. C. Hobson-Jobson : A Glossary of 
Colloquial Anglo-Indian Words and Phrases. 2nd ed. London, 


Much disappointment has been felt in Europe at the sterility of 
the liistoric muse of Hindustan. When Sir William Jones first 
began to explore the vast mines of Sanskrit literature, great hopes 
were entertained that the history of the world would acquire 
considerable accessions from this source. The sanguine expecta- 
tions that were then formed have not been realized ; and, as it 
usually happens, excitement has been succeeded by apathy and 
indifference. It is now generally regarded as an axiom, that 
India possesses no national history ; to which we may oppose the 
remark of a French Orientalist, who ingeniously asks, whence 
Abu-1 Fazl obtained the materials for his outlines of ancient Hindu 
history ? ^ Mr. Wilson has; indeed, done much to obviate this 
prejudice, by his translation of the Raja Tarangini, or History 
of Kashmir,^ which clearly demonstrates that regular historical 
composition was an art not unknown in Hindustan, and affords 
satisfactory ground for concluding that these productions were 
once less rare than at present, and that further exertion may 
bring more relics to Ught. Although the labours of Colebrooke, 
Wilkins, Wilson, and others of our own countrymen, emulated by 

^ M. Abel Remusat, in his Melanges Asiatiques, makes many apposite 
and forcible remarks on this subject, which, without intention, convey a 
just reproof to the lukewarmness of our countiymen. The institution of 
the Royal Asiatic Society, especially that branch of it devoted to Oriental 
translations, may yet redeem this reproach. 

2 Asiatic Researches, vol. xv. [The Rajatarangini of Kalhana has been 
translated by M. A. Stein, 2 vols., London, 1910.] 

VOL. I Iv e 


many learned men in France [viii] and Germany,^ have revealed 
to Europe some of the hidden lore of India ; still it is not pre- 
tended that we have done much more than pass the threshold of 
Indian science ; and we are consequently not competent to speak 
decisively of its extent or its character. Immense libraries, in 
various parts of India, are still intact, which have sur^ved the 
devastations of the Islamite. The collections of Jaisalmer and 
Patan, for example, escaped the scrutiny of even the lynx-eyed 
Alau-d-din who conquered both these kingdoms, and who would 
have shown as little mercy to those literary treasures, as Omar 
displayed towards the Alexandrine library. Many other minor 
collections, consisting of thousands of volumes each, exist' in 
Central and Western India, some of which are the private property 
of princes, and others belong to the Jain commimities.^ 

If we consider the political changes and convulsions which have 
happened in Hindustan since Mahmud's invasion, and the in- 
tolerant bigotry of many of his successors, we shall be able to 
account for the paucity of its national works on history, without 
being driven to the improbable conclusion, that the Hindus were 

^ When the genius and erudition of such men as Schlegel are added to 
the zeal which characterizes that celebrated writer, what revelations may we 
not yet expect from the cultivation of oriental literature ? 

2 Some copies of these Jain MSS. from Jaisalmer, which were written 
from five to eight centuries back, I presented to the Royal Asiatic Society. 
Of the vast numbers of these MS. books in the libraries of Patan and Jaisal- 
mer, many are of the most remote antiquity, and in a character no longer 
understood by their possessors, or only by the supreme pontiff and liis 
initiated librarians. There is one volume held so sacred for its magical 
contents, that it is suspended by a chain in the temple of Chintaman, at the 
last-named capital in the desert, and is only taken down to have its covering 
renewed, or at the inauguration of a pontiff. Tradition assigns its author- 
ship to Somaditya Suru Acharya, a pontiff of past days, before the Islamite 
liad crossed the waters of the Indus, and whose diocese extended far beyond 
that stream. His magic mantle is also here preserved, and used on every 
new installation. The character is, doubtless, the nail-headed Pali ; and 
could we introduce the ingenious, indefatigable, and modest Mons. E. 
Burnouf, with his able coadjutor Dr. Lassen, into the temple, wo might 
learn something of this Sibylline volume, without their incurring the risk 
of loss of sight, which befcl the last individual, a female Yati of the Jains, 
who sacrilegiously endeavoured to acquire its contents. [For tlie temple 
library at Jaisalmer see I A, iv. 81 if; for those at Udaipur, ibid. xiii. 31. 
J. Burgess visited the Patan library, described by the Author (WI, 232 ff.), 
and found a collection of paliu-lcaf MSS., carefiilly wrapped in cloth and 
deposited in large chests (BO, vii. 598).] 


ignorant of an art which has been cultivated in other countries 
from ahnost the earhest ages. Is it to be imagined that a nation 
so highly civilized as the Hindus, amongst whom the exact 
sciences flourished in perfection, by whom the fine arts [ix], 
architecture, sculpture, poetry, music, were not only cultivated, 
but taught and defined by the nicest and most elaborate rules, 
were totally unacquainted with the simple art of recording the 
events of their history, the characters of their princes, and the 
acts of their reigns ? Where such ti'aces of mind exist, we can 
hardly believe that there was a want of competent recorders of 
events, which synchronical authorities tell us were worthy of 
commemoration. The cities of Hastinapur and Indraprastha, 
of Anhilwara and Somanatha, the triumphal columns of Delhi 
and Chitpr, the shrines of Abu and Girnar, the cave-temples of 
Elephanta and Ellora, are so many attestations of the same fact ; 
nor can we imagine that the age in which these works were erected 
was without an historian. Yet from the Mahabharata or Great 
War, to Alexander's invasion, and from that grand event to the 
era of Mahmud of Ghazni, scarcely a paragraph of pure native 
Hindu history (except as before stated) has hitherto been revealed 
to the curiosity of Western scholars. In the heroic history of 
Prithiraj, the last of the Hindu sovereigns of Delhi, written by 
his bard Chand, we find notices which authorize the inference that 
works similar to his own were then extant, relating to the period 
between Mahmud and Shihabu-d-din (a.d. 1000-1193) ; but these 
have disappeared. 

After eight centuries of galling subjection to conquerors totally 
ignorant of the classical language of the Hindus ; after almost 
every capital city had been repeatedly stormed and sacked by 
barbarous, bigoted, and exasperated foes ; it is too much to expect 
that the literature of the comitry should not have sustained, in 
common with other important interests, irretrievable losses. My 
own animadversions upon the defective condition of the annals 
of Rajwara have more than once been checked by a very just 
remark : " when our princes were in exile, driven from hold to 
hold, and compelled to dwell in the clefts of the mountains, often 
doubtful whether they would not be forced to [x] abandon the 
very meal preparing for them, was that a time to think of historical 
records ? " 

Those who expect from a people like the Hindus a species of 


composition of precisely the same character as the historical 
works of Greece and Rome, commit the very egregious error of 
overlooking the peculiarities which distinguish the natives of 
India from all other races, and which strongly discriminate their 
intellectual productions of every kind from those of the West. 
Their philosophy, their poetry, their architecture, are marked 
with traits of originality ; and the same may be expected to 
pervade their history, which, like the arts enumerated, took a 
character from its intimate association with the religion of the 
people. It must be recollected, moreover, that until a more 
correct taste was imparted to the literature of England and of 
France, by the study of classical models, the chronicles of both 
these countries, and indeed of all the polished nations of Europe, 
were, at a much more recent date, as crude, as wild, and as barren 
as those of the early Rajputs. 

In the absence of regular and legitimate historical records, 
there are, however, other native works (they may, indeed, be said 
to aboimd), which, in the hands of a skilful and patient investi- 
gator, would afford no despicable materials for the history of 
India. The first of these are the Puranas and genealogical 
legends of the princes, which, obscured as they are by mythological 
details, allegory, and improbable circumstances, contain many 
facts that serve as beacons to direct the research of the liistorian. 
What Hume remarks of the annals and annalists of the Saxon 
Heptarchy, may be applied with equal truth to those of the 
Rajput Seven States : ^ " they aboimd in names, but are extremely 
barren of events ; or they are related so much without circum- 
stances and causes, that the most profound and eloquent writer 
must despair [xi] of rendering them either instructive or enter- 
taining to the reader. The monks " (for which we may read 
" Brahmans "), " who hved remote from public affairs, considered 
the civil transactions as subservient to the ecclesiastical, and were 
strongly affected with credulity, with the love of wonder, and 
with a propensity to imposture." 

The heroic poems of India constitute another resource for 
history. Bards may be regarded as the primitive historians of 
mankind. Before fiction began to engross the attention of poets, 
or rather, before the province of liistory was dignified by a class 
of writers who made it a distinct department of literature, the 
1 Mewar, Marwar, Amber, Bikaner, Jaisalmer, Kotah, and Bundi. 


functions of the bard were doubtless employed in recording real 
events and in commemorating real personages. In India Calliope 
has been worshipped by the bards from the days of Vyasa, the 
contemporary of Job, to the time of Benidasa, the present 
chronicler of Mewar. The poets are the chief, though not the 
sole, historians of Western India ; neither is there any deficiency 
of them, though they speak in a peculiar tongue, which requires 
to be translated into the sober language of probability. To 
compensate for their magniloquence and obscurity, their pen is 
free : the despotism of the Rajput princes does not extend to the 
poet's lay, wliich flows unconfined except by the shackles of the 
chand bhujanga^ or ' serpentine stanza ' ; no slight restraint, it 
must be confessed, upon the freedom of the historic muse. On 
the other hand, there is a sort of compact or understanding 
between' the bard and the prince, a barter of "solid pudding 
against empty praise," whereby the fidelity of the poetic chronicle 
is somewhat impaired. This sale of " fame," as the bards term 
it, by the court-laureates and historiographers of Rajasthan, will 
continue until there shall arise in the community a class sufficiently 
enlightened and independent, to look for no other recompense 
for literary labour than public distinction. 

Still, however, these chroniclers dare utter truths, sometimes 
most [xii] unpalatable to their masters. When offended, or 
actuated by a virtuous indignation against immorality, they are 
fearless of consequences ; and woe to the individual who provokes 
them ! Many a resolution has sunk under the lash of their satire, 
which has condemned to eternal ridicule names that might other- 
wise have escaped notoriety. The vish, or poison of the bard, 
is more dreaded by the Rajput than the steel of the foe. 

The absence of all mystery or reserve with regard to public 
affairs in the Rajput principalities, in which every individual 
takes an interest, from the noble to the porter at the city-gates, 
is of great advantage to the chronicler of events. When matters 
of moment in the disorganized state of the country rendered it 
imperative to observe secrecy, the Rana of Mewar, being applied 
to on the necessity of concealing them, rejoined as follows : 
" this is Chaumukha-raj ; ^ Eklinga the sovereign, I his vicegerent ; 
in liini I trust, and I have no secrets from my children." To this 

^ ' Government of four mouths,' alluding to the quadriform image of 
the tutelary divinity. 


publicity may be partly ascribed the inefficiency of every general 
alliance against common foes ; but it gives a kind of patriarchal 
character to the government, and inspires, if not loyalty and 
patriotism in their most exalted sense, feelings at least much akin 
to them. 

A material drawback upon the value of these bardic histories 
is, that they are confined almost exclusively to the martial 
exploits of their heroes, and to the rang-ran-hhum, or ' field of 
slaughter.' Writing for the amusement of a warlike race, the 
authors disregard civil matters and the arts and pursuits of 
peaceful life ; love and war are their favourite themes. Chand, 
the last of the great bards of India, tells us, indeed, in his preface, 
" that he will give rules for governing empires ; the laws of 
grammar and composition ; lessons in diplomacy, home and 
foreign, etc." : and he fulfils his promise, by interspersing precepts 
on these points in various ejiisodes throughout his work [xiii]. 

Again : the bard, although he is admitted to the knowledge 
of all the secret springs which direct each measure of the govern- 
ment, enters too deeply into the intrigues, as well as the levities, 
of the court, to be qualified to pronounce a sober judgment upon 
its acts. 

Nevertheless, although open to all these objections, the works 
of the native bards afford many valuable data, in facts, incidents, 
religious opinions, and traits of manners ; many of which, being 
carelessly introduced, are thence to be regarded as the least 
suspicious kind of historical evidence In the heroic history of 
Prithiraj, by Chand, there occur many geogTaphical as well as 
historical details, in the description of his sovereign's wars, of 
which the bard was an eye-witness, having been his friend, his 
herald, his ambassador, and finally discharging the melancholy 
office of accessory to his death, that he might save him from 
dishonour. The poetical histories of Chand were collected by the 
great Amra Singh of Mewar, a patron of literature, as well as a 
warrior and a legislator.^ 

Another species of historical records is found in the accoimts 
given by the Brahmans of the endowments of the temples, their 
dilapidation and repairs, wliich furnish occasions for the introduc- 
tion of historical and chronological details. In the legends, 

^ [Only portions of the Chand-raesa or Prithiraj Raesa have been trans- 
lated (Smith, EHI, 387, note ; lA, i. 269 ff., iii. 17 ff., xxxii. 167 f.] 


respecting places of pilgrimage and religious resort, profane events 
are blended with superstitious rites and ordinances, local cere- 
monies and customs. The controversies of the Jains furnish, 
also, much historical information, especially with reference to 
Gujarat and Nahrwala, during the Chaulukya dynasty. From 
a close and attentive examination of the Jain records, which 
embody all that those ancient sectarians knew of science, many 
chasms in Hindu history might be filled up. The party-spirit of 
the rival sects of India was, doubtless, adverse to the purity of 
history ; and the very ground upon which the Brahmans built 
their ascendency was the ignorance of the people. There appears 
to have been in India [xiv], as well as in Egypt in early times, 
a coalition between the hierarchy and the state, with the view of 
keeping the mass of the nation in darkness and subjugation. 

These different records, works of a mixed historical and geo- 
graphical character which I know to exist ; raesas or poetical 
legends of princes, which are common ; local Puranas, religious 
comments, and traditionary couplets ; ^ with authorities of a less 
dubious character, namely, inscriptions ' cut on the rock,' coins, 
copper-plate grants, containing charters of immunities, and ex- 
pressing many singular features of civil government, constitute, 
as I have already observed, no despicable materials for the 
historian, who would, moreover, be assisted by the synchronisms 
which are capable of being established with ancient Pagan and 
later Muhammadan writers. 

From the earliest period of my official connexion with this 
interesting country, I applied myself to collect and explore its 
early historical records, with a ^^ew of throwing some light upon 
a people scarcely yet known in Europe and whose political con- 
nexion with England appeared to me to be capable of undergoing 
a material change, with benefit to both parties. It would be 
wearisome to the reader to be minutely informed of the process I 
adopted, to collect the scattered rehcs of Rajput history into the 
form and substance in which he now sees them. I began with the 
sacred genealogy from the Puranas ; examined the Mahabharata, 

1 Some of these preserve the names of princes who invaded India between 
the time of Mahmud of Ghazni and Shihabu-d-din, who are not mentioned 
by Ferishta, the Muhammadan historian. The invasion of Ajmer and the 
capture of Bayana, the seat of the Yadu princes, were made known to us 
by this means. 


and the poems of Chand (a complete chronicle of his times) ; 
the voluminous historical poems of Jaisalmer, Marwar, and 
Mewar ; ^ the histories of the Khichis, and those of the Hara 
princes [xv] of Kotah and Bundi, etc., by their respective bards. 
A portion of the materials compiled by Jai Singh of Amber or 
Jaipur (one of the greatest patrons of science amongst the modern 
Hindu princes), to illustrate the history of his race, fell into my 
hands. I have reason to believe that there existed more copious 
materials, which his profligate descendant, the late prince, in 
his division of the empire with a prostitute, may have disposed 
of on the partition of the library of the State, which was the finest 
collection in Rajasthan. Like some of the renowned princes of 
Timur's dynasty, Jai Singh kept a diary, termed Kalpadruma, in 
which he noted every event : a work written by such a man and 
at such an interesting juncture, would be a valuable acquisition 
to history. From the Datia prince I obtained a transcript of the 
journal of his ancestor, who served with such eclat amongst the 
great feudatories of Aurangzeb's army, and from which Scott made 
many extracts in his history of the Deccan. 

For a period of ten years I was employed, with the aid of a 
learned Jain, in ransacking every work which could contribute 
any facts or incidents to the history of the Rajputs, or diffuse 
any light upon their manners and character. Extracts and 
versions of all such passages were made by my Jain assistant into 
the more familiar dialects (which are formed frona the Sanskrit) 
of these tribes, in whose language my long residence amongst 
them enabled me to converse with facility. At much expense, 
and during many wearisome hours, to support which required 
no ordinary degree of enthusiasm, I endeavoured to possess 
myself not merely of their history, but of their religious notions, 
their familiar opinions, and their characteristic manners, by 

^ Of Marwar, there were the Vijaya Vilas, the Surya Prakas, and Khyat, 
or legends, besides detached fragments of reigns. Of Mewar, there was the 
Khuman Raesa, a modem work formed from old materials which are lost, 
and commencing with the attack of Chitor by Mahmud, supposed to be the 
son of Kasim of Siiid, in tlie very earliest ages of Muhammadanisni : also 
the Jagat Vilas, tlic Raj -prakas, and the Jaya Vilas, all poems composed in 
the reigns of the princes whose names they bear, but generally introducing 
succinctly the early parts of history. Besides these, there were fragments 
of the Jaipur family, from their archives ; and the Man Charilra, or history 
of Raja Man. 


associating with their chiefs and bardic chroniclers, and by listen- 
ing to their traditionary tales and allegorical poems. I might 
ultimately, as the circle of my [xvi] inquiries enlarged, have 
materially augmented my knowledge of these subjects ; but ill- 
health compelled me to relinquish this pleasing though toilsome 
pursuit, and forced me to revisit my native land just as I had 
obtained permission to look across the threshold of the Hindu 
Minerva ; whence, however, I brought some relics, the examina- 
tion of which I now consign to other hands. The large collection 
of ancient Sanskrit and Bhakha MSS., which I conveyed to 
England, have been presented to the Royal Asiatic Society, in 
whose library they are deposited. The contents of many, still 
unexamined, may throw additional light on the history of ancient 
India. I claim only the merit of having brought them to the 
knowledge of European scholars ; but I may hope that this will 
furnish a stimulus to others to make similar exertions. 

The little exact knowledge that Europe has hitherto acquired 
of the Rajput States, has probably originated a false idea of the 
comparative importance of this portion of Hindustan. The 
splendour of the Rajput courts, however, at an early period of 
the history of that country, making every allowance for the 
exaggeration of the bards, must have been great. Northern 
India was rich from the earUest times ; that portion of it, situated 
on either side the Indus, formed the richest satrapy of Darius. 
It has aboiuided in the more striking events which constitute 
the materials for history ; there is not a petty State in Rajasthan 
that has not had its Thermopylae, and scarcely a city that has not 
produced its Leonidas. But the mantle of ages has shrouded 
from view what the magic pen of the historian might have con- 
secrated to endless admiration : Somnath might have rivalled 
Delphos ; the spoils of Hind might have vied with the wealth 
of the Libyan king ; and compared with the array of the Pandus, 
the army of Xerxes would have dwindled into insignificance. But 
the Hindus either never had, or have unfortunately lost, their 
Herodotus and Xenophon. 

If " the moral effect of history depend on the sympathy it 
excites" [xvii], the annals of these States possess commanding 
interest. The struggles of a brave people for independence 
during a series of ages, sacrificing whatever was dear to them for 
the maintenance of the religion of their forefathers, and sturdily 


defending to death, and in spite of every temptation, their rights 
and national hberty, form a picture which it is difficult to con- 
template without emotion. Could I impart to the reader but 
a small portion of the enthusiastic delight with which I have 
listened to the tales of times that are past, amid scenes where 
their events occurred, I should not despair of triumphing over the 
apathy which dooms to neglect almost every effort to enlighten 
my native country on the subject of India ; nor should I appre- 
hend any ill effect from the sound of names, which, musical and 
expressive as they are to a Hindu, are dissonant and unmeaning 
to a European ear : for it should be remembered that almost 
every Eastern name is significant of some quality, personal or 
mental. Seated amidst the ruins of ancient cities, I have listened 
to the traditions respecting their fall ; or have heard the exploits 
of their illustrious defenders related by their descendants near the 
altars erected to their memory. I have, whilst in the train of 
the southern Goths (the Mahrattas), as they carried desolation 
over the land, encamped on or traversed many a field of battle, 
of civil strife or foreign aggression, to read in the rude memorials 
on the tumuli of the slain their names and history. Such anecdotes 
and records afford data of history as well as of manners. Even 
the couplet recording the erection of a ' column of victory,' or 
of a temple or its repairs, contributes something to our stock of 
knowledge of the past. 

As far as regards the antiquity of the djmasties now ruling in 
Central and Western India, there are but two the origin of which 
is not perfectly within the limits of historical probability ; the 
rest ha\nng owed their present establishments to the progress of 
the Muslim arms, their annals are confirmed by those of their 
conquerors. All the existing [xviii] families, indeed, have attained 
their present settlements subsequently to the Muhammadan 
invasions, except Mewar, Jaisalmer, and some smaller princi- 
pahtics in the desert ; whilst others of the first magnitude, such 
as the Pramara and Solanki, who ruled at Dhar and Anhilwara, 
have for centuries ceased to exist. 

I have been so hardy as to affirm and endeavour to prove the 
common origin of the martial tribes of Rajasthan and those of 
ancient Europe. I have expatiated at some length upon the 
evidence in favour of the existence of a feudal system in India, 
similar to that which prevailed in the early ages on the European 


continent, and of which reUcs still remain in the laws of our own 
natipn. Hypotheses of this kind are, I am aware, viewed with 
suspicion, and sometimes assailed with ridicule. With regard to 
the notions which I have developed on these questions, and the 
frequent allusions to them in the pages of this volume, I entertain 
no obstinate prepossessions or prejudices in their favour. The 
world is too enhghtened at the present day to be in danger of 
being misled by any hypothetical writer, let him be ever so skilful ; 
but the probability is, that we have been induced, by the multitude 
of false theories which time has exposed, to fall into the opposite 
error, and that we have become too sceptical with regard to the 
common origin of the people of the east and west. However, I 
submit my proofs to the candid judgment of the world ; the 
analogies, if not conclusive on the questions, are still sufficiently 
curious and remarkable to repay the trouble of perusal and 
to provoke further investigation ; and they may, it is hoped, 
vindicate the author for endeavouring to elucidate the subject, 
" by steering through the dark channels of antiquity by the feeble 
lights of forgotten chronicles and imperfect records." 

I am conscious that there is much in this work which demands 
the indulgence of the public ; and I trust it will not be necessary 
for me to assign a more powerful argument in plea than that 
which I have already [xix] adverted to, namely, the state of my 
health, which has rendered it a matter of considerable difficulty, 
indeed I may say of risk, to bring my bulky materials even into 
their present imperfect form. I should observe, that it never 
was my intention to treat the subject in the severe style of history, 
which would have excluded many details useful to the politician 
as well as to the curious student. I offer this work as a copious 
collection of materials for the future historian ; and am far less 
concerned at the idea of giving too much, than at the apprehension 
of suppressing what might possibly be useful. 

I cannot close these remarks without expressing my obligations 
to my friend and kinsman, Major Waugh, to the genius of whose 
pencil the world is indebted for the preservation and transmission 
of the splendid monuments of art which adorn this work. 


In placing before the public the concluding volume of the Annals 
of Rajputana I have fulfilled what I considered to be a sacred 
obligation to the races amongst whom I have passed the better 
portion of my life ; and although no man can more highly 
appreciate public approbation, I am far less eager to court that 
approbation than to awaken a sympathy for the objects of my 
work, the interesting people of Rajputana, 

I need add nothing to what was urged in the Introduction to 
the First Volume on the subject of Indian History ; and trust 
that, however slight the analogy between the chronicles of the 
Hindus and those of Europe, as historical works, they will serve 
to banish the reproach, which India has so long laboured under, 
of possessing no records of past events : my only fear now is, 
that they may be thought redundant. 

I think I may confidently affirm, that whoever, without being 
alarmed at their bulk, has the patience attentively to peruse these 
Annals, cannot fail to become well acquainted with all the peculiar 
features of Hindu society, and will be enabled to trace the founda- 
tion and progress of each State in Rajputana, as well as to form 
a just notion of the character of a people, upon whom, at a future 
period, our existence in India may depend. 

Whatever novelty the inquirer into the origin of nations may 
find in these [viii] pages, I am ambitious to claim for them a 
higher title than a mass of mere archaeological data. To see 
humanity under every aspect, and to observe the influence of 
different creeds upon man in his social capacity, must ever be one 



of the higliest sources of mental enjoyment ; and I may hope that 
the personal qualities herein delineated, will allow the labourer 
in this vast field of philosophy to enlarge his sphere of acquaint- 
ance with human varieties. In the present circumstances of our 
alliance with these States, every trait of national character, and 
even every traditional incident, which, by leading us to understand 
and respect their peculiarities, may enable us to secure their 
friendship and esteem, become of infinite importance. The more 
we study their history, the better shall we comprehend the causes 
of their international quarrels, the origin of their tributary engage- 
ments, the secret principles of their mutual repulsion, and the 
sources of their strength and their weakness as an aggregate body : 
without which knowledge it is impossible we can arbitrate with 
justice in their national disputes ; and, as respects ourselves, we 
may convert a means of defence into a source of bitter hostility. 

It has been my aim to diversify as much as possible the details 
of this volume. In the Annals of Marwar I have traced the 
conquest and peopling of an immense region by a handful of 
strangers ; and have dwelt, perhaps, with tedious minuteness 
on the long reign of Raja Ajit Singh and the Thirty Years' War ; 
to show what the energy of one of these petty States, impelled by 
a sense of oppression, effected against the colossal power of its 
enemies. It is a portion of their history which should be deeply 
studied by those who have succeeded to the paramount power ; 
for Aurangzeb had less reason to distrust the stability of his 
dominion than we have : yet what is now the house of Timur ? 
The resources of Marwar were reduced to as low an ebb at the close 
of Aurangzeb's reign, as they are at the present time ; yet did 
that [ix] State surmount all its difficulties, and bring armies into 
the field that annihilated the forces of the empire. I,,et us not, 
then, mistake the supineness engendered by long oppression, for 
want of feeling, nor mete out to these high-spirited people the 
same measure of contumely, with which we have treated the 
subjects of our earlier conquests. 

The Annals of the Bhattis may be considered as the link connect- 
ing the tribes of India Proper with the ancient races west of the Indus, 
or Indo-Scythia ; and although they will but slightly interest the 
general reader, the antiquary may find in them many new topics 
for investigation, as well as in the Sketch of the Desert, which has 
preserved the relics of names that once promised immortality. 


Tlie patriarchal simplicity of the Jat communities, upon whose 
ruins the State of Bikaner was founded, affords a picture, however 
imperfect, of petty republics — a form of government little known 
to eastern despotism, and proving the tenacity of the ancient 
Gete's attachment to hberty. 

Amber, and its scion Shaikhavati, possess a still greater interest 
from their contiguity to our frontier. A multitude of singular 
privileges is attached to the Shaikhavati federation, wliich it 
behoves the paramount power thorouglily to understand, lest it 
should be led by false views to pursue a policy detrimental to 
them as well as to ourselves. To this extensive community 
belong the Larkhanis, so utterly imknown to us, that a recent 
internal tumult of that tribe was at first mistaken for an irruption 
of our old enemies, the Pindaris. 

Haraoti may claim our regard from the high bearing of its 
gallant race, the Haras ; and the singular character of the in- 
dividual with whose biography its history closes, and which 
cannot fail to impart juster notions of the genius of Asiatics [x]. 

So much for the matter of this volume — with regard to the 
manner, as the Rajputs abhor all jileas ad misericordiam, so like- 
wise does their annalist, who begs to repeat, in order to deprecate 
a standard of criticism inapplicable to this performance, that it 
professes not to be constructed on exact historical principles : 
Non historia, sed particulae historiae. 

In conclusion. I adopt the peroration of the ingenuous, pious, 
and liberal Abu-1 Fazl, when completing his History of the Provinces 
of India ; " Praise be unto God, that by the assistance of his 
Divine Grace, I have completed the History of the Rajputs. 
The accovmt cost me a great deal of trouble in collecting, and I 
found such difficulty in ascertaining dates, and in reconcihng the 
contradictions in the several histories of the Princes of Rajputana, 
that I had nearly resolved to relinquish the task altogether : but 
who can resist the decrees of Fate ? I trust that those, who have 
been able to obtain better information, will not dwell upon my 
errors ; but that upon the whole I may meet with approbation." ' 

1 [Atn, ii. 418.] 

York Place, Portman Square, 
March 10, 1832. 





Boundaries of Rajputana. — Rajasthan is the collective and classi- 
cal denomination of that portion of India which is ' the abode ^ 
of (Rajput) princes.' In the familiar dialect of these countries 
it is termed Rajwara, but by the more refined Raethana, corrupted 
to Rajputana, the common designation amongst the British to 
denote the Rajput principalities. 

\Miat might have been the nominal extent of Rajasthan prior 
to the Muhammadan conqueror Shihabu-d-din (when it probably- 
reached beyond the Jumna and Ganges, even to the base of the 
Himalaya) cannot now be known. At present we may adhere to 
its restrictive definition, still comprehending a wide space and a 
variety of interesting races. 

Previous to the erection of the minor Muhammadan monarchies 
of ^landu and Ahmadabad (the capitals of Malwa and Gujarat), 
on the ruins of Dhar and Anhilwara Patan, the term Rajasthan 
would have been appropriated to the space comprehended in the 
map prefixed to this work : the valley of the Indus on the west, 
and Bundelkhand ^ on the east ; to the north, the sandy tracts 
(south of the Sutlej) termed Jangaldes ; and the Vindhya moun- 
tains to the south. 

^ Or ' regal (raj) dwelling (than).' 

* It is rather singular that the Sind River wiU mark this eastern boundary, 
a.s does the Indus (or great Sind) that to the west. East of this minor Sind 
the Hindu princes are not of pure blood, and are excluded from Rajasthan 
or Rajwara. 



This space comprehends nearly 8° of latitude and 9° of longi- 
tude, being from 22° to 30° north latitude, and 69° to 78° east 
longitude, embracing a superficial area of 350,000 square miles ^ [2]. 

Although it is proposed to touch upon the annals of all the 
States in this extensive tract, with their past and present condi- 
tion, those in the centre will claim the most prominent regard ; 
especially Mewar, which, copiously treated of, will afford a 
specimen, obviating the necessity of like details of the rest. 

The States of Rajputana. — The order in which these States will 
be reviewed is as follows : 

1. Mewar, or Udaipur. 

2. Marwar, or Jodhpur. 

3. Bikaner and Kishangarh. 

4. Kotah^ __ 

I- T-. T or Haraoti. 

5. BundiJ 

6. Amber, or Jaipur, with its branches, dependent and 


7. Jaisalmer. 

8. The Indian desert to the valley of the Indus. 

History o£ Geographical Surveys. — The basis of this work is 
the geography of the country, the historical and statistical por- 
tion being consequent and subordinate thereto. It was, indeed, 
originally designed to be essentially geographical ; but circum- 
stances have rendered it impossible to execute the intended 
details, or even to make the map * so perfect as the superabxmdant 
material at the command of the author might have enabled him 
to do ; a matter of regret to himself rather than of loss to the 
general reader, to whom geographic details, however important, 
arc usually dry and uninteresting. 

It was also intended to institute a comparison between the 
map and such remains of ancient geography as can be extracted 
from the Puranas and other Hindu authorities ; which, however, 
must be deferred to a future period, when the deficiency of the 

^ [Rajputana, as now officially defined, lies between lat. 23° 3' and 30° 12' 
N., and long. 69° 30' and 78° 17' E., the total area, according to the Census 
Report, 1911, including Ajmer-Merwara, being 131,698 square miles.] 

^ Engraved by that meritorious artist Mr. Walker, engraver to the East 
India Company, who, I trust, will be able to make a fuller use of my materials 
hereafter. [This has been replaced by a modern map.] 


present rapid and general sketch may be supplied, should the 
author be enabled to resume his labours. 

The laborious research, in the course of which these data were 
accumulated, commenced in 1806. when the author was attached 
to the embassy sent, at the close of the Mahratta wars, to the 
court of Sindhia. This chieftain's army was then in Mewar, at 
that period almost a terra incognita, the position of whose two 
capitals, Udaipur and Chitor, in the best existing maps, was pre- 
cisely reversed [3] ; that is, Chitor was inserted S.E. of Udaipur 
instead of E.N.E., a proof of the scanty knowledge possessed at 
that period. 

In other respects there was almost a total blank. In the maps 
prior to 1806 nearly all the western and central States of Rajasthan 
will be found wanting. It had been imagined, but a little time 
before, that the rivers had a southerly course into the Nerbudda ; 
a notion corrected by the father of Indian geography, the distin- 
guished Rennell.^ 

This blank the author filled up ; and in 1815, for the first 
time, the geography of Rajasthan was put into combined form 
and presented to the Marquess of Hastings, on the eve of a general 
war, when the labour of ten years was amply rewarded by its 
becoming in part the foundation of that illustrious commander's 
plans of the campaign. It is a duty owing to himself to state that 
every map, without exception, printed since this period has its 
foundation, as regards Central and Western India, in the labours 
of the author.^ 

1 [James Uennell, 1742-1830.] 

^ When the war of 1817 broke out, copies of my map on a reduced scale 
were sent to all the divisions of the armies in the field, and came into posses- 
sion of many of the staff. Transcripts were made which were brought to 
Europe, and portions introduced into every recent map of India. One map 
has, indeed, been given, in a manner to induce a supposition that the 
furnisher of the materials was the author of them. It has fulfilled a pre- 
diction of the Marquess of Hastings, who, foreseeing the impossibility of 
such materials remaining private property, " and the danger of their being 
appropriated by others," and desirous that the author should derive the 
full advantage of his labours, had it signified that the claims for recompense, 
on the records of successive governments, should not be deferred. It will 
not be inferred the author is surprised at what he remarks. While he 
claims priority for himself, lie is the last person to wish to see a halt in 
science — 

" For emulation has a thousand sons." 


The Author's Surveys. — The route of the embassy was from 
Agra, through the southern frontier of Jaipur to Udaipur. A 
portion of this had been surveyed and points laid down from 
celestial observation, by Dr. W. Hunter, which I adopted as the 
basis of my enterprise. The Resident Envoy ^ to the court of 
Sindhia was possessed of the valuable sketch of the route of 
Colonel Palmer's embassy in 1791, as laid down by Dr. Hunter, the 
foundation of my subsequent surveys, as it merited from its im- 
portance and general accuracy. It embraced all the extreme 
points of Central India : Agra, Narwar, Datia, Jhansi, Bhopal, 
.Sarangpur, Ujjain, and on return from this, the first meridian of 
the Hindus, by Kotah; Bundi, Rampura (Tonk), Bayana, to 
Agra. The position of all these places was more or less accurately 
fixed, according to the time which could be bestowed, by astro- 
nomical observation [4]. 

At Rampura Hunter ceased to be my guide : and from this 
point commenced the new survey of Udaipur, where we arrived 
in June 1806. The position then assigned to it, with most inade- 
quate instruments, has been changed only 1 ' of longitude, though 
the latitude amounted to about 5'. 

From Udaipur the subsequent march of the army with which 
we moved led past the celebrated Chitor, and through the centre 
of Malwa, crossing in detail all the grand streams flowing from 
the Vindhya, till we halted for a season on the Bundelkhand 
frontier at Khimlasa. In this journey of seven hundred miles I 
twice crossed the lines of route of the former embassy, and was 
gratified to find my first attempts generally coincide with their 
established points. 

In 1807, the army having undertaken the siege of Rahatgarh, 
I determined to avail myself of the time which Mahrattas waste 
in such a process, and to pursue my favourite project. With a 
small guard I determined to push through untrodden fields, by 
tlte banks of the Betwa to Chanderi, and in its latitude proceed 
in a westerly direction towards Kotah, trace the course once more 
of all those streams from the south, and the points of junction 
of the most important (the Kali Sind, Parbati, and Banas) with 
the Chambal ; and having effected this, continue my journey to 
Agra. This I accomplished in times very different from the 

^ My esteemed friend, Graeme Mercer, Esq. (of Maevisbank), who stimu- 
lated my exertions with his approbation. 


present, being often obliged to strike my tents and march at mid- 
night, and more than once the object of plunder.^ The chief 
points in this route were Khimlasa, Rajwara, Kotra on the Betwa, 
Kanyadana,'' Buradungar,* Shahabad, Barah,* Puleta,* Baroda, 
Sheopur, Pali,^ Ranthambhor, Karauli, Sri Mathura, and Agra. 

On my return to the Mahratta camp I resolved further to 
increase the sphere, and proceeded westward by Bharatpur, 
Katumbar, Sentri, to Jaipur, Tonk, Indargarh, Gugal Chhapra, 
Raghugarh, Aron, Kurwai, Borasa, to Sagar : a journey of more 
than one thousand miles. I found the camp nearly where I left it. 

With this ambulatory court I moved everywhere within this 
region, constantly employed in surveying till 1812, when Sindhia's 
court became stationary. It was then I formed my plans for 
obtaining a knowledge of those countries into which I could not 
personally penetrate [5]. 

Survey Parties. — In 1810-11 I had despatched two i^arties, 
one to the Indus, the other to the desert south of the Sutlej. The 
first party, under Shaikh Abu-1 Barakat, journeyed westward, 
by Udaipur, through Gujarat, Saurashtra and Cutch, Lakhpat and 
Hyderabad (the capital of the Sindi government) ; crossed the 
Indus to Tatta, proceeded up the right bank to Sehwan ; re- 
crossed, and continued on the left bank as far as lOiairpur, the 
residence of one of the triumvirate governors of Sind, and having 
reached the insulated Bakhar ' (the capital of the Sogdoi of 
Alexander), returned by the desert of Umrasumra to Jaisalmer, 
Marwar, and Jaipur, and joined me in camp at Narwar. It was 

^ Many incidents in these journeys would require no aid of imagination 
to touch on the romantic, but they can have no place here. 
^ Eastern tableland. ^ Sind River. 

* Paibati River. . ^ Kali Sind River. 

* Passage of the Chambal and junction of the Par. 

' The Shaikh brought me specimens of the rock, which is siliceous ; and 
also a piece of brick of the very ancient fortress of Sehwan, and some of the 
grain from its pits, charred and alleged by tradition to have lain there since 
the period of Raja Bhartarihari, the brother of Vikramaditya. It is not 
impossible that it might be owing to Alexander's terrific progress, and to 
their supphes being destroyed by fire. Sehwan is conjectured by Captain 
Pottinger to be the capital of Musicanus. [The capital of the Sogdoi has 
been identified with Alor or Aror ; but Cunningham places it between Alor 
and Uchh. The capital of Mousikanos was possibly Alor, and Sehwan the 
Sindimana of the Greeks. But, owing to changes in the course of the 
Lower Indus, it is very difiicult to identify ancient sites (McCrindle, 
Akxaiider, 157, 354 f.).] 


a perilous undertaking ; but the Shaikh was a fearless and enter- 
prising character, and moreover a man with some tincture of 
learning. His journals contained many hints and directions for 
future research in the geography, statistics, and manners of the 
various races amongst whom he travelled. 

The other party was conducted by a most valuable, man, 
Madari Lai, who became a perfect adept in these expeditions of 
geographical discovery, and other knowledge resulting therefrom. 
There is not a district of anj^ consequence in the wide space before 
the reader which was not traversed by this spirited individual, 
whose qualifications for such complicated and hazardous journeys 
were never excelled. Ardent, persevering, prepossessing, and 
generally well-informed, he made his way when others might have 

From these remote regions the best-informed native inhabitants 
were, by persuasion and recompense, conducted to me ; and I 
could at all times, in the Mahratta camp at Gwalior, from 1812 
to 1817, have provided a native of the valley of the Indus, the 
deserts of Dhat, Umrasumra, or any of the States of Rajasthan. 

The precision with which Kasids and other public conveyers 
of letters, in countries where posts are little used, can detail the 
peculiarities of a long line of route, and the accuracy of their 
distances would scarcely be credited in Europe. I have no 
hesitation in asserting that if a correct estimate were obtained 
of the measured [6] coss of a country, a line might be laid down 
upon a flat surface with great exactitude. I have heard it 
affirmed that it was the custom of the old Hindu governments 
to have measurements made of the roads from town to town, 
and that the Abu Mahatma ^ contains a notice of an instrument 
for that purpose. Indeed, the singular coincidence between 
lines measured by the perambulator and the estimated distances 
of the natives is the best proof that the latter are deduced from 
some more certain method than mere computation. 

I never rested satisfied with the result of one set of my parties, 

^ His health was worn out at length, and he became the victim of de- 
pressed spirits. He died suddenly : I beUeve poisoned. Fateh, almost as 
zealous as Madari, also died in the jmrsuit. Geography has been destructive 
to all who have pursued it with ardour in the East. 

* A valuable aiid ancient work, which I presented to the Royal Asiatic 


with the single exception of Madari's, always making the informa- 
tion of one a basis for the instruction of another, who went over 
the same ground ; but with additional views and advantages, 
and with the aid of the natives brought successively by each, 
till I exhausted every field. 

Thus, in a few years, I had filled several volumes with lines of 
route throughout this space ; and having many frontier and 
intermediate points, the positions of which were fixed, a general 
outline of the result was constructed, wherein all this information 
was laid down. I speak more particularly of the western States, 
as the central portion, or that watered by the Chambal and its 
tributary streams, whether from the elevated Aravalli on the 
west, or from the Vindhya mountains on the south, has been 
personally surveyed and measured in every direction, with an 
accuracy sufficient for every political or military purpose, until 
the grand trigonometrical survey from the peninsula shall be 
•extended throughout India. These coimtries form an extended 
plain to the Sutlej north, and west to the Indus, rendering the 
amalgamation of geographical materials much less difficult than 
where mountainous regions intervene. 

After having laid down these varied lines in the outline 
described, I determined to check and confirm its accuracy by 
recommencing the survey on a new plan, viz. trigonometrically. 

My parties were again despatched to resume their labours 
over fields now familiar to them. They commenced from points 
whose positions were fixed (and my knowledge enabled me to 
give a series of such), from each of which, as a centre, they col- 
lected every radiating route to every town within the distance of 
twenty miles. The points selected were generally such as to 
approach equilateral [7] triangles ; and although to digest the 
information became a severe toil, the method will appear, even 
to the casual observer, one which must throw out its own errors ; 
for these lines crossed in every direction, and consequently 
corrected each other. By such means did I work my way in 
those unknown tracts, and the result is in part before the reader. 
I say, in part ; for my health compels me reluctantly to leave 
out much which could be combined from ten folios of journeys 
extending throughout these regions. 

The Author's Map. — In 1815, as before stated, an outline map 
containing all the information thus obtained, and which the 


subsequent crisis rendered of essential importance, was presented 
by me to the Governor- General of India. Upon the very eve of 
the war I constructed and presented another, of the greater 
portion of Malwa, to which it appeared expedient to confine the 
oiDcrations against the Pindaris. The material feature in this 
small map was the general position of the Vindhya mountains, 
the sources and course of every river originating thence, and the 
passes in this chain, an object of primary importance. The 
boundaries of the various countries in this tract were likewise 
defined, and it became essentially useful in the subsequent dis- 
memberment of the Peshwa's dominions. 

In the construction of this map I had many fixed points, both 
of Dr. Hunter's and my own, to work from ; and it is gratifying 
to observe that though several measured lines have since been 
run through this space, not only the general, but often the identi- 
cal features of mine have been preserved in the maps since given 
to the world. As considerable improvement has been made by 
several measured lines through this tract, and many positions 
affixed by a scientific and zealous geographer, I have had no 
hesitation in incorporating a small portion of this improved 
geography in the map now presented.^ 

Many surveyed lines were made by ine from 1817 to 1822 ; 
and here I express my obligations to my kinsman,^ to whom 
alone I owe any aid for improving this portion of my geographical 
labours. This officer made a circuitous survey, which compre- 
hended nearly the extreme points of Mewar, from the capital 
by Chitor, Mandalgarh, Jahazpur, Rajmahall, and in return by 
Banai, Radnor, Deogarh [8], to the point of outset. From these 
extreme points he was enabled to place many intermediate ones, 
for which Mewar is so favourable, by reason of its isolated 

In 1820 I made an important journey across the Aravalli, by 
Kumbhalmer, Pali, to Jodhpur, the capital of Marwar, and 
thence by Merta, tracing the course of the Luni to its source at 
Ajmer ; and from this celebrated residence of the Chauhan 

^ It is, however, limited to Malwa, whose geography was greatly im- 
proved and enlarged by the labours of Captain Dangerfield ; and though 
my materials could fill up the whole of tliis province, I merely insert the 
chief points to connect it with Rajasthan. 

^ Captain P. T. Waugh, 10th Regiment Light Cavalry, Bengal. 


kings and Mogul emperors; returning through the central lands 
of Mewar, by Banai and Banera, to the capital. 

I had the peculiar satisfaction to find that my position of 
Jodhpur, which has been used as a capital point in fixing the 
geography west and north, was only 3' of space out in latitude, 
and little more in longitude ; which accounted for the coincidence 
of my position of Bikaner with that assigned by Mr. Elphtnstone 
in his account of the embassy to Kabul. 

Besides Udaipur, Jodhpur, Ajmer, etc., whose positions I had 
fixed by observations, and the points laid down by Hunter, I 
availed myself of a few positions given to me by that enterprising 
traveller, the author of the journey into Ivliorasan,^ who marched 
from Delhi, by Nagor and Jodhpur, to Udaipur. 

The outline of the countries of Gujarat,^ the Saurashtra 
peninsula, and Cutch, inserted chiefly by way of connexion, is 
entirely taken from the labours of that distinguished geographer, 
the late General Reynolds. We had both gone over a great 
portion of the same field, and my testimony is due to the value 
of his researches in countries into which he never personally 
penetrated, evincing what may be done by industry, and the 
use of such materials as I have described. 

Physiography of Bajputana. — I shall conclude with a rapid 
sketch of the physiognomy of these regions ; minute and local 
descriptions will appear more appropriately in the respective 
historical portions 

Rajasthan presents a great variety of feature. Let me place 
the reader on the highest peak of the insulated Abu, ' the saint's 
pinnacle,' ^ as it is termed, and guide his eye in a survey over this 
wide expanse, from the ' blue waters ' of the Indus west to the 
' withy-covered ' * Betwa on the east. From this, the most [9] 
elevated spot in Hindustan, overlooking by fifteen hundred feet 
the Aravalli moimtains, his eye descends to the plains of Medpat * 

^ Sir. J. B. Fraser [whose book was published in 1825]. 

^ My last journey, in 1822-23, was from Udaipur, through these countries 
towards the Delta of the Indus, but more with a view to historical and 
antiquarian than geographical research. It proved the most fruitful of 
all my many journeys. [The results are recorded in Travels in Western 
India, pubhshed in 1839, after the author's death.] ® Guru Sikhar. 

* Its classic name is Vetravati, Vetra being the common willow [or reed] 
in Sanskrit ; said by WiLford to be the same in Welsh. 

* Literally 'the central {madJiya] flat.' [It means 'Land of the Med tribe.'] 


(the classic term for Mewar), whose chief streams, flowing from 
the base of the AravaUi, join the Berach and Banas, and are 
prevented from uniting with the Chambal only by the Patar ^ or 
plateau of Central India. 

Ascending this plateau near the celebrated Chitor, let the eye 
deviate slightly from the direct eastern line, and pursue the only 
practicable path by Ratangarh, and Singoli, to Kotah, and he 
will observe its three successive steppes, the miniature representa- 
tion of those of Russian Tartary. Let the observer here glance 
across the Chambal and traverse Haraoti to its eastern frontier, 
guarded by the fortress of Shahabad : thence abruptly descend 
the plateau to the level of the Sind, still proceeding eastward, 
until the table-mountain, the western limit of Bundelkhand, 
affords a resting-point. 

To render this more distmct, I present a profile of the tract 
described from Abu to Kotra on the Betwa : ^ from Abu to the 
Chambal, the result of barometrical measurement, and from the 
latter to the Betwa from my general observations ^ of the irregu- 
larities of surface. The result is, that the Betwa at Kotra is one 
thousand feet above the sea-level, and one thousand lower than 
the city and valley of Udaipur, which again is on the same level 
with the base of Abu, two thousand feet above the sea. This line, 
the general direction of which is but a short distance from the 
tropic, is about six geographic degrees in length : yet is this small 
space highly diversified, both in its inhabitants and the produc- 
tion of the soil, whether hidden or revealed. 

^ Meaning ' table {pat) mountain (ar).' — Although ar may not be found 
ill any Sanskrit dictionary with the signification ' mountain,' yet it appears 
to be a primitive root possessing such meaning — instance, Ar-buddha, 
'hill of Buddha'; Aravalli, 'hill of strength.' Ar is Hebrew for 'moun- 
tain ' (qu. Ararat ?) "Opos in Greek ? The common word for a mountain 
in Sanskrit, gir, is equally so in Hebrew. [These derivations are out of 
date. The origin of the word pntdr is obscure. Sir G. Grierson, to whom 
the question was referred, suggests a connexion with Marathi pathdr, ' a 
tableland,' or Gujarati pathdr (Skr. prastara, ' expanse, extent '). The 
word is probably not connected with Hindi pdt, ' a board.'] 

2 The Betwa River runs under the tableland just alluded to, on the east. 

^ I am familiar with these regions, and confidently predict that when a 
similar measurement shall be made from the Betwa to .Kotah, these results 
will little err, and the error will be in having made Kotah somewhat too 
elevated, and the bed of the Betwa a little too low. [Udaipur city is 1950 
feet above sea-level.] 

1^ i ^1 


Let us now from our eleva^d station (still turned to the east) 
carry the eye both south and north of the line described, which 
nearly bisects Madhyadesa,^ ' the central land ' of Rajasthan ; 
best defined by the course of the Chambal and [10] its tributary 
streams, to its confluence with the Jumna : while the regions 
west of the transalpine Aravalli^^ may as justly be defined Western 

Looking to the south, the eye rests on the long-extended and 
strongly - defined line of the Vindhya mountains, the proper 
bounds of Hindustan and the Deccan. Though, from our elevated 
stand on ' the Saint's Pinnacle ' of Abu, we look down on the 
Vindhya as a range of diminished importance, it is that our 
position is the least favourable to viewing its grandeur, which 
would be most apparent from the south ; though throughout 
this skirt of descent, irregular elevations attain a height of many 
hundred feet above such points of its abrupt descent. 

The Aravalli itself may be said to coiuiect with the Vindhya, 
and the point of junction to be towards Champaner ; though it 
might be as correct to say the Aravalli thence rose upon and 
stretched from the Vindhya. Whilst it is much less elevated 
than more to the north, it presents bold features throughout,^ 
south by Lunawara, Dungarpur, and Idar, to Amba Bhawani 
and Udaipur. 

Still looking from Abu over the tableland of Malwa, we 
observe her plains of black loam furrowed by the numerous 
streams from the highest points of the Vindhya, pursuing their 
northerly course ; some meandering through valleys or faUing 
over precipices ; others bearing down all opposition, and actually 
forcing an exit through the central plateau to join the Chambal. 
The Aravalli Range. — Having thus glanced at the south, let 
us cast the eye north of this line, and pause on the alpine Aravalli.* 

^ Central India, a term which I first applied as the title of the map pre- 
sented to the Marquess of Hastings, in 1815, 'of Central and Western India,' 
and since become famiUar. [Usually applied to the Ganges-Jumna Duab.] 

"^ Let it be remembered that the Aravalli, though it loses its tabular form, 
sends its branches north, terminating at DeUii. 

^ Those who have marched from Baroda towards Malwa and marked the 
irregularities of surface will admit this chain of connexion of the Vmdhya 
and AravaUi. 

* ' The refuge of strength ' [?], a title justly merited, from its affording 
protection to the most ancient sovereign race which holds dominion, whether 


Let us take a section of it, from the capital, Udaipur, the line of 
our station on Abu, passing through Oghna Panarwa, and Mirpur, 
to the western descent near Sirohi, a space of nearly sixty miles 
in a direct h"ne, where " hills o'er hills and alps on alps arise," 
from the ascent at Udaipur, to the descent to ISIarwar. All this 
space to the Sirohi frontier is inhabited by communities of the 
aboriginal races, living in a state of primeval and almost savage 
independence, owning no paramount power, paying no tribute, 
but with all the simplicity of republics ; their leaders, with the 
title of Rawat, being hereditary. Thus the Rawat of the Oghna 
commune can assemble five thousand bows, and several others [11 J 
can on occasion muster considerable numbers. Their habitations 
are dispersed through the valleys in small rude hamlets, near their 
pastures or places of defence.^ 

Let me now transport the reader to the citadel pinnacle of 
Kumbhalmer,^ thence surveying the range running north to Ajmer, 
where, shortly after, it loses its tabular form, and breaking into 
lofty ridges, sends numerous branches through the Shaikhavati 
federation, and Alwar, till in low heights it terminates at Delhi. 

From Kumbhalmer to Ajmer the whole space is termed 
Merwara, and is inhabited by the mountain race of Mer or Mair, 
the habits and history of which singular class will be hereafter 
related. The range averages from six to fifteen miles in breadth, 

in the east or west — the ancient stock of the Suryavans, the Hehadai of 
India, our ' children of the sun,' the princes of Mewar. [Aravalli probably 
means ' Comer Line.'] 

^ It was my intention to have penetrated through their singular abodes ; 
and I had negotiated, and obtained of these ' forest lords ' a promise of 
hospitable passport, of which I have never allowed myself to doubt, as the 
virtues of pledged faith and hospitahty are ever to be found in stronger 
keeping in the inverse ratio of civiUzation. Many years ago one of my 
parties was permitted to range through this tract. In one of the passes of 
their lengthened valleys ' The Lord of the Mountain ' was dead : the men 
were all abroad, and his widow alone in the hut. Madari told his story, 
and claimed her surety and passport ; which the Bhilni dehvered from the 
quiver of her late lord ; and the arrow carried in his hand was as well 
recognised as the cumbrous roll with all its seals and appendages of a 
traveller in Europe. 

* Meru signifies ' a hill ' in Sanskrit, hence Komal, or properly Kumbhal- 
mer, is 'the hill' or 'mountain of Kumbha/ a prince whose exploits are 
narrated. Likewise Ajmer is the 'hiU of Ajaj^a,' the 'Invincible' hill. 
Mer is with the long e, like Mere in French, in classical orthography. 
[Ajmer, ' hill of Aja, Cha^uhan.'] 


having upwards of one hundred and fifty villages and hamlets 
scattered over its valleys and rocks, abundantly watered, not 
deficient in pasture, and with cultivation enough for all internal 
wants, though it is raised with infinite labour on terraces, as the 
vine is cultivated in Switzerland and on the Rhine. 

In vain does the eye search for any trace of wheel-carriage 
across this compound range from Idar to Ajmer ; and it conse- 
quently well merits its appellation ara, ' the barrier,' for the 
strongest arm of modern warfare, artillery, would have to turn 
the chain by the north to avoid the impracticable descent to the 

Views from the Aravalli Hills. — Guiding the eye along the chain, 
several fortresses are observed on pinnacles guarding the passes 
on either side, while numerous rills descend, pouring over the 
declivities, seeking their devious exit between the projecting ribs 
of the mountain. The Berach, the Banas, the Kothari, the 
Khari, the Dahi all unite with the Banas to the east, while to 
the west the still more numerous streams which fertilize the rich 
province of Godwar, unite to ' the Salt River,' the Luni, and 
mark the true line of the desert. Of these the chief are the Sukri 
and the [12] Bandi ; while others which are not perennial, and 
depend on atmospheric causes for their supply, receive the general 
denomination of rela, indicative of rapid mountain torrents, 
carrying in their descent a vast volume of alluvial deposit, to 
enrich the siliceous soil below. 

However grand the view of the chaotic mass of rock from this 
elevated site of Kumbhalmer, it is from the plains of Marwar that its 
majesty is most apparent ; where its ' splintered pinnacles ' are 
seen rising over each other in varied form, or frowning over the 
dark indented recesses of its forest-covered and rugged declivities. 

On reflection, I am led to pronounce the Aravalli a connexion 
of the ' Apennines of India ' ; the Ghats on the Malabar coast of 

^ At the point of my descent this was characteristically illustrated by 
my Rajput friend of Semar, whose domain had been invaded and cow-pens 
emptied, but a few days before, by the mountain bandit of Sirohi. With 
their booty they took the shortest and not most practicable road : but 
though their alpine kine are pretty well accustomed to leaping in such abodes, 
it would appear they had hesitated here. The difficulty was soon got over 
by one of the Minas, who with his dagger transfixed one and rolled him over 
the height, his carcase serving at once as a precedent and a stepping-stone 
for his horned kindred. 


the peninsula : nor does the passage of the Nerbudda or the 
Tapti, through its diminished centre, mihtate against the hypo- 
thesis, which might be better substantiated by the comparison of 
their intrinsic character and structure. 

Geology of the Aravallis. — The general character of the Aravalli 
is its primitive formation : ^ granite, reposing in variety of angle 
(the general dip is to the east) on massive, compact, dark blue 
slate, the latter rarely appearing much above the surface or base 
of the superincumbent granite. The internal valleys abound in 
variegated quartz and a variety of schistous slate of every hue, 
which gives a most singular appearance to the roofs of the houses 
and temples when the sun shines upon them. Rocks of gneiss 
and of syenite appear in the intervals ; and in the diverging 
ridges west of Ajmer the summits are quite dazzling with the 
enormous masses of vitreous rose-coloured quartz. 

The Aravalli and its subordinate hills are rich in both mineral 
and metallic products ; and, as stated in the annals of Mewar, 
to the latter alone can be attributed the resources which enabled 
this family so long to struggle against superior power, and to raise 
those magnificent structures which would do honour to the most 
potent kingdoms of the west. 

The mines are royalties ; their produce a monopoly, increasing 
the personal revenue of their prince. An-Dan- Khan is a triple 
figurative expression, which comprehends the sum of sovereign 
rights in Rajasthan, being allegiance, commercial duties, mines. 
The tin-mines of Mewar were once very productive, and yielded, 
it is asserted, no inconsiderable portion of silver : but the caste 
of miners is extinct, and political reasons, during the Mogul 
domination, led to the [13] concealment of such sources of wealth. 
Copper of a very fine description is likewise abundant, and supplies 
the currency ; and the chief of Salumbar even coins by sufferance 
from the mines on his own estate. Surma, or the oxide of anti- 

^ [" Oldest of all the physical features which intersect the continent is 
the range of mountains known as the Aravallis, which strilies across the 
Peninsula from north-east to south-west, overlooking the sandy wastes of 
Rajputana. The Aravallis are but the depressed and degraded relics of a 
far more prominent mountain system, which stood, in Palaeozoic times, on 
the edge of the Rajputana Sea. The disintegrated rocks which once formed 
part of the Aravallis are now spread out in wide red-stone plains to the 
east" {lOI.i. 1).] 


mony, is found on the western frontier. The garnet, amethystine 
quartz, rock crystal, the chrysolite, and inferior kinds of the 
emerald family are all to be found within Mewar ; and though 
I have seen no specimens decidedly valuable, the Rana has often 
told me that, according to tradition, his native hills contained 
every species of mineral wealth. 

The Patar Plateau. — Let us now quit our alpine station on the 
Aravalli, and make a tour of the Patar, or plateau of Central 
India, not the least important feature of this interesting region. 
It possesses a most decided character, and is distinct from the 
Vindhya to the south and the Aravalli to the west, being of the 
secondary formation, or trap, of the most regular horizontal 

The circimiference of the plateau is best explained in the map, 
though its surface is most unequally detailed, and is continually 
alternating its character between the tabular form and clustering 

Commencing the tour of Mandalgarh, let us proceed south, 
skirting Chitor (both on insulated rocks detached from the 
plateau), thence by Jawad, Dantoli, Rampura,^ Bhanpura, the 
Mukunddarra Pass,^ to Gagraim (where the Kali Sind forces an 
entrance through its table - barrier to Eklera)' and Margwas 
(where the Parbati, taking advantage of the diminished eleva- 
tion, passes fromMalwa to Haraoti), and by Raghugarh, Shahabad, 
Ghazigarh, Gaswani, to Jadonwati, where the plateau terminates 
on the Chambal, east ; while from the same point of outset, 
Mandalgarh, soon losing much of its table form, it stretches away 
in bold ranges, occasionally tabular, as in the Bundi fortress, by 
Dablana, Indargarh,* and Lakheri,* to Ranthambhor and Karauli, 
terminating at Dholpur Bari 

The elevation and inequalities of this plateau are best seen by 
crossing it from west to east, from the plains to the level of the 
Chambal, where, with the exception of the short flat between 
Kotah and Pali ferry, this noble stream is seen rushing through 
the rocky barrier. 

At Ranthambhor the plateau breaks into lofty ranges, their 

^ Near this the Chambal first breaks into the Patar. 

^ Here is the celebrated pass through the mountains. 

^ Here the Niwaz breaks the chain. 

* Both celebrated passes, where the ranges are very compHcated. 


white summits [14] sparkling in the snn ; cragged but not peaked, 
and preserving the characteristic formation, though disunited 
from the mass. Here there are no less than seven distinct ranges 
{Satpara), through all of which the Banas has to force a passage 
to unite with the Chambal. Beyond Ranthambhor, and the 
whole way from Karauli to the river, is an irregular tableland, 
on the edge of whose summit are the fortresses of Utgir, Mandrel, 
and that more celebrated of Thun. But east of the eastern side 
there is still another steppe of descent, which may be said to 
originate near the fountain of the Sind at Latoti, and passing 
by Chanderi, Kanyadana, Narwar, and Gwalior, terminates at 
Deogarh, in the plains of Gohad. The descent from this second 
steppe is into Bundelkhand and the valley of the Betwa. 

Distinguished as is this elevated region of the surface of 
Central India, its summit is but little higher than the general 
elevation of the crest of the Vindhya, and upon a level with the 
valley of Udaipur and base of the Aravalli. The slope or descent, 
therefore, from both these ranges to the skirts of the plateau is 
great and abrupt, of which the most intelligible and simple proof 
appears in the course of these streams. Few portions of the 
globe attest more powerfully the force exerted by the action of 
waters to subdue every obstacle, than a view of the rock-bound 
channels of these streams in this adamantine barrier. Four 
streams — one of v/hich, the Chambal, would rank with the Rhine 
and almost with the Rhone — have here forced their way, laying 
bare the stratification from the water's level to the summit, from 
three to six hundred feet in perpendicular height, the rock appear- 
ing as if chiselled by the hand of man. Here the geologist may 
read the book of nature in distinct character ; few tracts (from 
Rampura to Kotah) will be foimd more interesting to him, to the 
antiquarian, or to the lover of nature in her most rugged attire. 

The surface of this extensive plateau is greatly diversified. 
At Kotah the bare protruding rock in some places presents 
not a trace of vegetation ; but where it bevels off to the banks 
of the Par it is one of the richest and most productive soils in 
India, and better cultivated than any spot even of British India. 
In its indented sides are glens of the most romantic description 
(as the fountain of ' the snake King ' near Hinglaj), and deep 
dells, the source of small streams, where many treasures of art,^ 
^ I have rescued a few of these from oblivion to present to my countrymen. 


in temples and ancient dwellings, yet remain to reward the 
traveller [15]. 

This central elevation, as before described, is of the secondary 
formation, called trap. Its prevailing colour, where laid bare by 
the Chambal, is milk-white : it is compact and close-grained, 
and though perhaps the mineral offering the greatest resistance 
to the chisel, the sculptures at the celebrated BaroUi evince its 
utility to the artist. White is also the prevailing colour to the 
westward. About Kotah it is often mixed white and porphyritic, 
and about .Shahabad of a mixed red and brown tint. When 
exposed to the action of the atmosphere in its eastern declivity 
the decomposed and rough surface would almost cause it to be 
mistaken for gritstone. 

This formation is not favourable to mineral wealth. The 
only metals are lead and iron ; but their ores, especially the latter, 
are abundant. There are mines, said to be of value, of sulphuret 
of lead (galena) in the GAvalior province, from which I have had 
specimens, but these also are closed. The natives fear to extract 
their mineral wealth ; and though abounding in lead, tin, and 
copper, they are indebted almost entirely to Europe even for the 
materials of their culinary utensils. 

Without attempting a delineation of inferior ranges, I will 
only further direct the reader's attention to an important deduc- 
tion from this superficial review of the physiognomy of Rajwara. 

The Mountain System of Central India. — There are two dis- 
tinctly marked declivities or slopes in Central India : the chief is 
that from west to east, from the great rampart, the Aravalli 
(interposed to prevent the drifting of the sands into the central 
plains, bisected by the Chambal and his hundred arms) to the 
Betwa ; the other slope is from south to north, from the Vindhya, 
t he southern buttress of Central India, to the Jumna. 

Extending our definition, we may pronounce the course of 
the Jumna to indicate the central fall of that immense vale which 
has its northern slope from the base of the Himalaya, and the 
southern from that of the Vindhya mountains. 

It is not in contemplation to delineate the varied course of the 
magnificent Nerbudda, though I have abundant means ; for the 
moment we ascend the summit of the tropical ^ Vindhya, to 

^ Hence its name, Vindhija, ' the barrier,' to the further progress of the 
sun in his northern decHnation. [Skr. root, bind, bid, ' to divide.'] 



descend into the valley of the Nerbudda, we abandon Rajasthan 
and the Rajputs for the aboriginal, races, the first proprietors of 
the land. These I shall leave to others, and commence and end 
with the Chambal, the paramount lord of the floods of Central 
India [16]. 

The Chambal River. — The Chambal has his fountains in a very 
elevated point of the Vindhya, amidst a cluster of hills on which 
is bestowed the local appellation of Janapao. It has three co- 
equal sources from the same cluster, the Chambal, Chambela, 
and Gambhir ; while no less than nine other streams have their 
origin on the south side, and pour their waters into the Nerbudda. 

The Sipra from Pipalda, the little Sind ^ from Dewas, and other 
minor streams passing Ujjain, all unite with the Chambal in 
different stages before he breaks through the plateau. 

The Kali Sind, from Bagri, and its petty branch, the Sodwia, 
from Raghugarh ; the Niwaz (or Jamniri), from Morsukri and 
Magarda ; the Parbati, from the pass of Amlakhera, with its more 
eastern arm from Daulatpur, uniting at Pharhar, are all points in 
the crest of the Vindhya range, whence they pursue their course 
through the plateau, rolling over precipices,^ till engulfed in the 
Chambal at the ferries of Nunera and Pali. All these unite on 
the right bank. 

On the left bank his flood is increased by the Banas, fed by 
the perennial streams from the Aravalli, and the Berach from 
the lakes of Udaipur ; and after watering Mewar, the southern 
frontier of Jaipur, and the highlands of Karauli, the river turns 
south to unite at the holy Sangam,' Rameswar. Minor streams 
contribute (unworthy, however, of separate notice), and after a 
thousand involutions he reaches the Jumna, at the holy Triveni,* 
or ' triple-allied ' stream, between Etawa and Kalpi. 

^ This ii the fourth Sind of India. We have, first, the Sind or Indus ; 
this little Sind ; then the Kali Sind, or ' black river ' ; and again the Sind 
rising at Latoti, on the plateau west and above Sironj. Sin is a Scythio 
word for river (now unused), so applied by the Hindus. [Skr. Sindhu, 
probably from the root syand, ' to flow.'] 

^ The falls of the Kali Sind through the rocks at Gagraun and the Par- 
bati at Chapra (Gugal) are well worthy of a visit. The latter, though I 
encamped twice at Chapra, from which it was reputed five miles, I did not 

^ Sangam is the point of confluence of two or more rivers, always sacred 
to Mahadeva. 

* The Jumna, Chambal, and Sind [triveni, ' triple braid ']. 


The course of the Chambal, not reckoning the minor sinuosities, 
is upwards of five hundred miles ; ^ and along its banks specimens 
of nearly every race now existing in India may be found : Sondis, 
Chandarawats, Sesodias, Haras, Gaur, Jadon, Sakarwal, Gujar, 
Jat,* Tuar, Chauhan, Bhadauria, Kachhwaha, Sengar, Bundela ; 
each in associations of various magnitudes, from the substantive 
state of the little republic communes between the Chambal and 
Kuwari' [17]- 

The Western Desert. — Having thus sketched the central 
portion of Rajasthan, or that eastward of the Aravalli, I shall 
give a rapid general * view of that to the west, conducting the 
reader over the ' Thai ka Tiba,' or ' sand hills ' of the desert, to 
the valley of the Indus. 

The Luni River. — Let the reader again take post on Abu, by 
which he may be saved a painful journey over the Thal.^ The 
most interesting object in this arid ' region of death ' is the ' salt 
river,' the Luni, with its many arms falling from the Aravalli to 
enrich the best portion of the principality of Jodhpur, and dis- 
tinctly marking the line of that extensive plain of ever-shifting 
sand, termed in Hindu geography Marusthali, corrupted to Marwar. 

The Luni, from its sources, the sacred lakes of Pushkar and 
Ajmer, and the more remote arm from Parbatsar to its em- 
bouchure in the great western salt marsh, the Rann, has a course 
of more than three hundred miles. 

In the term Eirinon of the historians of Alexander, we have 
the corruption of the word Ran or Rann,* still used to describe 
that extensive fen formed by the deposits of the Luni, and the 
equally saturated saline streams from the southern desert of 
Dhat. It is one hundred and fifty miles in length ; and where 
broadest, from Bhuj to Baliari, about seventy : ' in which direc- 

^ [650 miles.] 

2 The only tribes not of Rajput blood. ^ Tj^g ' virgin ' stream. 

* I do not repeat the names of towns forming the arrondissements of the 
various States ; they are distinctly laid down in the boundary lines of each. 

5 Thai is the general term for the sand ridges of the desert. [Skr. slhala, 
' firm ground.'] 

* Most probably a corruption of aranya, or desert ; [or iriiia, irina, 
' desert, salt soil '], so that the Greek mode of writing it is more correct than 
the present. 

' [The area of the Rann is about 9000 square miles : its length 150, 
breadth, 60 miles. Bhuj lies inland, not on the banks of the Rann.] 


tion the caravans cross, having as a place of halt an insulated 
oasis in this mediterranean salt marsh. In the dry season, 
nothing meets the eye but an extensive and glaring sheet of salt, 
spread over its insidious surface, full of dangerous quicksands : 
and in the rains it is a dirty saline solution, up to the camels' 
girths in many places. The little oasis, the Khari Kaba^ furnishes 
pasture for this useful animal and rest for the traveller pursuing 
his journey to either bank. 

The Mirage. — It is on the desiccated borders ^ of this vast salt 
marsh that the illusory phenomenon, the mirage, presents its 
fantastic appearance, pleasing to all but the wearied traveller, 
who sees a haven of rest in the embattled towers, the peaceful 
hamlet,^ [18] or shady grove, to which he hastens in vain ; reced- 
ing as he advances, till " the sun in his might," dissipating these 
" cloud-capp'd towers," reveals the vanity of his pursuit. 

Such phenomena are common to the desert, more particularly 
where these extensive saline depositions exist, but varying from 
certain causes. In most cases, this powerfully magnifying and 
reflecting medium is a vertical stratum ; at first dense and 
opaque, it gradually attenuates with increased temperature, till 
the maximum of heat, which it can no longer resist, drives it off 
in an ethereal vapour. This optical deception, well known to the 
Rajputs, is called sikot, or ' winter castles,' because chiefly 
visible in the cold season : hence, possibly, originated the equally 
illusory and delightful ' Chateau en Espagne,' so well known in 
the west.^ 

^ It is here the wild ass {ijorlJiar) roams at large, untamable as in the 
day of the Arabian Patriarch of Uz, " whose house I have made the wilder- 
ness, the barren land (or, according to the Hebrew, salt places), his dwelling. 
He scorneth the multitude of the city, neither regardeth he the cr3ing of the 
driver " (Job xxxix. 6, 7). ^ Purwa. 

^ I have beheld it from the top of the ruined fortress of Hissar with un- 
limited range of vision, no object to diverge its ray, save the miniature 
forests ; the entire circle of tlie horizon a chain of more than fancy could 
form of palaces, towers, and these airy ' pillars of heaven ' terminating in 
turn their ephemeral existence. But in the deserts of Dhat and Umrasumra, 
where the shepherds pasture their flocks, and especially where the alkaline 
plant is produced, the stratification is more horizontal, and produces more 
of the watery deception. It is this illusion to which the inspired writer 
refers, when he says, " the mock pool of the desert shall become real water " 
[Isaiah xxv. 7]. The inhabitants of the desert term it Chitram, literally 
' the picture,' by no means an unhappy designation. 


The Desert. — From the north bank of the Luni to the south, 
and the Shaikhavat frontier to the east, the sandy region com- 
mences. Bikaner, Jodhpur, Jaisalmer are all sandy plains, 
increasing in volume as you proceed westward. All this portion 
of territory is incumbent on a sandstone formation : soundings of 
all the new wells made from Jodhpur to Ajmer yielded the same 
result : sand, concrete siliceous deposits, and chalk. 

Jaisalmer is everywhere encircled by desert ; and that portion 
round the capital might not be improperly termed an oasis, in 
which wheat, barley, and even rice are produced. The fortress 
is erected on the extremity of a range of some hundred feet in 
elevation, which can be traced beyond its southern confines to the 
ruins of the ancient Chhotan erected upon them, and which 
tradition has preserved as the capital of a tribe, or prince, termed 
Hapa, of whom no other trace exists. It is not unlikely that 
this ridge may be connected with that which runs through the 
rich provuice of Jalor ; consequently an offset from the base of 

Though all these regions collectively bear the terra Marusthali, 
or ' region of death ' (the emphatic and figurative phrase for the 
desert), the restrictive definition applies to a part only, that 
under the dominion of the Rathor race [19]. 

From Balotra on the Luni, throughout the whole of Dhat and 
Umrasumra, the western portion of Jaisalmer, and a broad strip 
between the southern limits of Daudputra and Bikaner, there is 
real solitude and desolation. But from the Sutlej to the Rann, 
a space of five hundred miles of longitudinal distance, and varying 
in breadth from fifty to one hundred miles, numerous oases are 
found, where the shepherds from the valley of the Indus and the 
Thai pasture their flocks. The springs of water in these places 
have various appellations, tar, par, rar, dar, all expressive of the 
element, round which assemble the Rajars, Sodhas, Mangalias, 
and Sahariyas,^ inhabiting the desert. 

^ Sehraie [in the text], from sahra, ' desert.' Hence Sarrazin, or Saracen, 
is a corruption from sahra, ' desert,' and zadan, ' to strike,' contracted. 
Rdhzani, ' to strike on the road ' (rah). Rdhbar, ' on the road,' corrupted 
by the Pindaris to labar, the designation of their forays. [The true name 
is Sahariya, which has been connected with that of the Savara, a tribe in 
Eastern India. Saracen comes to us from the late Latin Saraceni,oi which 
the origin is unknown ; it cannot be derived from the Arabic Sharqi, 
' eastern ' (see New English Dictionary, s.v.).] 


I will not touch on the salt lakes or natron beds, or the other 
products of the desert, vegetable or mineral ; though the latter 
might soon be described, being confined to the jasper rock near 
Jaisalmer, which has been much used in the beautiful arabesques 
of that fairy fabric, at Agra, the mausoleum of Shah Jahan's 

Neither shall I describe the valley of the Indus, or that portion 
eastward of the stream, the termination of the sand ridges of the 
desert. I will inerely remark, that the small stream which 
breaks from the Indus at Dara, seven miles north of the insulated 
Bakhar, and falls into the ocean at Lakhpat, shows the breadth 
of this eastern portion of the valley, which forms the western 
boundary of the desert. A traveller proceeding from the Khichi 
or flats of Sind to the east, sees the line of the desert distinctly 
marked, with its elevated tibas or sand ridges under which flows 
the Sankra, which is generally dry except at periodical inunda- 
tions. These sand-hills are of considerable elevation, and may 
be considered the limit of the inundation of the ' sweet river,' 
the Mitha Maran, a Scythic or Tatar name for river, and by which 
alone the Indus is known, from the Panjnad ^ to the ocean [20]. 

^ The confluent arms or sources of the Indus. 



The Puranas. — Being desirous of epitomizing the chronicles of 
the martial races of Central and Western India, it was essential to 
ascertain the sources whence they draw, or claim to draw, their 
lineage. For this purpose I obtained from the library of the 
Rana of Udaipur their sacred volumes, the Puranas, and laid 
them before a body of pandits, over whom presided the learned 
Jati Gyanchandra. From these extracts were made of all the 
genealogies of the great races of Surya and Chandra, and of facts 
historical and geographical. 

Most of the Puranas ^ contain portions of historical as well as 
geographical knowledge ; but the Bhagavat, the Skanda, the I 
Agni, and the Bhavishya are the chief guides. It is rather j 
fortunate than to be regretted that their chronologies do not 
perfectly agxee. The number of princes in each line varies, and 
names are transposed ; but we recognize distinctly the principal 
features in each, affording the conclusion that they are the 
productions of various writers, borrowing from some common 
original source [21]. 

^ " Every Parana," says the first authority existing in Sanskrit lore, 
" treats of five subjects : the creation of the universe ; its progress, and the 
renovation of the world ; the genealogy of gods and heroes ; chronology, 
according to a fabulous system ; and heroic history, containing the achieve- 
ments of demi-gods and heroes. Since each purana contains a cosmogony, 
both mythological and heroic history, the works which bear that title may 
not unaptly be compared to the Grecian theogonies " ('Essay on the 
Sanskrit and Pracrit Languages,' by H. T. Colebrooke, Esq. ; As. Res. 
vol. vii. p. 202). [On the age of the Puranas see Smith, EHI, 21 if.] 



Deluge Legend. — The Genesis ^ of India commences with an 
event described in the history of almost all nations, the deluge, 
which, though treated with the fancy peculiar to the orientals, is 
not the less entitled to attention. The essence of the extract 
from the Agni Pur ana is this : " When ocean quitted his bounds 
and caused universal destruction by Brahma's command, Vaiva- 
swata ^ Manu (Noah), who dwelt near the Himalaya ^ mountains 
was giving water to the gods in the Kritamala river, when a small 
fish fell into his hand. A voice commanded him to preserve it. 
The fish expanded to an enormous size. Manu, with his sons 
and their wives, and the sages, with the seed of every living thing, 
entered into a vessel which was fastened to a horn on the head of 
the fish, and thus they were preser-fed." 

Here, then, the grand northern chain is given to which the 
abode of the great patriarch of mankind approximated. In the 
Bhavishya it is stated, that " Vaivaswata (sun-born) Manu ruled 
at the mountain Sumeru. Of his seed was Kakutstha Raja, 
who obtained sovereignty at Ayodhya,* and his descendants 
filled the land and spread over the earth." 

I am aware of the meaning given to Sumeru, that thus the 
Hindus designated the north pole of the earth. But they had 
also a mountain with this same appellation of pre-eminence of 
Meru, ' the hill,' with the prefix Su, ' good, sacred ' : the Sacred 

Meru, Sumeru. — In the geography of the Agni Purana, the 
term is used as a substantial geographical limit ; ^ and some of 

^ Resolvable into Sanskrit, janarn, ' birth,' and is and iswar, ' lords ' 
\jyivw, yl-yvofiai, Skr. root jan, ' to generate ']. 

^ Son of the sun. 

^ The snowy Caucasus. Sir WiUiara Jones, in an extract from a work 
entitled Essence of the Pooranas, says that this event took place at Dravira 
in the Deccan. 

* The present Ajodhya, capital of one of the twenty-two satrapies con- 
stituting the Mogul Empire, and for some generations held by the titular 
Vizir, who has recently assumed the regal title. [Ghaziu-d-din Haidar in 

* " To the south of Sumeru are the mountains Himavan, Hemakuta, 
and Nishadha ; to the north are the countries Nil, Sveta, and Sringi. 
Between Hemachal and the ocean the land is Bharatkhand, called Kukarraa 
Bhumi (land of vice, opposed to Aryavarta, or land of virtue), in which the 
seven grand ranges are Mahendra, Malaya, Sahya, Suktimat, Riksha, 
Vindhya, and Paripatra " {Agni Purana). 


the rivers flowing from the mountainous ranges, whose relative 
position with Sumeru are thei'e defined, still retain their ancient 
appellations. Let us not darken the subject, by supposing only 
allegorical meanings attached to explicit points. In the distribu- 
tion of their seven dwipas, or continents, though they interpose 
seas of curds, milk, or wine, we should not reject strong and 
evident facts, because subsequent ignorant interpolators filled 
up the page with puerilities [22]. 

This sacred mountain (Sumeru) is claimed by the Brahmans 
as the abode of Mahadeva,^ Adiswar,^ or Baghes ' ; by the Jains, 
as the abode of Adinath,* the first Jiniswara, or Jain lord. Here 
they say he taught mankind the arts of agriculture and civilized 
life. The Greeks claimed it as the abode of Bacchus ; and hence 
the Grecian fable of this god being taken from the thigh of Jupiter, 
confounding rncros (thigh) with the merii (hill) of this Indian 
deity. In this vicinity the followers of Alexander had their 
Saturnalia, drank to excess of the wine from its indigenous vines, 
and bound their brows with ivy (vela) ^ sacred to the Baghes of the 
east and west, whose votaries alike indulge in ' strong drink.' 

These traditions appear to point to one spot, and to one 
individual, in the early history of mankind, when the Hindu and 
the Greek approach a common focus ; for there is little doubt 
that Adinath, Adiswara, Osiris, Baghes, Bacchus, Manu, Menes 
designate the patriarch of majjikind, Noah. 

The Hindus can at this time give only a very general idea of 
the site of Meru ; but they appear to localize it in a space of 
which Bamian, Kabul, and Ghazni would be the exterior points. 
The former of these cities is Known to possess remains of the 

^ The Creator, literally ' the Great God. 

2 The ' first lord.' 

^ Baghes, ' the tiger lord. He wears a tiger's or panther's hide ; which 
he places beneath him. So Bacchus did. The phallus is the emblem of 
each. Baghes has several temples in Mewar. [In identifying Bacchus with 
a Hindu tiger god the author depended on Asiatic Researches, i. 258, viii. 51. 
For the Greek story in the text see Quintus Curtius viii. 10; Diodorus iii. 63; 
Arrian, Anabasis, vii.] 

* First lord. 

' Vela is the general term for a climber, sacred to the Indian Bacchus 
(Baghes, Adiswara, or Mahadeva), whose priests, following his example, 
are fond of intoxicating beverages, or drugs. The amarbel, or immortal 
vela, is a noble cUmber. 


religion of Buddha, in its caves and colossal statues.^ The 
Paropamisaa Alexandria is near Baniian ; but the Meru and 
Nyssa ^ of Alexander are placed more to the eastward by the 
jGreek writers, and according to the cautious Arrian between 
the Cophas and Indus. Authority localizes it between Peshawar 
and Jalalabad, and calls it Merkoh, or Markoh,* " a bare rock 
2000 feet high [23] with caves to the westward, termed Bedaulat 
by the Emperor Humayun from its dismal appearance." * This 

^ [" In the Tuman of Zohak and Bamiiin, the fortress of Zohak is a 
monument of great antiquity, and in good preservation, but the fort of 
Bamian is in ruins. In the mountain -side caves have been excavated and 
ornamented with plaster and paintings. Of these there are 12,000 which 
are called Sumaj, and in former times were used by the people as winter 
retreats. Three colossal figures are here : one is the statue of a man, 
80 yards in height ; another that of a woman, 50 yards high, and the third 
that of a child measuring 15 yards. Strange to relate, in one of the caves 
is placed a coffin containing the body of one who reposes in his last sleep. 
The oldest and most learned of antiquarians can give no account of its 
origin, but suppose it to be of great antiquity. In days of old the ancients 
prepared a medicament with which they anointed corpses and consigned 
them to earth in a hard soil. The simple, deceived by this art, attribute 
their preservation to a miracle " {Ain, ii. 409 f., with Jarrett's notes). For 
Bamian see EB, iii. 304 f.] 

2 Nishadha is mentioned in the Parana as a mountain. If in the genitive 
case (which the final syllable marks), it would be a local term given from 
the city of Nissa. [Nysa has no connexion with Nishadha. It probably 
lay near Jalalabad or Koh-i Mor (Smith^HI, 53).] 

* Meru, Sanskrit, and Koh, Persian, for a ' hiU.' 

* Asiatic Researches, vol. vi. p. 497. Wilford appears to have borrowed 
largely from that ancient store-house (as the Hindu would call it) of learning. 
Sir Walter Raleigh's History of the World. He combines, however, mucli of 
what that great man had so singularly acquired and condensed, with what 
he himself collected, and with the aid of imagination has formed a curious 
mosaic. But when he took a peep into " the chorographical description of 
the Terrestrial Paradise," I am surprised he did not separate the nurseries 
of mankind before and after the flood. There is one passage, also, of Sir 
Walter Raleigh which would have aided his hypothesis, that Eden was in 
Higher Asia, between the common sources of the Jihun and other grand 
rivers : the abundance of the Ficus Indica, or bar-tree, sacred to the first 
lord, Adnath or Mahadeva. 

" Now for the tree of knowledge of good and evil, some men have pre- 
sumed further ; especially Gorapius Bocanus, who giveth liimself the honour 
to have found out the kind of this tree, which none of the writers of former 
times could ever guess at, whereat Gorapius much marvelleth." 

" Both together went 

Into the thickest v/ood ; there soon they chose 


designation, however, of Dasht-i Bedaulat, or ' unhappy plain,' 
was given to the tract between the cities beforementioned [24]. 
The only scope of these remarks on Sumeru is to show that 

The fig tree ; not that kind for fruit renowned. 
But such as at this day, to Indians known 
In Malabar or Decan, spreads her arms 
Branching so broad and long, that in the ground 
The bended twigs take root, and daughters grow 
About the mother tree, a pillar'd shade 
High overarched, and echoing walks between. 
There oft the Indian herdsman, shunning heat, 
Shelters in cool and tends his pasturing herds." 

" Those leaves 

They gathered, broad as Amazonian targe." 

Paradise Lost, Book ix. 1100 ff. 

Sir V/alter strongly supports the Hindu hypothesis regarding the locality 
of the nursery for rearing mankind, and that " India was the first planted 
and peopled countrie after the flood " (p. 99). His first argument is, that 
it was a place where the vine and olive were indigenous, as amongst the 
Sakai Scythai (and as they still are, together with oats, between Kabul and 
Bamian) ; and that Ararat could not be in Armenia, because the Gordian 
mountains on which the ark rested were in longitude 75°, and the VaUey of 
Shinar 79° to 80°, which would be reversing the tide of migration. "As 
they journeyed from the East, they found a plain, in the land of Shinar, and 
they dwelt there " (Genesis, chap. xi. ver. 2). He adds, " Ararat, named 
by Moses, is not any one hill, but a general term for the great Caucasian 
range ; therefore we must blow up this mountain Ararat, or dig it down 
and carry it out of Armenia, or find it elsewhere in a warmer country, and 
east from Shinar." He therefore places it in Indo-Scythia, in 140° of 
longitude and 35° to 37° of latitude, " where the mountains do build them- 
selves exceeding high " : and concludes, " It was in the plentiful warm East 
where Noah rested, where he planted the viae, where he tilled the ground 
and hved thereon. Placuit vero Noacho agricultur£e studium in qua trac- 
tanda ipse omnium peritissimus esse dicitur ; ob eamque rem, sua ipsius 
lingua, Ish-Adamath : * hoc est, Telluris Vir, appellatur, celebratusque est. 
The study of husbandry pleased Noah (says the excellent learned man, Arius 
Montanus) in the order and knowledge of which it is said that Noah excelled 
all men, and therefore was he called in his own language, a man exercised in 
the earth." The title, character, and abode exactly suit the description 

* In Sanskrit, Ish, ' Lord,' adi, ' the first,' matti, ' Earth.' [The deriva- 
tion is absurd : matti, ' clay,' is modern Hindi.] Here the Sanskrit and 
Hebrew have the same meaning, ' first lord of the earth.' In these remote 
Rajput regions, where early manners and language remain, the strongest 
phrase to denote a man or human being is literally ' earth.' A chief de- 
scribing a fray between his own followers and borderers whence death 
ensued, says, Meri matti mdri, ' My earth has been struck ' : a phrase 
requiring no comment, and denoting that he must have blood in return. 


the Hindus themselves do not make India within the Indus the 
cradle of their race, but west, amidst the hills of Caucasus,' 
whence the sons of Vaivaswata, or the ' sun-born,' migrated 
eastward to the Indus and Ganges, and founded their first estab- 
lishment in Kosala, the capital, Ayodhya, or Oudh. 

Most nations have indulged the desire of fixing the source 
whence they issued, and few spots possess more interest than 
this elevated Madhya-Bhumi, or ' central region ' of Asia, where 
the Amu, Oxus, or Jihun, and other rivers, have their rise, and in 
which both the Surya and Indu * races (Sakha) claim the hill,' 

the Jains give of their first Jiniswara, Adinath, the first lordly man, who 
taught them agriculture, even to " muzzling the bull in treading out the corn." 

Had Sir Walter been aware that the Hindu sacred books styled their 
country Aryavarta,* and of which the great Imaus is the northern boundary, 
he would doubtless have seized it for his Ararat. [Needless to say, these 
speculations are obsolete.] 

^ Hindu, or Indu-kush or koh, is the local appellation ; ' mountain of 
the moon.' [Hindu-kush is said to mean ' Hindu-slayer ' or ' Indian 
Caucasus.'] ^ Solar and lunar. 

* Meru, ' the hill,' is used distinctively, as in Jaisalmer (the capital of the 
Bhatti tribe in the Western Desert), ' the hill of Jaisal ' ; Merwara, or the 
' mountainous region ' ; and its inhabitants Meras, or ' mountaineers.' 
Thus, also, in the grand epic the Ramayana (Book i. p. 236), Mena is the 
mountain-nymph, the daughter of Meru and spouse of Himavat ; from 
whom sprung two daughters, the river goddess Ganga and the mountain- 
nymph Parbati. She is, in the Mahabharata, also termed Saila, the daughter 
of Sail, another designation of the snowy chain ; and hence mountain 
streams are called in Sanskrit sillelee [?]. Saila bears the same attributes 
with the Phrygian Cybele, who was also the daughter of a mountain of the 
same name ; the one is carried, the other drawn, by lions. Thus the Greeks 
also metamorphosed Parbat Pamer, or ' the mountain Pamer,' into Paro- 
pamisan, apphed to the Hindu Koh west of Bamian : but the Parbat pat 
Pamer, or ' Pamer chief of hills,' is mentioned by the bard Chand as being 
far cast of that tract, and under it resided Hamira, one of the great feuda- 
tories of Prithwiraja of Delhi. Had it been Paropanisan (as some authorities 
write it), it would better accord with the locality where it takes up the name, 
being near to'Nyssa and Meru, of which Parbat or Pahar would be a version, 
and form Paronisan, ' the Mountain of Nyssa,' the range Nishadha of the 
Puranas. [The true form is Paropanisos : the suggested derivation is 


. ^ 

* Afydvarta, or the land of promise or virtue, cannot extend to the flat 
plains of India south of the Himavat ; for this is styled in the Puranas the 
very reverse, kukarma des, or land of vice. [Aryavarta is the land bounded 
by the Himalaya and Vindhya, from the eastern to the western seas (Manu, 
Laws, ii. 22).] 


sacred to a great patriarchal ancestor, whence they migrated 

The Rajput tribes could scarcely have acquired some of their 
still existing Scythic habits and warlike superstitions on the 
burning plains of Ind It was too hot to hail with fervent adora- 
tion the return of the sun from his southern course to enliven the 
northern hemisphere. This should be the religion of a colder 
clime, brought from their first haunts, the sources of the Jihim 
and Jaxartes. The grand solstitial festival, the Aswamedha, or 
sacrifice of the horse (the type of the sun), practised by the 
children of Vaivaswata, the ' sun-born,' was most probably 
simultaneously introduced from Scythia into the plains of Ind, 
and west, by the sons of Odin, Woden, or Budha, into Scandinavia, 
where it became the Hi-el or Hi-ul,^ the festival of the winter 
solstice ; the grand jubilee of northern nations, and in the first 
ages of Christianity, being so near the epoch of its rise, gladly 
used by the first fathers of the church to perpetuate that 
event- [25|, 


Puranie Genealogies. — The chronicles of the Bhagavat and Agni, 
containing the genealogies of the Surya (sun) and Indu [moon) 
races, shall now be examined. The first of these, by calculation, 
brings down the chain to a period six centuries subsequent to 
Vikramaditya (a.d. 650), so that these books may have beeiV 
remodelled or commented on about this period : their fabrication' 
cannot be supposed. 

Althovigh portions of these genealogies by Sir William Jones, 
Mr. Bentley, and Colonel Wilford, have appeared in the volumes of 
the Asiatic Researches, yet no one should rest satisfied with the 
inquiries of others, if by any process he can reach the fountain- 
head himself. 

If, after all, these are fabricated genealogies of tbe ancient 

^ Ilaya or Hi, in Sanskrit, ' horse ' — El, ' sun ' : whence ittttos and rJ\(os. 
HX appears to have been a term of Scythian origin for the sun ; and Hari, 
the Indian Apollo, is addressed as the sun. Hiul, or Jul, of northern nations 
(qu. Noel of France ?), is the Hindu Sankranti, of which more will be said 
hereafter. [The feast was known as Hvil, .Tnl, or Yule, and the suggested 
derivation is impossible.] 

* Mallet's Northern Antiquities. 


families of India, the fabrication is of ancient date, and they are 
all they know themselves upon the subject. The step next in 
importance to obtaining a perfect acquaintance with the genuine 
early history of nations, is to learn Avhat those nations repute 
to be such. 

I Doubtless the original Puranas contained much valuable 
historical matter ; but, at present, it is difficult to separate a 
little pure metal from the base alloy of ignorant expounders and 
interpolators. I have but skimmed the surface : research, to 
the capable, may yet be rewarded by many isolated facts and 
important transactions, now hid under the veil of ignorance and 

Neglect of History by the Hindus. — The Hindus, with the de- 
crease of intellectual power, their possession of which is evinced 
by their architectural remains, where just proportion and elegant 
mythological device are still visible, lost the relish for the beauty 
of truth, and adopted the monstrous in their writings as well as 
their edifices. But for detection and shame, matters of history 
would be hideously distorted even in civilized Europe ; but in 
the East, in the moral decrepitude of ancient Asia, with no judge 
to condemn, no public to praise, each priestly expounder may 
revel in a:n unfettered imagination, and reckon his admirers in 
proportion to the mixture of the marvellous ^ [26]. Plain histori- 
cal truths have long ceased to interest this artificially fed people. 

If at such a comparatively modern period as the third century 
before Christ, the Babylonian historian Berosus composed his 
fictions, which assigned to that monarchy such incredible anti- 
quity, it became capable of refutation from the many historians 
of repute who preceded him. But on the fabulist of India we 
have no such check. If Vyasa himself penned these legends as 
now existing, then is the stream of knowledge corrupt from the 
fountain-head. If such the source, the stream, filtering through 
ages of ignorance, has only been increased by fresh impurities. 
It is difficult to conceive how the arts and sciences could advance, 

^ The celebrated Goguet remarks on the ii'.adness of most nations pre- 
tending to trace their origin to infinity. The Babylonians, the Egyptians, 
and the Scythians, particularly, piqued themselves on their high antiquity, 
and the first assimilate with- the Hindus in boasting they had observed the 
course of the stars 473,000 years. Each heaped ages on ages ; but the 
foundations of this pretended antiquity are not supported by probability, 
and are even of modern invention (Origin of Laws). 


when it is held impious to doubt the truth of whatever has been 
handed down, and still more to suppose that the degenerate could 
improve thereon. The highest ambition of the present learned 
priesthood, generation after generation, is to be able to compre- 
hend what has thus reached them, and to form commentaries 
upon past wisdom ; v>'hich commentaries are commented on ad J 
infinitum. \Mioever dare now aspire to improve thereon mustj 
keep the secret in his own breast. They are but the expounders 
of the olden oracles ; were they more they would be infidels. 
But this could not always Imve been the case. ^ 

With the Hindus, as with other nations, the progress to the 
heights of science they attained must have been gradual ; unless 
we take from them the merit of original invention, and set them 
down as borrowers of a system. These slavish fetters of the 
mind must have been forged at a later period, and it is fair to 
infer that the monopoly of science and religion was simultaneous. 
What must be the effect of such monopoly on the impulses and 
operations of the understanding ? Where such exists, knowledge 
could not long remain stationary' ; it must perforce retrograde. 
Could we but discover the period when religion ^ ceased to be a 
profession [27] and became hereditary (and that such there was 
these very genealogies bear evidence), we might approximate the 
era when science attained its height. 

The Priestly Office. — In the early ages of these Solar and Lunar 
dynasties, the priestly office was not hereditary in families ; it 
was a profession ; and the genealogies exhibit frequent instances 
of branches of these races terminating their martial career in the 

^ It has been said that the Brahmanical religion was foreign to India ; 
but as to the period of importation we have but loose assertion. We can 
easily give credit to various creeds and tenets of faith being from time to 
time incorporated, ere the present books were composed, and that previously 
the sons of royalty alone possessed the office. Authorities of weight infonn t 
us of these grafts ; for instance, Mr. Colebrooke gives a passage in his I 
Indian Classes : " A chief of the twice-bom tribe was brought by Vishnu's j "it 
eagle from Saca Dwipa ; hence Saca Dwipa Brahmins were known in Jambu 1 
Dwipa." By Saka Dwipa, Scythia is understood, of which more will be ' 
said hereafter. Ferishta also, translating from ancient authorities, says, 
to the same effect, that " in the reign of Mahraje, King of Canouj, a Brahmin ' 
came from Persia, who introduced magic, idolatry, and the worship of tlie 
stars " ; so that there is no want of authority for the introduction of new 
tenets of faith. [The passage, inaccurately quoted, is taken from Dow i. 16. 
See Briggs's translation, i. Introd. Ixviii.] 



commencement of a religions sect, or gotra, and of their descend- 
ants reassuming their warhke occupations. Thus, of the ten 
sons of Ikshwaku,^ three are represented as abandoning worldly 
affairs and taking to religion ; and one of these, Kanina, is said to 
be the first who made an agnihotra, or pyreum, and worshipped 
fire, while another son embraced commerce. Of the Lunar line 
and the six sons of Pururavas, the name of the fourth was Raya ; 
" from him the fifteenth generation was Harita, who with his 
eight brothers took to the office of religion, and established the 
Kausika Gotra, or tribe of Brahmans." 

From the twenty-fourth prince in lineal descent from Yayati, 
by name Bharadwaja, originated a celebrated sect, who still 
bear his name, and are the spiritual teachers of several Rajput 

Of the twenty-sixth prince, Manava, two sons devoted them- 
selves to religion, and established celebrated sects, viz. Mahavira, 
whose descendants were the Pushkar Brahmans ; and Sankriti. 
whose issue were learned in the Vedas From the line of Ajamidha 
these ministers of religion were continually branching off. 

In the very early periods, the princes of the Solar line, like the 
Egyptians and Romans, combined the offices of the priesthood 
with kingly power, and this whether Brahmanical or Buddhist.* 
Many of the royal line, before and subsequent to Rama, passed 
great part of their lives as ascetics ; and in ancient sculpture and 
drawings the head is as often adorned with the braided lock of 
the ascetic as with the diadem of royalty.* 

The greatest monarchs bestowed their daughters on these 
royal hermits and sages [28]. Ahalya, the daughter of the power- 
ful Panchala,* became the wife of the ascetic Gautama. Tlie 
sage .Jamadagni espoused the daughter of Sahasra '^ Arjuna, of 

^ Sec Table T. [now obsolete, not reprinted]. 

^ Some of the earlier of the twenty-four Tirthakaras, or Jain hierarchs, 
trace their origin from the solar race of princes. [As usual, Buchlhisni 
confused with Jainism.] 

' Even now the Rana of Mewar mingles sj^iritual duties with those of 
royalty, and when he attends the temple of the tutelary deity of his race, 
he performs himself all the offices of the high priest for the day. In this 
point a strong resemblance exists to many of the races of antiquity. 

■• Prince of the country of Panjab, or five streams east of the Indus. 
[Panchrda was in the Ganges-Jumna Duab and its neighbourhood.] 

'' The legend of this monarch stealing his son-in-law's, the hermit's, cow 
(of which the Ramayana gives another version), the incarnation of Para- 


Mahishmat,' king of the Haihaya tribe, a great branch of the 
Yadu race. 

Among the Egyptians, according to Herodotus [ii. 87, 141], the 
priests succeeded to sovereignty, as they and the mihtary class 
alone could hold lands ; and Sethos, the priest of Vulcan, caused 
a revolution, by depriving the military of their estates. 

We have various instances in India of the Brahmans from 
Jamadagni to the Mahratta Peshwa, contesting for sovereignty ; 
power * and homage being still their great aim, as in the days of 
Vishvamitra ^ and Vasishtha, the royal sages [29] whom " Janaka 

suram, son of Jamadagni, and his exploits, appear purely allegorical, signify- 
ing the violence and oj)pression of royalty over the earth (prithivi), personified 
by the sacred gao, or cow^ and that the Brahmans were enabled to 'wrest 
royalty from the martial tribe, shows how they had multiplied. 

On the derivatives from the word gao, I venture an etymologj^ for others 
to pursue : 

I'AI A, yia, yij (Dor. 7a), that which produces aU things (from ydoj, genero) ; 
the earth. — Jones's Dictionary. 

TAAA, IVIilk. Gaola, Herdsman, in Sanskrit. VaXariKoi, KeXroL, 
Galatians, or Gauls, and Celts (allowed to be the same) would be the shep- 
herd races, the pastoral invaders of Europe [?]. 

^ Maheswar, on the Nerbudda River. 

^ Hindustan abounds with Brahmans, who make excellent soldiers, as 
far as bravery is a virtue ; but our oflficers are cautious, from experience, of 
admitting too many into a troop or company, for they still retain their 
intriguing habits. I have seen nearly as many of the Brahmans as of 
mihtary in some companies ; a dangerous error [reaUzed in the Great 
Mutiny]. ; 

* The Brahman Vasishtha possessed a cow named Savala, so fruitful that 
with her assistance he could accomplish whatever he desired. By her aid 
he entertained King Vishvamitra and his army. It is evident that this cow 
denotes some tract of country which the priest held (bearing in mind that 
gao, prithivi, signify ' the earth,' as well as ' cow ') : a grant, beyond doubt, 
by some of Vishvamitra's unwise ancestors, and which he wislied to resume. 
From her were suppUed " the oblations to the gods and the pitrideva (father- 
gods, or ancestors), the perpetual sacrificial fire, the burnt-oli'erings and 
sacrifices." This was " the fountain of devotional acts " ; this was the 
Savala for which the king offered " a hundred thousand cows " ; this was 
" the jewel of which a king only should be proprietor." — The subjects of the 
Brahman appeared not to relish such transfer, and by " the lowing of the 
I cow Savala " obtained numerous foreign auxiliaries, which enabled the 
I Brahman to set his sovereign at defiance. Of these " the Pahlavi (Persian) 
; kings, the dreadful Sakas (Sakai), and Yavanas (Greeks), with scymitars and 
; gold armour, the Kambojas," etc., were each in turn created by the aU- 
producing cow. The armies of the Pahlavi kings were cut to pieces by 
Vishvamitra ; who at last, by continual reinforcements, was overpowered 



sovereign of Mitliila, addressed witli folded hands in token of 

Relations of Rajputs with Brahmans. — But this deference for 
the Brahmans is certainly, with many Rajput classes, very weak. 
In obedience to prejudice, they show them outward civility ; but, 
unless when their fears or wishes interfere, they are less esteemed 
than the bards. 

The story of the King Vishvamitra of Gadhipura ^ and the 
Brahman Vasishtha, which fills so many sections of the first book 
of the Ramayana,^ exemplifies, under the veil of allegory, the 

by the Brahman's levies. These reinforcements would appear to have been 
the ancient Persians, the Sacae, the Greeks, the inhabitants of Assam and 
Southern India, and various races out of the jiale of the Hindu rehgion ; 
all classed under the term Mlechchha, equivalent»to the ' barbarian ' of the 
Greeks and Romans. 

The King Vishvamitra, defeated and disgraced by this powerful priest, 
" like a serpent with his teeth broken, like the sun robbed by the eclipse of 
its splendour, was filled with perturbation. Deprived of his sons and array, 
stripped of his pride and confidence, he was left without resource as a bird 
bereft of his wings." He abandoned his kingdom to his son, and like all 
Hindu princes in distress, determined, by penitential rites and austerities, 
" to obtain Brahmanhood." He took up his abode at the sacred Pushkar, 
living on fruits and roots, and fixing his mind, said, " I will become a Brah- 
man." By these penances he attained such spiritual power that he was 
enabled to usurp the Brahman's office. The theocrats caution Vishvamitra, 
thus determined to become a Brahman by austerity, that " the divine books 
are to be observed with care only by those acquainted with their evidence ; 
nor does it become thee (Vishvamitra) to subvert the order of things estab- 
lished by the ancients." The history of his wanderings, austerities, and the 
temptations thrown in his way is related. The celestial fair were com- 
missioned to break in upon his meditations. The mother of love herself 
descended ; while Indra, joining the cause of the Brahmans, took the shape 
of the kokila, and added the melody of his notes to the allurements of 
Rambha, and the perfumed zephyrs which assailed the royal saint in the 
wilderness. He was proof against all temptation, and condemned the fair 
to become a pillar of stone. He persevered " till every passion was subdued," 
till " not a tincture of sin appeared in him," and gave such alarm to the 
whole priesthood, that they dreaded lest his excessive sanctity should be 
fatal to them : they feared " mankind would become atheists." " The 
gods and Brahma at their head were obliged to grant his desire of Brahman- 
hood ; and Vashishtha, conciliated by the gods, acquiesced in their wish, 
and formed a friendship with Vishvamitra " [Muir, Original Sanskril Texts, 
Part i. (1858), 75 ff.]. 

^ Kanauj, the ancient capital of the present race of Marwar. [This is a 
myth. J 

* See translation of this epic, by Messrs. Carey and Marshman [in verse, 
by R. T. H. Griffith]. 


contests for power between the Brahmanical and military classes, 
and will serve to indicate the probable period when the castes 
became immutable. Stripped of its allegory, the legend appears to 
point to a time when the division of the classes was yet imperfect ; 
though we may infer, from the violence of the struggle, that it was 
the last in which Brahmanhood could be obtained by the military. 

Vishvamitra was the son of Gadhi (of the race of Kausika), King 
of Gadhipura, and contemporary of Ambarisha, King of Ayodhya 
or Oudh, the fortieth prince from Ikshwaku ; consequently about 
two hundred years anterior to Rama. This event therefore, 
whence we infer that the system of castes was approaching per- 
fection, was probably about one thousand foiu' hundred years 
before Christ. 

Dates o£ the Genealogies. — If proof can be given that these 
genealogies existed in the days of Alexander, the fact would be 
interesting. The legend in the Puranas, of the origin of the 
Lunar race, appears to afford this testimonj^ 

Vyasa, the author of the grand epic the Mahabharata, was son 
of Santanu (of the race of Hari),^ sovereign of Delhi, by Yojana- 
gandha, a fisherman's daughter,^ [30] consequently illegitimate. 
He became the spiritual father, or preceptor, of his nieces, the 
daughters of Vichitravirya, the son and successor of Santanu. 

The Herakles Legend. — Vichitravirya had no male offspring. 
Of his three daughters, one was named Pandaia * ; and Vyasa, 

^ Hari-Kula. 

^ It is a very curious circumstance that Hindu legend gives to two of 
their most celebrated authors, whom they have invested with a sacred 
character, a descent from the aboriginal and impure tribe3"of India : Vyasa 
from a fisherman, and Valmiki, the author of the other grand epic the 
Ramayana, from a Baddhik or robber, an associate of the Bhil tribe at 
Abu. The conversion of Vahniki (said to have been miraculous, when in 
the act of robbing the shrine of the deity) is worked into a story of con- 
siderable effect, in the works of Chand, from olden authority. 

3 The reason for this name is thus given. One of these daughters being 
by a slave, it was necessary to ascertain which : a difficult matter, from the 
secl\ision in which they were kept. It was therefore left to Vyasa to discover 
the pure of birth, who determined that nobihty of blood would show itself, 
and comm.anded that the princesses should wallc uncovered before him. 
The elder, from shame, closed her eyes, and from her was born the blind 
Dhritarashtra, sovereign of Hastinapura ; the second, from the same feeling, 
covered herself with yellow ochre, called pandit, and henceforth she bore the 
name of Pandya, and her son was called Pandu ; while the third stepped forth 
unabashed. She was adjudged not of gentle blood, and her issue was Vidura. 


being the sole remaining male branch of the house of Santanu, 
took his niece, and spiritual daughter, Pandaia, to wife, and 
became the father of Pandu, afterwards sovereign of Indraprastha. 
Arrian gives the story thus : "It is further said that he 
[Herakles] ^ had a very niunerous progeny of children born to 

^ A generic term for the sovereigns of the race of Hari, used by Arrian 
as a proper name [?]. A section of the Mahabharata is devoted to the 
history of the Harikula, of which race was Vyasa. 

Arrian notices the similarity of the Theban and the Hindu Hercules, and 
cites as authority the ambassador of Seleucus, Megasthenes, who says : 
" This Herakles is held in special honour by the Sourasenoi, an Indian tribe 
who possess two large cities, Methora and Cleisobora. . . . But the dress 
which this Herakles wore, Megasthenes tells us, resembled that of the 
Theban Herakles, as the Indians themselves admit." [Arrian, Indika, viii., 
Methora is Mathura ; Growse {Mathura, 3rd ed. 279) suggests that Cleiso- 
bora is Krishnapura, ' city of Krishna.'] 

Diodorus has the same legend, with some vai'iety. He says : " Hercules 
was bom amongst the Indians, and Uke the Greeks they furnish him with 
a club and lion's hide. In strength (bala) he excelled all men, and cleared 
the sea and land of monsters and wild beasts. He had many sons, but only 
one daughter. It is said that he built Pahbothra, and divided his kingdom 
amongst his sons (the Bahka-putras, sons of Bah). They never colonized ; 
but in time most of the cities assumed a democratical form of government 
(though some were monarchical) till Alexander's time." The combats of 
Hercules, to which Diodorus alludes, are those in the legendary haunts of 
the Harikulas, during their twelve years' exile from the seats of their fore- 

How invaluable such remnants of the ancient race of Harikula ! How 
refreshing to the mind yet to discover, amidst the riiins on the Yamuna, 
Hercules (Baldeva, god of strength) retaining his club and lion's hide, stand- 
ing on his pedestal at Baldeo, and yet worshipped by the Suraseni ! This 
name was given to a large tract of country round Mathura, or rather round 
Surpura, the ancient capital founded by Surasena, the grandfather of the 
Indian brother-deities, Krishna and Baldeva, ApoUo and Hercules. The 
title would apply to either ; though Baldeva has the attributes of the ' god 
of strength.' Both are es (lords) of the race (Jcula) of Hari (Hari-kul-es), of 
which the Greeks might have made the compound Hercules. Might not a 
colony after the Great War have migrated westward ? The period of the 
return of the HeracUdae, the descendants of Atrens (Atri is progenitor of 
the Harikula), would answer : it was about half a century after the Great 
War. [These speculations are worthless.] 

It is unfortunate that Alexander's historians were unable to penetrate 
into the arcana of the Hindus, as Herodotus appears to have done with those 
of the Egyptians. The shortness of Alexander's stay, the unknown language 
in which their science and rehgion were hid, presented an insuperable 
difficulty. They could have made very little progress in the study of the 
language without discovering its analogy to their own. 


him in India . . . [31] but that he had only one daughter.^ The 

name of this cliild was Pandaia, and the land in which she was 

born, and with the sovereignty of which Herakles entrusted her, 

was called after her name Pandaia " (Indika, viii.). 

This is the very legend contained in the Puranas, of Vyasa 
(who was Hari-kul-es, or chief of the race of Hari) and his spiritual 
daughter Pandaia, from whom the grand race the Pandavas, and 
from whom Delhi and its dependencies were designated the 
Pandava sovereignty. 

Her issue ruled for thirty-one generations in direct descents, 
or frona 1120 to 610 before Christ ; when the military minister,' 
connected by blood, was chosen by the chiefs who rebelled against 
the last Pandu king, represented as " neglectful of all the cares 
of government," and whose deposition and death introduced a 
new dynasty. 

Two other dynasties succeeded in like manner by the usurpa- 
tion of these military ministers, untU Vikramaditya, when the 
Pandava sovereignty and era of Yudhishthirawere both overturned. 

^ Arrian generally exercises his judgment in these matters, and is the 
reverse of credulous. On this point he says, " Now to me it seems that even 
if Herakles could have done a thing so marvellous, he could have made 
himself longer-hved, in order to have intercourse with his daughter when 
she was of mature age " [Indika, ix.]. 

Sandrocottus is mentioned by Arrian to be of this line ; and we can 
have no hesitation, therefore, in giving him a place in the dynasty of Puru, 
the second son of Yayati, whence the patronymic used by the race now 
extinct, as was Yadu, the elder brother of Puru. Hence Sandrocottus, if 
not a Puru himself, is connected with the chain of which the hnks are 
Jarasandha (a hero of the Bharat), Ripunjaya, the twenty-third in descent, 
when a new race, headed by Sanaka and Sheshnag, about six hundred years 
before Christ, usurped the seat of the lineal descendants of Puru ; in which 
line of usurpation is Chandragupta, of the tribe Maurya, the Sandrocottus 
of Alexander, a branch of this Sheshnag, Takshak, or Snake race, a race 
whicli, stripped of its allegory, will afiford room for subsequent dissertation. 
The Prasioi of Arrian would be the stock of Puru j Prayag is claimed in 
the annals yet existing as the cradle of their race. This is the modern 
Allahabad ; and the Eranaboas must be the Jumna, and the point of 
junction with the Ganges, where we must place the capital of the Prasioi. 
[For Sandrokottos or Chandragupta Maurya see Smith, EIII, 42 ff. He 
certainly did not belong to the ' Snake Race.' The Erannoboas (Skr. 
Hiranyavaha, ' gold-bearing ') is the river Son. The Prasioi (Skr. Prachyas, 
dweUers in the east') had their capital at Patahputra, the modem Patna 
(McCrindle, Alexander, 365 f.).] 

* Analogous to the maire du 2}alaiii of the first races of the Franks. 


Indraprastha remained without a sovereign, supreme power 
being removed from the north to the southern parts of India, till 
the fourth, or, according to some authorities, the eighth century 
after Vikrama, when the throne of Yudhishthira was once more 
occupied by the Tuar tribe of Rajputs, claiming descents from the 
Pandus. To this ancient capital, thus re founded, the new 
appellation of Delhi was given ; and the dynasty of the founder, 
Anangpal, lasted to the twelfth century, when he abdicated in 
favour of his grandson,^ Prithiviraja, the last imperial Rajput 
sovereign of India, whose defeat and death introduced the 

This line has also closed with the pageant of a prince, and a 
colony returned from the extreme west is now the sole arbiter of 
the thrones of Pandu and Timur. 

Britain has become heir to the monuments of Indraprastha 
raised by the descendants of Budha and Ila ; to the iron pillar of 
the Pandavas, " whose pedestal ^ [32] is fixed in hell " ; to the 
columns reared to victory, inscribed with characters yet unknown ; 
to the massive ruins of its ancient continuous cities, encompassing a 
space still larger than the largest city in the world, whose moulder- 
ing domes and sites of fortresses,' the very names of which are 

^ His daughter's son. This is not the first or only instance of the SaUc 
law of India being set aside. There are two in the history of the sovereigns 
of Anhilwara Patan. In all adoptions of this nature, when the child 
' binds round his head the turban ' of his adopted father, he is finally 
severed from the stock whence he had his birth. [For the early history of 
Delhi see Smith, EHI, 386 ff.] 

^ The khil, or iron pillar of the Pandus, is mentioned in the poems of 
Chand. An infidel Tuar prince wished to prove the truth of the tradition 
of its depth of foundation : " blood gushed up from the earth's centre, the 
pillar became loose (dhili)," as did the fortune of the house from such im- 
piety. This is the origin of Delhi. [The inscription on the pillar proves 
the falsity of the legend, and the name Delhi is older than the Tuar dynasty 
{/G/, xi.233).] 

' I doubt if Shahpur is yet known. I traced its extent from the remains 
of a tower between Humayun's tomb and the grand column, the Kutb. In 
1809 I resided four months at the mausoleum of Safdar Jang, the ancestor 
of the present [late] King of Oudh. amidst the ruins of Indraprastha, several 
miles from inhabited Delhi, but with which these ruins forms detached links 
of connexion. I went to that retirement with a friend now no more, 
Lieutenant Macartney, a name well known and honoured. We had both 
been employed in surveying the canals which had their sources in common 
from the head of the Jumna, where this river leaves its rocky barriers, the 
Siwalik chain, and issues into the plains of Hindustan. These canals on 


lost, present a noble field for speculation on the ephemeral nature 
of power and glory. What monument would Britain bequeath 
to distant posterity of her succession to this dominion ? Not 
one : except it be that of a still less perishable nature, the monu- 
ment of national benefit. Much is in our power : much has been 
given, and posterity will demand the result. 


Princes of the Solar Line.— Vyasa gives but fifty-seven prhiccs 
of the Solar line, from Vaivaswata Manu to Rama ; and no list 
which has come under my observation exhibits more than fifty- 
eight, for the same period, of the Lunar race. How different 
from the Egyptian priesthood, who, according to Herodotus, 
gave a list up to that period of three hundred and thirty ^ 
sovereigns from their first prince, also the ' sun-born ^ Menes ! ' 

Ikshwaku was the son of Manu, and the first who moved to 
the eastward, and founded Ayodhya. 

Budha (Mercury) founded the Lunar line ; but we are not told 
who established their first capital, Prayag,' though we are author- 
ized to infer that it was founded by Puru, the sixth in descent 
from Budha [33]. 

A succession of fifty-seven princes occupied Ayodhya from 
Ikshwaku to Rama. From Yayati's sons the Lunar races descend 

each side, fed by the parent stream, returned the waters again into it ; one 
through the city of Delhi, the other on the opposite side. [Cunningham 
(ASR, i. 207 £f.) proved that the true site of the ancient city, Siri, was the 
old ruined fort to the north-east of Ral Pithora's stronghold, which is at 
present called Shahpur. This identification has been disputed by C. J. 
Campbell (JASB, 1866, p. 206). But Cunningham gives good reasons for 
maintaining his opinion. The place took its name from Sher Shah and his 
son Islam or Salim Shah. See also Carr Stephens, Archaeological and 
Monumental Remains of DeUii (1876), pp. 87 f., 190.] 

1 Herodotus ii. 99, 100. 

2 The Egyptians claim the sun, also, as the first founder of the kingdom 
of Egypt. 

' The Jaisalmer annals give in succession Prayag, Mathura, Kusasthala, 

Dwaraka, as capitals of the Indu or Lunar race, in the ages preceding the 

Bharat or Great War. Hastinapur was founded twenty generations after 

, these, by Hastin, from whom ramified the three grand Sakha, viz. Ajamidha, 

Vimidha, and Purumidha, which diversified the Yadu race. 


in unequal lengths. The lines from Yadu,^ concluding with 
Krishna and his cousin Kansa, exhibit fifty-seven and fifty-nine 
descents from Yayati ; while Yudhishthira,' Salya,' Jarasandha,* 
and Vahurita,* all contemporaries of Krishna and Kansa, are 
fifty-one, forty-six, and forty-seven generations respectively, from 
the common ancestor Yayati. 

Solar and Lunar Genealogies. — There is a wide difference 
between the Solar and the Yadu branches of the Lunar lines ; 
yet is that now given fuUer than any I have met with. Sir 
William Jones's lists of the Solar line give fifty-six, and of the 
Limar (Budha to Yudhishthira) forty-six, being one less in each 
than in the tables now presented ; nor has he given the important 
branch terminating with Krishna. So close an affinity between 
lists, derived from such different authorities as this distinguished 
character and myself had access to, shows that there was some 
general source entitled to credit. 

Mr. Bentley's * lists agree with Sir William Jones's, exhibiting 
fifty-six and forty-six respectively for the last-mentioned Solar 
and Lunar races. But, on a close comparison, he has either 
copied them or taken from the same original source ; afterwards 
transposing names which, though aiding a likely hypothesis, 
will not accord with their historical belief. 

Colonel Wllford's ' Solar list is of no use ; but his two dynasties 
of Puru and Yadu of the Liuiar race are excellent, that part of the 
line of Furu, from Jarasandha to Chandragupta, being the only 
correct one in print. 

It is surprising Wilford did not make use of Sir William Jones's 
Solar chronology ; but he appears to have dreaded bringing 
down Rama to the period of Krishna, as he is known to have 
preceded by four generations ' the Great War ' of the Yadu races. 

It is evident that the lAmar line has reached us defective. It 
is supposed so by their genealogists ; and WUl'ord would have 

^ See Table I. [not reprinted]. 

* Of Delhi — Indraprastlia. 

' Salya, the founder of Aror on the Indus, a capital Ihad the good 
fortune to discover. Salya is the Siharas of Abu-1 Fazl. [Ain, ii. 343.] 

* Jarasandha of Bihar. 

' Vahoorita, unknown yet. [? Bahuratha.] 

* Asiatic Researches, vol. v. p. 341. 
' Ibid. vol. V. p. 241. 


increased the error by taking it as the standard, and reducing 
the Solar to conform thereto. 

Mr. Bentley's method is therefore preferable ; namely, to 
suppose eleven princes omitted in the Lunar between Janmejaya 
and Prachinvat. But as there is no [34] authority for this, the 
Lunar princes are distributed in the tables collaterally with the 
Solar, preserving contemporaneous affinity where synchronisms 
will authorise. By this means all hypothesis will be avoided, and 
the genealogies will speak for themselves. 

There is very little difference between Sir William Jones's and 
Colonel Wilford's lists, in that main branch of the Lunar race, 
of which Puru, Hastin, Ajamidha, Kuru, Santanu, and Yud- 
hishthira are the most distinguished links. The coincidence is 
so near as to warrant a supposition of identity of source ; but 
close inspection shows WUford to have had a fuller supply, for 
he produces new branches, both of Hastin's and Kuru's progeny. 
He has also one name (Bhimasena) towards the close, which is in 
my lists, but not in Sir William Jones's ; and immediately follow- 
ing Bhimasena, both these lists exhibit Dilipa, wanting in my 
copy of the Bhagavat, though contained in the Agni Purana : 
proofs of the diversity of the sources of supply, and highly grati- 
fying when the remoteness of those sources is considered. There 
is also in my lists Tansu, the nineteenth from Budlia, who is not 
in the lists either of Sir William Jones or Wilford. Again ; 
Wilford has a Suhotra preceding Hastin, who is not in Sir William 
Jones's genealogies. '^ 

Again ; Jahnu is made the successor to Kuru ; whereas the 
Purana (whence my extracts) makes Parikshit the successor, 
who adopts the son of Jahnu. This son is Viduratha, who has a 
place in all tliree. Other variations are merely orthographical. 

A comparison of Sir William Jones's Solar genealogies with my 
tables will yield nearly the same satisfactory result as to original 
authenticity. I say Sir William Jones's list, because there is no 
other efficient one. We first differ at the fourth from Iksliwaku. 
In my list this is Am-Prithu, of which he makes two names, 
Anenas and Prithu. Thence to Purukutsa, the eighteenth, the 
difference is only in orthography. To Irisuaka, the twenty-third 
in mine, the twenty-sixth in Sir William Jones's list, one name is 
above accounted for ; but here are two wanting in mine, Trasa- 
^ I find them, however, in the Agni Purana. 


dasyu and Haryaswa. There is, also, considerable difference in 
the orthography of those names which we have in common. 
Again ; we differ as to the successors of Champa, the twenty- 
seventh, the founder of Champapur in Bihar. In Sir William's, 
Sadeva succeeds, and he is followed by Vijaya ; but my authorities 
state these both to be sons of Champa, and that Vijaya, the [35] 
younger, was his successor, as the elder, Sadeva, took to religious 
austerity. The thirty-third and thirty-sixth, Kesi and Dilipa, 
are not noticed by Sir William Jones ; but there is a much more 
important person than either of these omitted, who is a grand 
link of connexion, and affording a good synchronism of the 
earliest history. This is Ambarisha, the fortieth, the contem- 
porary of Gadhi, who was the founder of Gadhipura or Kanauj. 
Nala, Sarura, and Dilipa (Nos. 4i, 45, 54 of my lists) are all 
omitted by Sir William Jones. 

This comparative analysis of the chronologies of both these 
grand races cannot fail to be satisfactory. Those which I furnish 
are from the sacred genealogies in the library of a prince who 
claims common origin with them, and are less liable to inter- 
polation. There is scarcely a chief of character for knowledge 
who cannot repeat the genealogy of his line. The Prince of 
Mewar has a peculiarly retentive memory in this way. The pro- 
fessed genealogists, the Bhats, must have them graven on their 
memory, and the Charanas (the* encomiasts) ought to be well 
versed therein. 

The first table exhibits two dynasties of the Solar race of 
Princes of Ayodhya and Mithila Des, or Tirhut, which latter I have 
seen nowhere else. It also exhibits four great and three lesser 
dynasties of the Lunar race ; and an eighth line is added, of the 
race of Yadu, from the annals of the Bhatti tribe at Jaisalmer. 

Ere quitting this halting-place in the genealogical history of 
the ancient races, where the celebrated names of Rama, Krishna, 
and Yudhishthira close the brazen age of India, and whose issue 
introduce the present iron age, or Kali Yuga, I shall shortly refer 
to the few synchronic points which the various authorities admit. 

Of periods so remote, approximations to truth are the utmost 
to be looked for ; and it is from the Ramayana and the Puranas 
these synchronisms are hazarded. 

Harischandra. — The first commences with a celebrated name of 
the Solar line, Harischandra, son of Trisanku, still proverbial for 


his humility.^ He is the twenty-fourth,^ and declared contem- 
porary of Parasurama, who slew the celebrated Sahasra-Arjuna ^ 
of [36] the Haihaya (Lunar) race, Prince of Mahishniati on the 
Nerbudda. This is confirmed by the Ramayana, which details 
the destruction of the military class and assumption of political 
power by the Brahmans, under their chief Parasurama, marking 
the period when the military class ' lost the umbrella of royalty,' 
and, as the Brahmans ridiculously assert, their purity of blood. 
This last, however, their own books sufficiently contradict, as the 
next synchronism will show. 

Sagara. — This synchronism we have in Sagara, the thirty - 
second prince of the Solar line, the contemporary of Talajangha, of 
the Lunar line, the sixth in descent from Sahasra Arjuna, who had 
five sons preserved from the general slaughter of the military class 
by Parasurama, whose names are given in the Bhavishya Purana. 

Wars were constantly carried on between these great rival 
races, Surya and Indu, recorded in the Puranas and Ramayana. 
The Bhavishya describes that between Sagara and Talajangha 

^ [The tragical story of Harischandra is told by J. Muir, Original Sanskrit 
Texts, i. 88 ff.] 

^ Sahyadri Khanda of the Skanda Purana. 

' In the Bhavishya Purana this prince, Sahasra-Arjuna, is termed a 
Chakravartin, or paramount sovereign. It is said that iie conquered Kar- 
kotaka of the Takshak, Turushka, or Snake race, and brought with him the 
population of Mahishmati, and founded Hemanagara in the north of India, 
on his expulsion from his dominions on the Nerbudda. Traditionary legends 
yet remain of this prince on the Nerbudda, where be is styled Sahasrabahu, 
or ' with a thousand arms,' figurative of his numerous progeny. The 
Takshak, or Snake race, here alluded to, will hereafter engage our attention. 
The names of animals in early times, planets, and things inanimate, all 
furnished symbolic appellations for the various races. In Scrii^ture we have 
the fly, the bee, the ram to describe the princes of Egypt, Assyria, and 
Macedonia ; here we have the snake, horse, monkey, etc. The Snake or 
Takshak race was one of the most extensive and earliest of Higher Asia, 
and celebrated in all its extent, and to which I shall have to recur hereafter. 
[By the Takshak race, so often referred to, the author seems to mean a body 
of Scythian snake-worshippers. There are instances of a serpent barrow, 
and of the use of the snake as a form of ornament among the Scythians ; 
but bej'ond this the evidence of worship of the serpent is scanty (E. H. 
Minns, Scythians and Greeks, 328 f., 66 note, 294, 318, 323, etc.). It was 
really the Takka, a Panjab tribe (Beal, Si-yu-ki, i. 165 ft". ; Cunningham, 
Ancient Geography of India, 148 ff. ; Stein, Rdjatarangini, i. 204 f.).] 

In the Ramayana it is stated that the sacrificial horse was stolen by " a 
serpent (Takshak) assuming the form of Ananta." 


" to resemble that of their ancestors, in which the Haihayas 
suffered as severely as before." But that they had recovered all 
their power since Parasuraina is evident from their having com- 
pletely retaliated on the Suryas, and expelled the father ^ of 
Sagara from his capital of Ayodhya. Sagara and Talajangha 
appear to have been contemporary with Hastin of Hastinapura, 
and with Anga, descended from Budha, the founder of Angadesa,^ 
or Ongdesa, and the Anga race. 

Ambarisha. — The Ramayana affords another synchronism ; 
namely, that Ambarisha of Ayodhya, the fortieth prince of the 
Solar line, was the contemporary of Gadhi, the foimder of Kanauj, 
and of Lomapada the Prince of Angadesa. 

Krishna. — The last synchronism is that of Krishna and Yud- 
hishthira, which terminates the [37] brazen, and introduces the Kali 
Yuga or iron age. But this is in the Lunar line ; nor have we 
any guide by which the difference can be adjusted between the 
appearance of Rama of the Solar and Krishna of the Lunar races. 

Thus of the race of Krostu we have Kansa, Prince of Mathura, 
the fifty-ninth, and his cousin Krishna, the fifty-eighth from 
Budha ; while of the hne of Puru, descending through Ajamidha 
and Dvimidha, we have Salya, Jarasandha, and YudhLshthira. 
the fifty-flrstj fifty-third, and fifty-fourth respectively. 

The race of Anga gives Prithusena as one of the actors and 
survivors of the Mahabharata, and the fifty-third from Budha. 

Thus, taking an average of the whole, we may consider fifty- 
five princes to be the number of descents from Budha to Krishna 

^ " Asita, the father of Sagara, expelled by hostile kings of the Haihaj'as, 
the Talajanghas, and the Sasa-vindus, fled to the Himavat mountains, whei'o 
he died, leaving his wives pregnant, and from one of these Sagara was born " 
(Ramayana, i. 41). It was to preserve the Solar race from the destruction 
which threatened it from the prohfic Lunar race, that the Brahman Parasu- 
rama armed : evidently proving that the Brahmanicai faith was held by 
the Solar race ; while the rehgion of Budha, the great progenitor of the 
Lunar, still governed his descendants. This strengthened the opposition 
of the sages of the Solar line to Vishvamitra's (of Budha's or the Lunar 
line) obtaining Brahmanhood. That Krishna, of Lunar stock, prior to 
founding a new sect, worshipped Budha, is susceptible of proof. 

^ Angdcs, Ongdes, or Undes adjoins Tibet. The inhabitants call them- 
selves Hungias, and appear to be the Hong-niu of the Chinese authors, the 
Huns (Huns) of Europe and India, which prove this Tartar race to be Lunar, 
and of Budha. [Anga, the modern Bhagalpur, is confounded with Hundes 
or Tibet.] 


and Yudhishthira ; and, admitting an average of twenty years 
for each reign, a period of eleven hundred years ; which being 
added to a. Hke period calculated from thence to Vikramaditya, 
who reigned fifty-six years before Christ, I venture to place the 
establishment in India Proper of these two grand races, distinct- 
ively called those of Surj^a and Chandra, at about 2256 years 
before the Christian era ; at which period, though somewhat 
later, the Egyptian, Chinese, and Assyrian monarchies are gener- 
ally stated to have been established,^ and about a century and 
a half after that great event, the Flood. 

Though a passage in the Agni Purana indicates that the line of 
Surj^a, of which Ikshwaku was the head, was the first colony 
which entered India from Central Asia, yet we are compelled to 
place the patriarch Budha as his contemporary, he being stated 
to have come from a distant region, and married to Ila, the sister 
of Ikshwaku. 

Ere we proceed to make any remarks on the descendants of 
Krishna and Arjuna, who carry on the Lunar line, or of the 
Kushites and Lavites, from Kusa and Lava, the sons of Rama, 
who carry on that of the Sun, a few observations on the chief 
kingdoms established by their progenitors on the continent of 
India will be hazarded in the ensuing Chapter [38]. 


Ayodhya. — iVyodhya ^ was the first city founded by the race of 
Surya. Like other capitals, its importance must have risen by 

^ Egyptian, under Misraim, 2188 b.c. ; Assyrian, 2059 ; Chinese, 2207. 
[The first Egyptian dynasty is now dated 5500 B.C. ; Chinese, 2852 B.C. ; 
Babylonian, 2300 B.C. Any attempt to establish an Indian chronology from 
the materials used by the Author does not promise to be successful.] 

^ The picture drawn by Valmild of the capital of the Solar race is so 
highly coloured that Ayodhya might stand for Utopia, and it would be 
difficult to find such a catalogue of metropolitan embellishments in this, 
the iron age of Oudh. " On the banks of the Surayu is a large country 
called Kosala, in which is Ayodhya, built by Mann, twelve yojans (forty- 
eight miles) in extent, with streets regular and well watered. It was filled 
with merchants, beautified by gardens, ornamented with stately gates and 
high-arched porticoes, furnished v/ith arms, crowded with chariots, elephants, 
and horses, and with ambassadors from foreign lands ; embeUisbed with 
palaces whose domes resembled the mountain tops, dwellings of equal height, 
resounding with the delightful music of the tabor, the flute, and the harp. 


slow degrees ; ye^ making every allowance for exaggeration, it 
must have attained great splendour long anterior to Rama. Its 
site is well known at this day under the contracted name of 
Oudh, which also designates the country appertaining to the 
titular wazir of the Mogul empire ; which country, twenty-five 
years ago, nearly marked the limits of Kosala, the pristine 
kingdom of the Surya race. Overgrown greatness characterized 
all the ancient Asiatic capitals, and that of Ayodhya was immense. 
Lucknow, the present capital, is traditionally asserted to have been 
one of the suburbs of ancient Oudh, and so named by Rama, in 
compliment to his brother Lakshman. 

Mithila. — Nearly coeval in point of. time with Ayodhya was 
Mithila,^ the capital of a country of the same name, founded by 
Mithila, the grandson of Ikshwaku. 

The name of .Janaka,^ son of Mithila, eclipsed that of the founder 
and became the patronymic of this branch of the Solar race. 

Other Kingdoms. — These are the two chief capitals of the 
kingdoms of the Solar line described in [39] this early age : though 
there were others of a minor order, such as Rohtas, Champapura,^ 
etc., all founded previously to Rama. 

By the numerous dynasties of the Lunar race of Budha many 
kingdoms were founded. Much has been said of the antiquity 
of Prayag ; yet the first capital of the Indu or Lunar race appears 

It was surrounded by an impassable moat, and guarded by archers. Dasa- 
ratha was its king, a mighty charioteer. There were no atheists. The 
affections of the men were in their consorts. The women were chaste and 
obedient to their lords, endowed with beautj, wit, sweetness, prudence, 
and industry, with bright ornaments and fair apparel ; the men devoted 
to truth and hospitality, regardful of their superiors, their ancestors, and 
their gods. 

" There were eight councillors ; two chosen priests profoimd in the law, 
besides another inferior council of six. Of subdued appetites, disinterested, 
forbearing, pleasant, patient ; not avaricious ; well acquainted with their 
duties and popular customs ; attentive to the army, the treasury ; im- 
partially awarding punishment even on their own sons ; never oppressing 
even an enemy ; not arrogant ; comely in dress ; never confident about 
doubtful matters ; devoted to the sovereign." 

^ Mithila, the modern Tirhut in Bengal [including the modern districts 
of Darbhanga, Champaran, and Muzaffarpur]. 

^ Kusadhwaja, father of Sita (spouse of Rama), is also called Janaka ; 
a name common in this line, and borne by the third prince in succession 
after Suvarna Roma, the ' golden-haired ' chief Mithila. 
I ' [Rohtas in the modern Shahabad district ; Charapapura in Ehagalpur.] 


to have ITeen founded by Sahasra Arjuna, of the Haihaya tribe. 
This was Mahishmati on tlie Nerbudda, still existing in Mahes- 
war.^ The rivalry between the Lnnar race and that of the Suryas 
of Ayodhya, in whose aid the priesthood armed, and expelled 
Sahasra Arjuna from Mahishmati, has been mentioned. A small 
branch of these ancient Haihayas ^ yet exist in the line of the 
Nerbudda, near the very top of the valley at Sohagpur, in Baghel- 
khand, aware of their ancient lineage ; and, though few in number, 
are still celebrated for their valour.^ 

Dwarka. — Kusasthali Dwarka, the capital of Krishna, was 
founded prior to Prayag, to Surpur, or Mathura. The Bhagavat 
attributes the foundation of the city to Anrita, the brother of 
Ikshwaku, of the Solar race, but states not how or when the 
Yadus became possessed thereof. 

The ancient annals of the Jaisalmer family of the Yadu stock 
give the priority of foundation to Prayag, next to Mathura, and 
last to Dwarka. All these cities are too well known to require 
description ; especially Prayag, at the confluence of the Yamuna 
and Ganges. The Prasioi were the descendants of Puru * of 
Prayag, visited by Megasthenes, ambassador of Seleucus, and the 
principal city of the Yadus, ere it sent forth the four branches 
from Satwata. At Prayag resided the celebrated Bharat, the 
son of Sakuntala. 

In the Ramayana the Sasavindus ^ (another Yadu race) are 
inscribed as allied with the Haihayas in the wars with the race of 
Surya ; and of this race was Sisupal " (the founder of Chedi ^), 
one of the foes of Krishna [40]. 

* Familiarly designated as Sahasra Bahu ki Basti, or ' the town of the 
thousand-armed.' [In Indore State {IGI, xvii. 8).] 

2 The Haihaya race, of the line of Budha, may claim affinity with the 
Chinese race which first gave nionarchs to China [?]. 

* Of this I have heard the most romantic proofs in very recent times. 

* Puru became the patronymic of this branch of the Lunar race. Of this 
Alexander's historians made Porus. The Suraseni of Methoras (descendants 
of the Sursen of Mathura) were all Purus, the Prasioi of Megasthenes [see 
p. .37, n.]. Allahabad yet retains its Hindu name of Prayag, pronounced 

^ The Hares. Sesodia is said to have the same derivation. [From 
Sesoda in Mewar.] 

* The princes of Ranthambhor, expelled by Prithwiraja of Delhi, were 
of this race. 

' The modern Chanderi [in the Gwalior State, IQI, x. 163 f.] is said to be 


Surpur. — We are assured by Alexander's historians that the 
country and people round Mathura, when he invaded India, were 
termed Surasenoi. There are two princes of the name of Sursen 
in the immediate ancestry of Krishna ; one his grandfather, the 
other eight generations anterior Which of these founded the 
capital Surpur/ whence the country and inhabitants had their 
appellation, we cannot say Mathura and Cleisobara are men- 
tioned by the historians of Alexander as the chief cities of the 
Surasenoi. Though the Greeks sadly disfigure names, we cannot 
trace any affinity between Cleisobara and Surpur. 

this capito.l, and one of the few to which no Englishman has obtained 
entrance, though I tried hard in 1807. Doubtless it would afford food for 
curiosity ; for, being out of the path of armies in the days of conquest and 
revolution, it may, and I believe does, retain much worthy of research. 
[The capital of the Chedi or Kalachuri dynasty was Tripura or Karanbel, 
near Jabalpur {IGI, x. 12).] 

^ I had the pleasure, in 1814, of discovering a remnant of this city, which 
the Yamuna has overwhelmed. [The ancient Surj^apura was near Batesar, 
40 miles south-east of Agra city. Sir H. Elliot (Supplemental Glossary, 187) 
remarks that it is strange that the Author so often claims the credit of dis- 
covery when its position is fixed in a set of familiar verses. For Suryapura 
see A. Fiihrer, Monumental Antiquities and Inscriptions, 69.] The sacred 
place of pilgrimage, Batesar, stands on part of it. My discovery of it was 
doubly gratifying, for while I found out the Surasenoi of the Greeks, I 
obtained a medal of the little known ApoUodotus, who carried his arms to 
the mouths of the Indus, and possibly to the centre of the land of the Yadus. 
He is not included by Bayer in his lists of the kings of Bactria, but wo have 
only an imperfect knowledge of the extent of that dynasty. The Bhagavat 
Purana asserts thirteen Yavan or Ionian princes to have ruled in Balichdes 
[?] or Bactria, in which they mention Pushpamitra Dvimitra. We are 
justified in asserting this to be Demetrius, the son of Euthydemus, but who 
did not succeed his father, as Menander intervened. Of this last conqueror 
I also possess a medal, obtained amongst the Surasenoi, and struck in com- 
memoration of victory, as the winged messenger of heavenly peace extends 
the palm branch from her hand. These two will fill up a chasm in the 
Bactrian annals, for Menander is well known to them. ApoUodotus would 
have perished but for Arrian, who wrote the Periplus of the Erythraean Sea 
in the second century, while commercial agent at Broach, or classically 
Brigukachchha, the Barugaza of the Greeks. [The Periplus of the Erythraean 
Sea was written by an unknown Greek merchant of first century a.d. 
(McCrindlo, Commerce and Navigation, Introd. p. 1).] 

Without the notice this writer has afforded us, my ApoUodotus would 
have lost half its value. Since my arrival in Europe I have also been made 
acquainted with the existence of a medal of Demetrius, discovered in 
Bokhara, and on which an essay has been written by a savant at St. 


Hastinapura. — The city of Hastinapura was built by Hastin 
a name celebrated in the Lunar dynasties. The name of this 
city is still preserved on the Ganges, about forty miles south of 
Hardwar,^ where the Ganges breaks through the Siwalik moun- 
tains and enters the plains of India. This mighty stream, rolling 
its masses of waters from the glaciers of the Himalaya, and joined 
by many auxiliary streams, frequently carries destruction before 
it. In one night a column of thirty feet in perpendicular height 
has been known to bear away all within its sweep, and to such an 
occurrence the capital of Hastin is said to have owed its ruin.^ 
As it existed, however, long after the Mahabharata, it is surpris- 
ing it is not mentioned by the historians of Alexander, who in- 
vaded India probably about eight centuries after that event. In 
this abode of the sons of Puru resided Porus, one of the two 
princes of that name, opponents of Alexander, and probably 
Bindusara the son of Chandragupta, surmised to be the Abisares ^ 
and Sandrakottos of Grecian authorities. Of the two princes 
named Porus mentioned by Alexander's [41] historians, one 
resided in the very cradle of the Puru dynasties ; the abode of 
the other bordered on the Panjab : warranting an assertion that 
the Pori of Alexander were of the Lunar race, and destroying 
all the claims various authors * have advanced on behalf of the 
princes of Mewar.* 

Hastin sent forth three grand branches, Ajamidha, Dvimidha, 
and Purumidha. Of the two last we lose sight altogether ; but 
Ajamidha's progeny spread over all the northern parts of India, 
in the Panjab and across the Indus. The period, probably one 
thousand six hundred years before Christ. 

^ The portal of Hari or Hara, whose trisula or trident is there. 

^ Wilford says this event is mentioned in two Puranas as occurring in the 
sixth or eighth generation of the Great War. Those who have travelled in 
the Duab must have remarked where both the Ganges and Jumna have 
shifted their beds. 

' [Abisares is Abhisara in the modern Kashmir State (Smith, EHI, 59).] 

* Sir Thomas Roe ; Sir Thomas Herbert ; the Holstein ambassador (by 
Olearius) ; Delia Valle ; Churchill, in his collection : and borrowing from 
these, D'Anville, Bayer, Orme, Rennell, etc. 

'' The ignorance of the family of Mewar of the fact would by no means 
be a conclusive argument against it, could it be otherwise substantiated ; 
but the race of Surya was completely eclipsed at that period by the Lunar 
and new races which soon poured in from the west of the Indu.s, and in time 
displaced them all. 



From Ajamidha/ in the fourth generation, was Bajaswa, who 
obtained possessions towards the Indus, and whose five sons gave 
their name, Panchala, to the Panjab, or space watered by the 
five rivers. The capital founded by the younger brother, Kam- 
pila, was named Kampilnagara.^ 

The descendants of Ajamidha by his second "wife, Kesini, 
founded another kingdom and dynasty, celebrated in the heroic 
history of Northern India. This is the Kausika dynasty. 

Kanauj. — Kusa had four sons, two of whom, Kusanablia and 
Kusamba, are well known to traditional history, and by the still 
surviving cities founded by them. Kusanabha founded the city of 
Mahodaya on the Ganges, afterwards changed to Kanyakubja, or 
Kanauj, which maintained its celebrity until the Muhammadan 
invasion of Shihabu-d-din (a.d. 1193), when this overgrown city 
was laid prostrate for ever. It was not unfrequently called 
Gadhipura, or the ' city of Gadhi.' This practice of multiply- 
ing names of cities in the east is very destructive to history. 
Abu-1 Fazl has taken from Hindu authorities an account of 
Kanauj ; and could we admit the authority of a poet on such 
subjects, Chand, the bard of Prithwiraja,* would afford materials. 
Ferishta states it in the early ages to have been twenty- 
five coss [42] (thirty-five miles) in circumference, and that 
there were thirty thousand shops for the sale of the areca or 
beetle - nut only ; * and this in the sixth century, at which 
period the Rathor dynasty, which terminated with Jaichand, 
in the twelfth, had been in possession from the end of the fiftli 

Kusamba also founded a city, called after his own name 

^ Ajamidha, by his wife Nila, had five sons, who spread their branches 
(Sakha) on both sides the Indus. Regarding three the Puranas are silent, 
which impHes their migration to distant regions. Is it possible they might 
be the origin of the Medes ? Tliese Medes are descendants of Yayati, third 
son of the patriarch Manu ; and Madai, founder of the Medes, was of Japhet's 
line. Ajamidha, the patronymic of the branch of Bajaswa, is from Aja, ' a 
goat.' The Assyrian Mode, in Scripture, is typified by the goat. [These 
speculations are worthless.] 

^ Of this house was Draupadi, the wife, in common, of the five Pandava 
brothers : manners peculiar to Scythia. 

' King of Delhi. 

* [Briggs i. 57. The accounts of tlie size of the citj' are extravagant 
(Elphinstone, HI, 3.32 note ; Cunningham, ASR, i. 270 tf.).] 


Kaiisambi.^ The name was in existence in the eleventh century ; 
and ruins might yet exist, if search were made on the shores of 
the Ganges, from Kanauj southward. 

The otlier sons built two capitals, Dharmaranya and Vasumati ; 
but of neither have we any correct knowledge. 

Kuru had two sons, Sudhanush and Parikhshita. The descend- 
ants of the former terminated with Jarasandha, whose capital was 
Rajagriha (the modern Rajmahal) on the Ganges, in the province 
of Bihar.^ From Parikhshita descended the monarchs Santanu 
and Balaka : the first producing the rivals of the Great War, 
Yudhishthira and Duryodhana ; the other the Balakaputras. 

Duryodhana, the successor to the throne of Kuru, resided at 
the ancient capital, Hastinapura ; while the junior branch, 
Yudhishthira, founded Indraprastha, on the Yamuna or Jumna, 
which name in the eighth century was changed to Delhi. 

The sons of Balaka founded two kingdoms : Palibothra, on 
the lower Ganges ; and Aror,' on the eastern bank of the Indus, 
founded by Sahl [43]. 

^ An inscription was discovered at Kara on the Ganges, in which Yaspal 
is mentioned as prince of the realm of Kausambi {As. Res. vol. ix. p. 440). 
WiKord, in his Essay on the Geography of the Purans, says " Causambi, 
near Alluhabad " {As. Res. vol. xiv.). [The site is uncertain (Smith, EHI, 
29.3, note).] ^ [Rajglr in Patna District.] 

' Aror, or Alor, was the capital of Sind in remote antiquity : a bridge 
over the stream which branched from the Indus, near Dara, is almost the 
sole vestige of this capital of the Sogdoi of Alexander. On its site the 
shepherds of the desert have estabhshed an extensive hamlet ; it is placed 
on a ridge of siliceous rock, seven miles east of the insular Bakhar, and free 
from the inundations of the Indus. The Sodha tribe, a powerful branch of 
the Pramara race, has ruled in these countries from remote antiquity, and 
to a very late period they were lords of Umarkot and Umrasurara, in which 
divisions was Aror. Sahl and his capital were known to Abu-1 Fazl, though 
he was ignorant of its position, which he transferred to Debal, or Dewal, the 
modern Tatta. This indefatigable historian thus describes it : '' In ancient 
times there lived a raja named Siharas (Sahl), whose capital was Alor, and 
his dominions extended north to Kashmir and south to the ocean " [Atn, 
ii. 343]. Sahl, or Sahr, becaine a titular appellation of the country, its 
princes, and its inhabitants, the Sehraes. [See p. 21 above.] Alor appears 
to have been the capital of the kingdom of Sigerdis, conquered by Menander 
of Bactria. Ibn Haukal, the Arabian geographer, mentions it ; but a 
superfluous point in writing has changed Aror into Azor, or Azour, as 
translated by Sir W. Ouseley. The illustrious D'AnviUe mentions it ; but, 
in ignorance of its position, quoting AbuLfeda, says, in grandeur " Azour 
est presque comparable a Mooltan." I have to claim the discovery of 


One great arm of the tree of Yayati remains unnoticed, that of 
Uru or Urvasu, written by others Turvasu. Uru was the father 
of a hne of kings who founded several empires. Virupa, the 
eighth prince from Uru, had eight sons, two of whom are particu- 
larly mentioned as sending forth two grand shoots, Druhyu and 
Bhabru. From Druhyu a dynasty was established in the north. 
Aradwat, with his son Gandhara, is stated to have founded a 
State : Prachetas is said to have become king of Mlecchhades, or 
the barbarous regions. This line terminated with Dushyanta, 
the husband of the celebrated Sakuntala, father of Bharat, and 
who, labouring under the displeasure of some offended deity, is 
said by the Hindus to have been the cause of all the woes which 
subsequent^ befell the race. The four grandsons of Dushyanta, 
Kalanjar, Keral, Pand, and Chaul, gave their names to countries. 

Kalanjar.^ — Kalanjar is the celebrated fortress in Bundelkhand, 
so well known for its antiquities, which have claimed considerable 

Kerala. — Of the second, Kerala, it is only known that in the list 
of the thirty-six royal races in the twelfth century, the Kerala 
makes one, but the capital is unknown.^ 

several ancient capital cities in the north of India : Surpur, on the Jumna, 
the capital of the Yadus ; Alor, on the Indus, the capital of the Sodhas ; 
Mandodri, capital of the Pariharas ; Chandravati, at the foot of the Aravalli 
mountains ; and Valabhipura, in Gujarat, capital of the Balaka-raes, the 
Balharas of Arab travellers. The Bala Rajput of Saurashtra may have 
given the name to Valabhipura, as descendants of Balaka, from Sahl of 
Aror. The blessing of the bard to them is yet, Tatta Multan ka Rao ( ' lord 
of Tatta and Multan,' the seats of the Balaka-putras) : nor is it improbable 
that a branch of these under the Indian Hercules, Balaram, who left India 
after the Great War, may have founded Bahch, or Balkh, emphatically 
called the ' mother of cities.' The Jaisalmer annals assert that the Yadu 
and Balaka branches of the Indu race ruled Khorasan after the Great War, 
the Indo-Scythic races of Grecian authors. Besides the Balakas, and the 
numerous branches of the Indo-Medes, many of the sons of Kuru dispersed 
over these regions : amongst whom we may place Uttara Kuru (Northern 
Kurus) of the Puranas, the Ottorokorrhai of the Greek authors. Both the 
Indu and Surya races were eternally sending their superfluous population 
to those distant regions, when ])robably the same primeval rchgion governed 
the races east and west of the Indus. [Much of this is incorrect.] 

^ [The Chera or Kerala kingdom comj)rised the Southern Konkans or 
Malabar coast, the present Malabar district with Travancore and Cochin, 
the dynasty being in e.Kistence early in the Christian era (Smith, EHI, 447 ; 
IGI, X. 192 f.).] 


Fandya. — The kingdom founded by Pand may be that on the 
coast of Malabar, the Pandu-Mandal of the Hindus, the Regia 
Pandiona of the geographers of the west, and of which, probably, 
Tanjore is the modern capital.^ 

Chaul.— Chaul ^ is in the Saurashtra penmsula, and on the 
coast, towards Jagat Khunt, ' the world's end,' and still retains its 

Anga. — The other shoot from Bhabru became celebrated. 
The thirty-fourth prince, Anga, founded the kingdom of Angadesa, 
of which Champapuri * was the [44] capital, estabhshed about 
the same time with Kanauj, probably fifteen himdred years 
before Christ. With him the patronymic was changed, and the 
Anga race became famous in ancient Hindu history ; and to this 
day Un-des still designates the Alpine regions of Tibet bordering 
on Chinese Tartary. 

Prithusena terminates the line of Anga ; and as he survived 
the disasters of the Great War, his race probably multiplied in 
those regions, where caste appears never to have been introduced. 

Recapitulation. — Thus have we rapidly reviewed the dynasties 
of Surya and Chandra, from Manu and Budha to Rama, Krishna, 
Yudhishthira, and Jarasandha ; estabhshing, it is hoped, some 
new points, and perhaps adding to the credibility of the whole. 

The wrecks of almost all the vast cities founded by them are 
yet to be traced in ruins. The city of Ikshwaku and Rama, on 
the Sarju ; Indraprastha, Mathura, Surpura, Prayag on the 
Yamuna ; Hastinapura, Kanyakubja, Rajagriha on the Ganges ; 
Maheswar on the Nerbudda ; Aror on the Indus ; and Kusasthali 

^ [The Pandya kingdom included the Madura and Tinnevelly districts, 
with parts of Trichinopoly, and sometimes Travancore, its capitals being 
Madura, or Kudal, and Korkai (Smith, op. cil. 449 f. ; IGI, xix. 394 f.).] 

^ From Chaul on the coast, in journeying towards Junagarh, and about 
seven miles from the former, are the remains of an ancient city. 

* From the description in the Raraayana of King Dasaratha proceeding 
to Champamalina, the capital of Lomapada, king of Anga (sixth in descent 
from the founder), it is evident that it was a very mountainous region, and 
the deep forests and large rivers presented serious obstructions to his journey. 
From this 1 should imagine it impossible that Angadesa should apply to a 
portion of Bengal, in which there is a Champamalina, described by Colonel 
Francklin in his Essay on PaUbothra. [The Anga kingdom, with its capital 
at Champapuri, near Bhagalpur, corresponded to the modern districts of 
North Monghyr, North Bhagalpur, and Purnea west of the Mahananda 
river {IGI, v. 373).] 


Dwarka on the shore of the Indian Ocean. Each has left some 
memorial of former grandeur : research may discover others. 

There is yet an unexplored region in Panchala ; Kampilana- 
gara its capital, and those cities established west of the Indus by 
the sons of Bajaswa. 

Traces of the early Indo-Scythic nations may possibly reward 
the search of some adventurous traveller who may penetrate into 
Transoxiana, on the sites of Cyropolis, and the most northern 
Alexandria ; in Balkh, and amidst the caves of Bamian. 

The plains of India retain yet many ancient cities, from whose 
ruins somewhat may be gleaned to add a mite to knowledge ; and 
where inscriptions may be foimd in a character which, though 
yet unintelligible,- will not always remain so in this age of dis- 
covery. For such let the search be general, and when once a key 
is obtained, they will enlighten each other. Wherever the races 
of Kuru, Urn, and Yadu have swayed, have been found ancient 
and yet imdeciphered characters. 

Much would reward him who would make a better digest of 
the historical and geographical matter in the Puranas. But we 
must discard the idea that the history of Rama, the INIahabharata 
of Krishna and the five Pandava ^ brothers, are [45] mere alle- 
gory : an idea supported by some, although their races, their 
cities, and their coins still exist. Let us master the characters 
on the columns of Indraprastha, of Prayag and Mewar, on the 
rocks of Junagarh,^ at Bijolli, on the Aravalli, and in the Jain 

^ The history and exploits of the Pandavas and Harikulas are best known 
in the most remote parts of India : amidst the forest-covered mountains of 
Saurashtra, the deep woods and caves of Hidiniba and Virat (still the shelter 
of the savage Bhil and KoH), or on the craggy banks of the Charmanvati 
(Chambal). In each, tradition has locaUzed the shelter of these heroes 
when exiled from the Yamuna ; and colossal figures cut from the mountain, 
ancient temples and caves inscribed with characters yet unknown, attributed 
to the Pandavas, confirm the legendary tale. 

* The ' ancient city,' par eminence, is the only name this old capital, at 
the foot of, and guarding, the sacred mount Girnar, is known by. Abu-1 
Fazl says it had long remained desolate and unknown, and was discovered 
by mere accident. {Ain, ii. 245. For a description of the place see BG, 
viii. 487 ; E. C. Bayley, Local Muhammadan Dynasties, Gujarat, 182 ff.] 
Tradition even being silent, they gave it the emphatic appellation of Juna 
(old) Garh (fortress). J have httle doubt that it is the Aaaldur g a , or | 
Asalgarh, of the Guhilot annals ; where it is said that prince Asal raised a 
fortress, called after him, near to Girnar, by the consent of the Dabhi i^rince, 
his uncle. 


temples scattered over India, and then we shall be able to arrive 
at just and satisfactory conclusions. 


Having investigated the line from Ikshwaku to Rama, and that 
from Budha (the parent and first emigrant of the Indu ^ race, I 
from Saka Dwipa, or Scythia, to Hindustan) to Krishna andj 
Yudhishthira, a period of twelve hundred years, we proceed to' 
the second division and second table of the genealogies. 

The Suryavansa or Solar Line. — From Rama all the tribes 
termed Surj'avansa, or ' Race of the Sun,' claim descent, as the 
present princes of Mewar, Jaipur, Marwar, Bikaner, and their 
numerous clans ; while from the Lunar (Indu) line of Budha and 
Krishna, the families of Jaisalmer and Cutch (the Bhatti ^ and 
Jareja races), extending throughout the Indian desert from the 
Sutlej to the ocean, deduce their pedigTees. 

Rama preceded Krishna : but as their historians, Valmiki and 
Vyasa, who wrote the events they witnessed, were contemporaries, 
it could not have been by many years [46]. 

The present table contains the dynasties which succeeded these 
great beacons of the Solar and Lvmar races, and are three in 

1. The Suryavansa, descendants of Rama 

2. The Induvansa, descendants of Pandu through Yudhish- 

3. The Induvansa, descendants of Jarasandha, monarch of 

The Bhagavat and Agni Puranas are the authorities for the 

^ Indu, Som, Chandra, in Sanskrit ' the moon ' ; hence the Lunar race 
is termed the Chandravansa, Sotnvansa, or Induvansa, most probably the 

' root of Hindu. [Pers. hindu. Skr. sindhu.] 

; ^ The isolated and now dependent chieftainship of Dhat, of which 

• Umarkot is the capital, separates the Bhattis from the Jarejas. Dhat is 

] now amalgamated with Sind ; its prince, of Pramara race and Sodha tribe, 

I ancient lords of all Sind. 

,! ' A fourth and fifth might have been given, but imperfect. First the 
descendants of Kusa, second son of Rama, from whence the princes of 

j Narwar and Amber : secondly, the descendants of Krishna, from whom 

[the princes of Jaisalmer. 


lines from Rama and Jarasandha ; while that of Pandu is from 
the Raja Tarangini and Raj avail. 

The existing Rajput tribes of the Solar race claim descent from 
Lava and Kusa, the two elder sons of Rama ; nor do I believe 
any existing tribes trace their ancestry to his other children, or 
to his brothers. 

From the eldest son, Lava, the Ranas of Mewar claim descent : 
so do the Bargujar tribe, formerly powerful within the confines 
of the present Amber, whose representative now dwells at Anup- 
shahr on the Ganges. 

From Kusa descend the Kachhwaha ^ princes of Narwar and 
Amber, and their numerous clans. Amber, though the first in 
power, is but a scion of Narwar, transplanted about one thousand 
years back, whose chief, the representative of the celebrated 
Prince Nala, enjoys but a sorry district ^ of all his ancient pos- 

The house of Marwar also claims descent from this stem, which 
appears to originate in an error of the genealogists, confounding 
the race of Kusa with the Kausika of Kanauj and Kausambi. 
Nor do the Solar genealogists admit this assumed pedigree. 

The Amber prince in his genealogies traces the descent of the 
Mewar ^ family from Rama to Sumitra, through Lava, the eldest 
brother, and not through Kusa,* as in some copies of the Puranas, 
and in that whence Sir William Jones had his lists [47J. 

Mr. Bentley, taking this genealogy from the same authority 
as Sir William Jones, has mutilated it by a transposition, for 

^ In modem times always written and pronounced KiUchwdha. 

^ It is in the plateau of Central India, near Shahabad. 

^ Whatever dignity attaches to this pedigree, whether true or false, 
every prince, and every Hindu of learning, admit the claims of the princes 
of Mewar as heir to ' the chair of Rama ' ; and a degree of reverence has 
consequently attached, not only to his person, but to the seat of his power. 
When Mahadaji Sindhia was called by the Rana to reduce a traitorous 
noble in Chitor, such was the reverence which actuated that (in other 
respects) little scrupulous chieftain, that he could not be prevailed on to 
point his cannon on the walls within which consent established ' the throne 
of Rama.' The Rana himself, then a jouth, had to break the ice, and fired 
a cannon agauist his own ancient abode. 

* Bryant, in his Analysis, mentions that the children of the Cushite 
Ham used his name in salutation as a mark of recognition. ' Ram, Ram,' 
is the common salutation in these Hindu countries ; the respondent often 
joining Sita's name with that of her consort Rama, ' Sita Ram.' 


which his reasons are insufficient, and militate against every 
opinion of the Hindus. Finding the names Vrihadbala and 
Vridasura, declared to be princes contemporary with Yudhish- 
thira, he transposes the whole ten princes of his list intervening 
between Takshak ^ and Bahuman.^ 

Bahuman,* or ' the man witli arms ' (Darazdaslit or Longi- 
manus) is the thirty-fourth prince from Rama ; and his reign 
must be placed nearly intermediate between Rama and Sumitra, 
or his contemporary Vikrama, and in the sixth century from 

Sumitra concludes the line of Surya or Rama from the Bhaga- 
vat Purana. Thence it is connected with the present line of 
Mewar, by Jai Singh's authorities ; which list has been compared 
with various others^ chiefly Jain, as will be related in the annals 
of Mewar. , 

It will be seen that the line of Surya exliibits fifty-six princes, \ 
from Lava, the son of Rama, to Sumitra, the last prince given in I 
the Puranas. Sir William Jones exhibits fifty-seven. 

To these fifty-six reigns I sliould be willing to allow the average 
of twenty years, which would give 1120 from Rama to Sumitra, 
who preceded by a short period Vikramaditya ; and as 1100 have 
been already calculated to have preceded the era of Rama and 
Yudhishthira, the inference is, that 2200 years elapsed from 
Ikshwaku, the founder of the Solar line, to Sumitra. 

Chandravansa or the Lunar Line. — From the Raja Tarangini 1 
and Rajavali the Induvansa family (descendants of Pandu 1 
tlirough Yudhishthira) is supplied. These works, celebrated in 
llajwara as collections of genealogies and historical facts, by the | 

^ Twenty-eighth prince from Rama in JMr. Bentley's list, and twenty- ^ 
fifth in mine. 

2 Thirty-seventh in Mr. Bentley's hst and thirty-fourth in mine ; but 
the intervening names being made to follow Rama, Bahuman (written by 
him Banumat) follows Takshak. 

* The period of time, also, would allow of their grafting the son of 
Artaxerxes and father of Darius, the worshipper of Mthras, on the stem 
of the adorers of Surya, while a curious notice of the Raja Jai Singh's on a 
subsequent name on this list which he calls Naushirwan, strengthens the 
coincidence. Bahuman (see article ' Bahaman,' D'Herbelot's Bibl. Orient.) 
actually carried his arms into India, and invaded the kingdoms of the Solar 
race of Mithila and Magadha. The time is appropriate to the first Darius 
and his father ; and Herodotus [iii. 94] tells us that the richest and best of 
the satrapies of his empire was the Hindu, 


Pandils Vidyadhara and Raghunatli, were compUed under the 
eye of the most learned prince of his period, Sawai Jai Singh of 
Amber, and give the various dynasties which ruled at Indra- 
prastha, or Delhi, from Yudhishtliira to Vikramaditya ; and 
although barren of events, may be considered of value in filling up 
a period of entire darkness [48]. 

The Tarangini commences with Adinath ^ or Rishabhdeva,^ 
being the Jain * theogony. Rapidly noticing the leading princes 
of the dynasties discussed, they pass to the birth of the kings 
Dhritarashtra and Pandu, and their offspring, detailing the 
causes of their civil strife, to that conflict termed the Mahabharata 
or Great War. 

The Pandava Family. — The origin of every family, whether 
of east or west, is involved in fable. That of the Pandu * is 
entitled to as much credence as the birth of Romulus, or other 
founders of a race. 

Such traditions ^ were probably invented to cover some great 
disgrace in the Pandu family, and have relation to the story 
already related of Vyasa, and the debasement of this branch of 
the Harikulas. Accordingly, on the death of Pandu, Duryo- 
dhana, nephew of Pandu (son of Dhritarashtra, who from blindness 
could not inherit), asserted their illegitimacy before the assembled 
kin at Hastinapura. With the aid, however, of the priesthood, 
and the blind Dhritarashtra, his nephew, Yudhishthira, elder son 
of Pandu, was invested by him with the seal of royalty, in the 
capital, Hastinapura. 

Duryodhana's plots against the Pandu and his partisans were 

1 First lord. ^ j^qj.^ ^f ^^^^ 5^11. 

^ Vidhyadhar was a Jain. 

* Pandu not being blessed with progeny, his queen made use of a charm 
by which she enticed the deities from their spheres. To Dharma Raj 
(Minos) she bore Yudhishthira ; by Pavan (Aeolus) she had Bhima ; by 
Indra (Jupiter Coelus) she had Arjuna, who was taught by his sire the use 
of the bow, so fatal in the Great War ; and Nakula and Sahadeva owed 
their birth to Aswini Kumar (Aesculapius) the physician of the gods. 

* We must not disregard the intellect of the Amber prince, who allowed 
these ancient traditions to be incorporated with the genealogy compiled 
under his eye. The prince who obtained De Silva from Emmanuel III. of 
Portugal, who combined the astronomical tables of Europe and Asia, and 
raised these monuments of his scientific genius in his favourite pursuit 
(astronomy) in all the capital cities of India, while engrossed in war and 
pohtics, requires neither eulogy nor defence. 


so numerous that the five brothers determined to leave for a 
while their ancestral abodes on the Ganges. They sought shelter 
in foreign countries about the Indus, and were first protected by 
Drupada, king of Panchala, at whose capital, Kampilanagara, 
the surrounding princes had arrived as suitors for the hand of his 
daughter, Draupadi.^ But the prize was destined for the exiled 
Pandu, and the skill of Arjuna in archery obtained him the fair, 
who " threw roimd his neck the (barmala) garland of marriage." 
The disappointed princes indulged their resentment against the 
exile ; but by Arjuna's bow they suffered the fate of Penelope's 
suitors, and the Pandu brought home his bride, who became the 
wife in common of the five brothers : manners ^ decisively 
Scythic [49]. 

The deeds of the brothers abroad were bruited in Hastinapura 
and the blind Dhritarashtra's influence effected their recall. To 
stop, however, their intestine feuds, he partitioned the Pandu 
sovereignty ; and while his son, Duryodhana, retained Hastina- 
pura, Yudhishthira founded the new capital of Indraprastha ; but 
shortly after the Mahabharata he abdicated in favour of his gi-and- 
nephew, Parikshita, introducing a new era, called after himself, 
which existed for eleven hundred years, when it was overturned, 
and Indraprastha was conquered by Vila-amaditya Tuar of Ujjain, 
of the same race, who established an era of his own. 

On the division of the Pandu sovereignty, the new kingdom 
of Indraprastha eclipsed that of Hastinapura. The brothers 
reduced to obedience the surrounding ^ nations, and compelled 
their princes to sign tributary engagements {paenama)^ 

Yudhishthira, firmly seated on his throne, determined to 

^ Drupada was of the Aswa race, being descended from Bajaswa (or 
Hyaswa) of the line of Ajamidha. 

^ This marriage, so inconsistent with Hindu deUcacy, is glossed over. 
Admitting the polyandry, but in ignorance of its being a national custom, 
puerile reasons are interpolated. In the early annals of the same race, 
predecessors of the Jaisalmer family, the younger son is made to succeed : 
also Scythic or Tatar. The manners of the Scythae described by Herodotus 
are found still to exist among their descendants : "a pair of shppers at the 
wife's door " is a signal well understood by all Eimauk husbands (Elphin- 
stone's Caubul, vol. ii. p. 251). 

' Tarangini. 

* Paenama is a [Persian] word pecuharly expressive of subserviency to 
paramount authority, whether the engagement be in money or service : 
from pae, ' the foot.' 


signalize his reign and paramount sovereignty, by the imposing 
and solemn rites of Asvamedha ^ and Rajasuya. 

The Asvamedha. — In these magnificent ceremonies, in which 
princes alone officiate, every duty, down to that of porter, is per- 
formed by royalty. 

The ' Steed of Sacrifice ' was liberated under Arjuna's care, 
having wandered whither he listed for twelve months ; and none 
daring to accept this challenge of supremacy, he was reconducted 
to Indraprastha, Avhere, in the meanwhile, the hall of sacrifice was 
prepared, and all the princes of the land were summoned to 

The hearts of the Kurus ^ burned with envy at the assumption 
of supremacy by the Pandus, for the Prmce of Hastinapura's 
office was to serve out the sacred food [50]. 

The rivalry between the races burst forth afresh ; but Duryo- 
dhana, who so often failed in his schemes against the safety of his 
antagonists, determined to make the virtue of Yudhishthira the 
instrument of his success. He availed himself of the national 
propensity for play, in which the Rajput continues to preserve 
his Scythic ^ resemblance. Yudhishthira fell into the snare 
prepared for him. He lost his kingdom, his wife, and even his 
personal liberty and that of his brothers, for twelve years, and 
became an exile from the plains of the Yamuna. 

The traditional historj'^ of these wanderers during the term of 
probation, their many lurking jilaces now sacred, the return 
to their ancestral abodes, and the grand battle (Mahabharata) 
which ensued, form highly interesting episodes in the legends of 
Hindu antiquity. 

To decide this civil strife, every tribe and chief of fame, from 
the Caucasus to the ocean, assembled on Kurukshetra, the field 

^ Sacrifice of the horse to the sun, of which a full description is given 

^ Duryodhana, as the elder ))ranch, retained his title as head of the 
Kurus ; while the junior, Yudhishthira, on the separation of authority, 
adopted his father's name, Pandu, as the patronymic of his new dynasty. 
The site of the great conflict (or Mahabharata) between these rival clans, is 
called Kurukshetra, or ' Field of the Kurus.' 

* Herodotus describes the ruinous passion for play amongst the Scythic 
hordes, and which may have been carried west by Odin into Scandinavia 
and Germany. Tacitus tells us that the Germans, like the Pandus, staked 
even iiersonal liberty, and were sold as slaves by the winner [Germania, 24]. 


on which the empire of India has since more than once been 
contested ^ and lost. 

This combat was fatal to the dominant influence of the " fifty- 
six tribes of Yadu." On each of its eighteen days' combat, myriads 
were slain ; for " the father knew not the son, nor the disciple his 

Victory brought no happiness to Yudhishthira. The slaughter 
of his friends disgusted him with the world, and he determined 
to withdraw frona it ; previously performing, at Hastinapura, 
funeral rites for Duryodhana (slain by the hands of Bhima), 
whose ambition and bad faith had originated this exterminating 
war. " Having regained his kingdom, he proclaimed a new era, 
and placing on the throne of Indraprastha, Parikshita, grandson 
to Arjuna, retired to Dwarka with KJrislina and Baldeva : and 
since the war to the period of writing, 4638 j^ears have elapsed." - 

Yudhishthira, Baldeva, and Krishna, having retired with the 
wreck of this ill-fated struggle to Dwarka, the two former had 
soon to lament the death of Krishna, slain by one of the aboriginal 
tribes of Bhils ; against whom, from their shattered condition, 
they were luiable to contend. After this event, Yudhishthira, 
with [51] Baldeva and a few followers, entirely withdrew from 
India, and emigrating northwards, by Sind, to the Himalayan 
mountains, are there abandoned by Hindu traditional history, 
and are supposed to have perished in the snows.' 

^ On it the last Hindu monarch, Prithwiraja, lost his kingdom, his hberty, 
and life. 

2 Rajatarangini. The period of writing was a.d. 1740. ; 

^ Having ventured to surmise analogies between the Hercules of the east 
and west, I shall carry them a point further. Amidst the snows of Caucasus, 
Hindu legend abandons the Harikulas, under their leaders Yudhishthira 
and Baldeva : yet if Alexander estabhshed his altars in Panchala, amongst 
the sons of Puru and the Harikulas, what physical impossibility exists that 
a colony of them, under Yudhishthira and Baldeva, eight centuries anterior, 
should have penetrated to Greece ? Comparatively far advanced in science 
and arms, the conquest would have been easy. When Alexander attacked 
the ' free cities ' of Panchala, the Purus and Harikulas who opposed him 
evinced the recollections of their ancestor, in carrying the figure of Hercules 
as their standard. Comparison proves a common origin to Hindu and 
Grecian mythology ; and Plato says the Greeks had theirs from Egypt and 
the East. May not this colony of the Harikulas be the Herachdae, who pene- 
trated into the Peloponnesus (according to Volney) 1078 years before Christ, 
sufficiently near our calculated period of the Great War ? The Herachdae 
claimed from Atreus : the Harikxilas claim from Atri. Eurysthenes was 


From Parikshita, who succeeded Yudhishthira, to Vikrama- 
ditya, four ^ dynasties are given in a continuous chain, exhibiting 
sixty-six princes to Rajpal, who, invading Kumaon, was slain by 
Sukwanti. The Kumaun conqueror seized upon Delhi, but was 
soon dispossessed by Vikramaditya, who transferred the seat of 
imperial power from Indraprastha to Avanti, or Ujjain, from 
which time it became the first meridian of the Hindu astronomy. 

Indraprastha ceased to be a regal abode for eight centuries, 
when it was re-established by Anangpal,^ the founder of the Tuar 
race, claiming descent from the Pandus. Then the name of Delhi 
superseded that of Indraprastha. 

the first king of the HeracUdae : Yudhishthira has suflEicient affinity in 
name to the first Spartan king not to startle the etymologist, the d and 
r being always permutable in Sanskrit. The Greeks or lonians are de- 
scended from Yavan, or Javan, the seventh from Japhet. The Harikulas 
are also Yavans claiming from Javan or Yavan, the thirteenth in descent 
from Yayati, the third son of the primeval patriarch. The ancient Hera- 
clidae of Greece asserted they were as old as the sun, and older than the 
moon. May not this boast conceal the fact that the Heliadae (or Suryct- 
vansa) of Greece had settled there anterior to the colony of the Indu (Lunar) 
race of Harikula ? In all that relates to the mythological history of the 
Indian demi-gods, Baldeva (Hercules), Krishna or Kanhaiya (Apollo), and 
Budha (Mercury), a powerful and almost perfect resemblance can be traced 
))etween those of Hindu legend, Greece, and Egypt. Baldeva (the god of 
strength) Harikula, is still worshipped as in the days of Alexander ; his 
shrine at Baldeo in Vraj (the Surasenoi of the Greeks), his club a plough- 
share, and a lion's skin his covering. A Hindu intaglio of rare value 
represents Hercules exactly as described by Arrian, with a monogram con- 
sisting of two ancient characters now unknown, but which I have found 
wherever tradition assigns a spot to the Harikulas ; especially in Saurashtra, 
where they were long concealed on their exile from Delhi. This we may 
at once decide to be the exact figure of Hercules which Arrian describes 
his descendants to have carried as their standard, when Porus opposed 
Alexander. The intaglio will appear in the Trans. li.A.S. [The specula- 
tions in this note have no authority.] 

^ The twenty-eighth prince, Khemraj, was the last in lineal descent from 
Parikshita, the grand-nephew of Yudhishthira. The first dynasty lasted 
1 864 years. The second dynasty was of Visarwa, and consisted of fourteen 
princes ; this lasted five hundred years. The third dynasty was headed by 
Mahraj, and terminated by Antinai, the fifteenth prince. The fourth 
dynasty was headed by Dudhsen, and terminated by Rajpal, the ninth and 
last king (Rajatarangini). 

'^ The Rajatarangini gives the date A.v. 848, or a.v. 792, for this ; and 
adds : " Princes from Siwalik, or northern hills, held it during this time, 
and it long continued desolate until the Tuars." 


" Sukwanti, a prince from the northern mountains of Kumaun, 
ruled fourteen [52] years, when he was slain by Vikramaditya ; ^ 
and from the Bharat to this period 2915 years have elapsed." * 

Such a period asserted to have elapsed while sixty-six princes 
occupied the throne, gives an average of forty-four years to each ; 
which is incredible, if not absolutely impossible. 

In another passage the compiler says : " I have read many 
books (shastras), and all agreed to make one hundred princes, 
all of Khatri ^ race, occupy the throne of Delhi from Yudhishthira 
to Pritliwiraja, a period of 4100 years,* after which the Ravad * 
race succeeded." 

It is fortunate for these remnants of historical data that thej^ 
have only extended the duration of reigns, and not added more 
heads. Sixty-six links are quite sufficient to connect Yudhishthira 
and Vikramaditya. 

We cannot object to the " one hundred princes " who fill the 
space assigned from Yudhishthira to Prithwiraja, though there 
is no proportion between the number which precedes and that 
which follows Vikramaditya, the former being sixty-six, the latter 
only thirty-four princes, although the period cannot differ half 
a century. 

I^et us apply a test to these one hundred kings, from Yudhish 
thira to Prithwiraja : the result will be 2250 years. 

This test is derived from the average rate of reigns of the chief 
dynasties of Rajasthan, during a pei-iod of 63.S ® to 663 ' years, I 
or from Prithwiraja to the present date. \>^©:.\ OP K<^^ 

1 .50 B.C. [Cunningham remarks that the defeat of Raja Pal of Delhi Vw'^ 
bj^ Sukwanti, Sukdati, or Sukaditya, Raja of Kumaun, must be assigned to 
A.D. 79 : but he has little confidence in such. traditions, iniless supported by 
independent evidence {ASB, i. 1.38).] 

- Raghunath. ^ J^^jput, or Kshatriya. 

* 'J'his period of 4100 years may have been arrived at by the compiler 
taking for granted the number of years mentioned by Raghunath as having 
elapsed from the Mahabharata to Vikrainaditya, namely 291.5, and adding 
thereto the well-authenticated period of Prithwiraja, who was born in 
iSamvat 1215 : for if 2915 be subtracted from 4100, it leaves 1185, the period 
within thirty years of the birth of Prithwiraja, according to the Chauhan 

* Solar. 

* From S. 1250, or a.d. 1194, captivity and dethronement of Pritliwiraja. 
' From S. 1212, a.d. 1516, the founding of Jaisalmer by Jaisal, to the 

accession of Gaj Singh, the present prince, in S. 1876, or a.d. 1820. 


Of Mewar . . 34 ^ princes, or 19 years to each reign. 

Of Marwar . . 28 princes, or 23i „ ,, 

Of Amber . . 29 princes, or 22i ,, ,, 

Of Jaisalmer . . 28 princes, or 23J ,, ,, 

giving an average of twenty-two years for each reign [53]. 

It would not be proper to ascribe a longer period to each reign, 
and it were perhaps better to give the minimum, nineteen, to 
extended dynasties ; and to the sixty-six princes from Yudhish- 
thira and Vikramaditya not even so much, four revolutions ^ and 
usurpations marking this period. 

Jarasandha. — The remaining line, that of Jarasandha, taken 
from the Bhagavat, is of considerable importance, and will afford 
scope for further speculation. 

Jarasandha was the monarch of Rajagriha,^ or Bihar, whose 
son Sahadeva, and grandson Marjari, are declared to have been 
contemporaries of the Mahabharata, and consequently coeval 
with Parikshita, the Delhi sovereign. 

The direct line of Jarasandha terminates in twenty-three 
descents with Ripimjaya, who was slain, and his throne assumed 
by his minister, Sanaka, whose dynasty terminated in the fifth 
generation with Nandivardandhana. Sanaka derived no personal 
advantage from his usurpation, as he immediately placed his son, 
Pradyota, on the throne. To these five princes one hundred and 
thirty-eight years are assigned. 

A new race entered Hindustan, led by a conqueror termed 
Sheshnag, from Sheshnagdesa,* who ascended the Pandu throne, 

^ Many of its early princes were killed in battle ; and the present prince's 
father succeeded his own nephew, which was retrograding. 

^ The historians sanction the propriety of these changes, in their remarks, 
that the deposed were " deficient in [capacity for] the cares and duties of 

® Rajagriha, or Rajmahal, capital of Magadhades, or Bihar. [In Patna 
district, lOI, xxi. 72.] 

* Figuratively, the country of the ' head of the Snakes ' ; Nag, Talc, or 
Takshak, being synonymous : and which I conclude to be the abode of the 
ancient Scythic Tachari of Strabo, the Tak-i-uks of the Cliinese, the Tajiks 
of the present day of Turkistan. This race appears to be the same with 
that of the Turushka (of the Puranas), who ruled on the Arvarma (the 
Araxes), in Sakadwipa, or Scytliia. [This is a confused reference to the 
Saisunaga dynasty, which took its name from its founder, Sisunaga, and 
comprised roughly the present Patna and Gaya districts, its capital being 


and whose line terminates in ten descents with Mahanandin, of 
spurious birth. This last prince, who was also named Baikyat, 
carried on an exterminating warfare against the ancient Rajput 
princes of pui-e blood, the Puranas declaring that since the dynasty 
of Sheshnag the princes were Sudras. Three hundred and sixty 
years are allotted to these ten princes. 

Chandragupta Maurya. — A fourth dynasty commenced with 
Chandragupta Maurya, of the same Takshak race.^ The Maurya 
dynasty consisted of ten princes, who are stated to have passed 
away in one hundred and thirty-seven years. [322-185 B.C.] 

Sunga, Kanva Dynasties. — The fifth dynasty of eight princes 
were from Sringides, and are said to have ruled one hundred and 
twelve years, when a prince of Kanvades deprived the last of life 
and kingdom. Of these eight princes, four were of pure blood, 
when Kistna, by a Sudra woman, succeeded. The dynasty of 
Kanvades terminates in twenty-three generations with Sus- 
arman* [54]. 

Recapitulation. — Thus from the Great War six successive 
dynasties are given, presenting a continuous chain of eighty-two 
princes, reckoning from Sahadeva, the successor of Jarasandha, 
to Susarman. 

To some of the short dynasties periods are assigned of moderate 
length : but as the first and last are without such data, the test 

Rajagriha ; the modern Rajglr-Sisunaga means ' a young elephant,' and 
has no connexion with Sheshnag, the serpent king {Vishnu Purana, 466 f. ; 
Smith, EHI, 31).] 

^ [Chandragupta Maurya was certainly not a " Takshak " : he was 
probably " an illegitimate scion of the Nanda family " (Smith, EHI, 42).] 

2 ]\'Ir. Bentley {' On the Hindu System of Astronomy,' As. Res. vol. viii. 
pp. 236-7) states that the astronomer, Brahmagupta, flourished about 
A.D. 527, or of Vikrama 583, shortly preceding the reign of Susarman ; that 
he was the founder of the system called the Kalpa of Brahma, on v/hich the 
present Hindu chronology is founded, and to which Mr. Bentley says their 
historical data was transferred. This would strengthen my calculations ; 
but the weight of Mr. Bentley's authority has been much weakened by his 
unwarrantable attack on Mr. Colebrooke, whose extent of knowledge is of 
double value from his entire aversion to hypothesis. [The Sunga dynasty, 
founded by Pushyamitra, about 185 B.C., lasted till about 73 B.C., when the 
tenth king, Devabhuti, was slain by his Brahman minister, Vasudeva, who 
founded the Kanva dynasty. He was followed by three kings, and the 
dynasty lasted only forty-five years, the last member of it being slain, about 
28 B.C., by a king of the Andhra or Satavahana dynasty, then reigning in 
the Deccan. For the scanty details see Smith, EHI, 198 fr.l 



already decided on must be applied ; which will yield 1704 years, 
being six hundred and four after Vikramaditya, whose contem- 
porary will thus be Basdeva, the fifty-fifth prince from Sahadeva 
of the sixth dynasty, said to be a conqueror from the country of 
Katehr [or Rohilkhand]. If these calculations possess any value, 
the genealogies of the Bhagavat are brought down to the close of 
the fifth century following Vikramaditya. As we cannot admit 
the gift of prophecy to the compilers of these books, we may infer 
that they remodelled their ancient chronicles during the reign of 
Susarman, about the year of Vikrama 600, or a.d. 540. 

With regard to calculations already adduced, as to the average 
number of years for the reigns of the foregoing dynasties, a com- 
parison with those which history affords of other parts of the 
world will supply the best criterion of the correctness of the 
assumed data. 

From the revolt of the ten tribes against Rehoboam ^ to the 
capture of Jerusalem, a period of three hundred and eighty-seven 
years, twenty kings sat on the throne of Judah, making each reign 
nineteen and a half years ; but if we include the three anterior 
reigns of Saul, David, and Solomon, prior to the revolt, the result 
will be twenty-six and a half years each. 

From the dismemberment of the Assjrrian ^ empire under 
Sardanapalus, nearly nine hundred years before Christ, the three 
consequent confluent dynasties of Babylonia, Assyria, and Media 
afford very different results for comparison. 

The Assyrian preserves the medium, while the Babylonish and 
Median run into extremes. Of the nine princes who swayed 
Babylon, from the period of its separation from, till its reunion 
to Assyria, a space of fifty-two years, Darius, who ruled Media 
sixty [thirty-six] years [55], outhved the whole. Of the line of 
Darius there were but six princes, from the separation of the 
kingdoms to their reunion imder Cyrus, a period of one hundred 
and seventy-four years, or twenty-nine to each reign. 

The Assjo-ian reigns form a juster medium. From Nebuchad- 
nezzar to Sardanapalus we have twenty-two years to a reign ; 
but from thence to the extinction of this dynasty, eighteen. 

The first eleven kings, the Heraclidae of Laced aemon, com- 

^ 987 years l^efore Christ. 

^ For these and tV.e following elates I am indebted to Goguet's chrono- 
logical tables in his Origin of Laws. 


mencing with Eiirysthenes (1078 before Christ), average thirty- 
two years ; while in repubhcan Athens, nearly contemporary^ 
from the first perpetual archon until the office became decennial 
in the seventh Olympiad, the reigns of the twelve chief magis- 
trates average twenty-eight years and a half. 

Thus we have three periods, Jewish, Spartan, and Athenian, 
each commencing about eleven hundred years before Christ, not 
half a century remote from the Mahabharata ; with those of 
Babylonia, Assyria, and Media, commencing where we quit the 
Grecian, in the eighth century before the Christian era, the Jewish 
ending in the sixth century. 

However short, compared with our Solar and Lunar dynasties, 
yet these, combined Avith the average reigns of existing Hindu 
dynasties, will aid the judgment in estimating the periods to be 
assigned to the lines thus afforded, instead of following the improb- 
able value attached by the Brahmans. 

From such data, longevity appears in unison with climate and 
simplicity of life : the Spartan yielding the maximimi of thirty- 
two to a reign, while the more luxurious Athens gives twenty- 
eight and a half. The Jews, from Saul t6 their exile " to the waters 
of Babylon," twenty-six and a half. The Medes equal the Lace- 
daemonians, and in all history can only be paralleled by the 
princes of Anhilwara, one of whom, Chawand, almost equalled 
Darius.^ ^ 

Of the separated ten tribes, from the revolt to the captivity, 
twenty kings of Israel passed away in two centuries, or ten years 

The Spartan and Assyrian present the extremes of thirty-two 
and eighteen, giving a medium of twenty-five years to a reign. 

The average result of our four Hindu dynasties, in a period of 
nearly seven hundred years, is twenty-two years. 

From all which data, I would presume to assign from twenty 
to twenty- two years to each reign in lines of fifty princes [56]. 

If the value thus obtained be satisfactory, and the lines of 
dynasties derived from so many authorities correct, we shall 
arrive at the same conclusion with Mr. Bentley ; who, by the 
more philosophical process of astronomical and genealogical 

^ [It is not clear to whom the author refers ; Chamunda Chavada (a.d. 
880-908): or Chamunda Chauhikya (a.d. 997-1010), {EG, i. Part 1. 151, 


combination, places Yudhishtliira's era in the year 2825 of the 
world ; which being taken from 4004 (the world's age at the birth 
of Christ) will leave 1179 before Christ for Yudhishthira's era, 
or 1123 before Vikramaditya.^ 


Rajputs and Mongols. — Having thus brought down the genea- 
logical history of the ancient martial races of India, from the earliest 
period to Yudhishthira and Krishna, and thence to Vikrama- 
ditya and the present day, a few observations on the races invading 
India during that time, and now ranked amongst the thirty-six 
royal races of Rajasthan, affording scope for sonic curious analogies, 
may not be inopportune. 

The tribes here alluded to are the Haihaya or Aswa, the Takshak, 
and the Jat or Getae ; the similitude of whose theogony, names 
in their early genealogies, and many other points, with the Chinese, 
Tatar, Mogul, Hindu, and Scythic races, would appear to warrant 
the assertion of one common origin. 

Though the periods of the passage of these tribes into India 
cannot be stated with exactitude, the regions whence they migrated 
may more easily be ascertained. 

Mongol Origin. — Let us compare the origin of the Tatars and 
Moguls, as given by their historian, Abulghazi, with the races we 
have been treating of from the Puranas. 

Mogol was the name of the Tatarian patriarch. His son was 
Aghuz,'' the founder of all the races of those northern regions, 
called Tatars and Mogol [57]. Aghuz had six sons.^ First, Kun,* 
' the sun,' the Surya of the Puranas ; secondly, Ai,^ ' the moon,' 

^ [The evidence quoted in this chapter bj^ which the author endeavours 
1 1 frame a chronology for this early period, is untrustworthy. Mr. Pargiter 
tentatively dates the great Bharata battle about 1000 B.C., but the evidence 
is very uncertain {JRAS, January 1910, p. 56 ; April 1914, p. 294).] 

^ Query, if from Mogol and Aghuz, compounded, we have not the Magog, 
son of Japhet, of Scripture ? 

^ The other four sons are the remaining elements, personified : whence 
the six races of Tatars. The Hindus had long but two races, till the four 
AgnOcula made them also six, and now thirty-six ! 

* In Tatar, according to Abulghazi, the sun and moon. 

^ De Giiignes. 



the Indu of the Puranas. In the latter, Ai, we have even the 
same name [Ayus] as in the Puranas for the Lunar ancestor. The 
Tatars all claim from Ai, ' the moon,' the Indus of the Puranas. 
Hence with them, as with the German tribes, the moon was always 
a male deity. The Tatar Ai had a son, Yulduz. His son^was 
Hyu, from whom ^ came the first race of the kings of China. The 
Puranic Ayus had a son, Yadu (pronounced Jadon) ; from whose 
third son, Haya, the Hindu genealogist deduces no line, and 
from whom the Chinese may claim their Indu ^ origin. II Khan 
(ninth from Ai) had two sons : first, Kian ; and secondly, Nagas ; 
whose descendants peopled all Tatary. From Kian, Jenghiz 
Ivlian claimed descent.^ Nagas was probablj- the founder of the 
Takshak, or Snake race ' of the Puranas and Tatar genealogists, 
the Tak-i-uk Moguls of De Guignes. 

Such are the comparative genealogical origins of the three 
races. Let us compare their thcogony, the fabulous birth assigned 
by each for the founder of the Indu race. 

Mongol and Hindu Traditions. — 1. The Puranic. " Ila {the 
earth), daughter of the sun-born Ikshwaku, while wandering in the 
forests was encountered by Budha {Mercury), and from the rape 
of Ila sprimg the Indu race." 

2. The Chinese account of the birth of Yu (Ayu), their first 
monarch. " A star * (Mercury or Fo) struck his mother while 
journeying. She conceived, and gave to the world Yu, the 
founder of the first dynasty which reigned in China. Yu divided 
China into nine provinces, and began to reign 2207 ^ years before 
Christ " [58]. 

Thus the Ai of the Tatars, the Yu of the Chinese, and the Ayus 

^ Sir W. Jones says the Chinese assert their Hindu origin ; but a com- 
parison proves both these Indu races to be of Scj^thic origin. [Yadu was son 
of Yayati, and Haya was Yadu's grandson, not son. The comparison of 
Mongol with Hindu tradition is of no value.] 

^ [For the Mongol genealogy see Howorth, History of the Mongols, Part i. 
35. Abu-I Fazl {Akbarnama, trans. H. Beveridge, i. 171 f.) gives the names 
as follows : Aghuz Khan, whose sons were — Kun (Sun) ; Ai (Moon) ; Yulduz 
(Star) ; Kok or Gok (Sky) ; Tagh (Mountain) ; Tangiz (Sky)]. 

^ Naga and Takshak are Sanskrit names for a snake or serpent, the 
emblem of Budha or Mercury. The Naga race, so well known to India, 
the Takshaks or Takiuks of Scythia, invaded India about six centuries 
before Clirist. 

* De Guignes, Sur Us Dynasties des Huns, vol. i. p. 7. 

^ Nearly the calculated period from the Puranas. 


of the Puranas, evidently indicate the great Indu (Lunar) pro- 
genitor of the three races. Budha (Mercury), the son of Indu 
(the moon), became the patriarchal and spiritual leader ; as Fo, 
in China ; Woden and Teutates,^ of the tribes migrating to 
Europe. Hence it follows that the religion of Buddha must be 
coeval with the existence of these nations ; that it was brought 
into India Proper by them, and guided them until the schism of 
Krishna and the Suryas, worshippers of Bal, in time depressed 
them, when the Buddha reUgion was modified into its present mild 
form, the Jain.^ 

Scythian Traditions. — Let us contrast with these the origin of 
the Scythic nations, as related by Diodorus ; * when it will be 
observed the same legends were known to him which have been 
handed down by the Puranas and Abulghazi. 

" The Scythians had their first abodes on the Araxes.* Their 
origin was from a virgin born of the earth ^ of the shape of a 
woman from the waist upwards, and below a serpent (symbol 
of Budlia or Mercury) ; that Jupiter had a son by her, named 
Scythes," whose name the nation adopted. Scythes had two 
sons, Palas and Napas (qu. the Nagas, or Snake race, of the Tatar 
genealogy ?), who were celebrated for their great actions, and who 
divided the countries ; and the nations were called after them, 
the Palians {qu. Pali ?) ' and Napians. They led their forces as 
far as the Nile on Egypt, and subdued many nations. They 
enlarged the empire of the Scythians as far as the Eastern ocean, 

^ Taulh, ' father ' in Sanskrit [? tata]. Qu. Tenths, and Toth, the 
Mercury of Egypt ? 

* [The author seems to confuse Budha (Mercury) with Gautama Bnddha, 
the teacher. Buddhism arose in India, not in Central Asia, and Jainism 
was not a milder form of it, but an independent, and probably earher, 

3 Diodorus Siculus book ii. 

* The Arvarma of the Puranas ; the Jaxartes or Sihun. The Puranas 
thus describe Sakadwipa or Scythia. Diodorus (Mb. ii.) makes the Hemodus 
the boundary between Saka-Scythia and India Proper. 

^ Ila, the mother of the Lunar race, is the earth personified. Ertha of 
the Saxons ; e'pa of the Greeks ; ard in Hebrew [?]. 

* Scythes, from Sakaiai, ' Sakadwipa,' and is, ' Lord ' : Lord of Sakatai, 
or Scythia [?]. 

^ Qu. Whether the Scythic Pali may not be the shepherd invaders of 
Egypt [?]. The Pali character yet exists, and appears the same as ancient 
fragments of the Buddha inscriptions in my possession : manj'^ letters 
assimilate with the Coptic. 


and to the Caspian and lake INIoeotis. The nation had many kings, 
from whom the Sacans (Sakae), the Massagetae ( Getae or Jats), the 
Ari-aspians (Aswas of Aria), and many other races. They over- 
ran Assyria and Media ^ [59], overturning the empire, and trans- 
I^hinting the inliabitants to tlie Araxes under the name of Sauro- 
Matians." ^ 

As the Sakae, Getae, Aswa, and Takshak are names which 
have crept in amongst our thirty-six royal races, common with 
others also to early civilization in Europe, let us seek further 
ancient authority on the original abodes. 

Strabo ^ says : " All the tribes east of the Caspian are called 
Scythic. The Dahae * next the sea, the Massagetae (great Gete) 
and Sakae more eastward ; but every tribe has a particular name. 
All are nomadic : but of these nomads the best -known are the 
Asii,^ the Pasiani, Tochari, Sacarauli, who took Bactria from the 
Greeks. The Sakae " (' races ') have made in Asia irruptions 
similar to those of the Cimmerians ; thus they have been seen to 
possess themselves of Bactria, and the best district of Armenia, 
called after them Sakasenae." ' 

Which of the tribes of Rajasthan are the offspring of the Aswa 
and Medes, of Indu race, returned under new appellations, we 

^ The three great branches of the Indu (Lunar) Aswa bore the epithet of 
Midia (pronounced Mede), viz. Urumidha, Ajamidha, and Dvimidha. Qii. 
The Aswa invaders of Assyria and Media, the sons of Bajaswa, expressly 
stated to have multiplied in the countries west of the Indus, emigrating 
from their paternal seats in Panchalaka ? {Mldha means ' pouring out 
seed, prolific,' and has no connexion with Mede, the Madai of Genesis 
X. 2 ; the Assyrian Mada.] 

^ Sun-worshippers, the Suryavansa. 

3 Strabo lib. xi. p. 511. 

* Dahya (one of the thirty-six tribes), now extinct. 

* The Asii and Tochari, the Aswa and Takshak, or Turushka races, of 
the Puranas, of Sakadwipa [?]. " C'est vraisemblablement d'apres le nom 
de Tachari, que M. D'Anville aura cru devoir placer les tribus ainsi de- 
nommees dans le territoire qui s'appelle aujourdhui Tokarist'hpon, situe, 
dit ce grand geographe, entre les montagnes et le Gihon ou Amou " (Note 3, 
hv. xi. p. 254, Strabon). 

* Once more I may state Sakha in Sanskrit has the aspirate : literally, 
the ' branches ' or ' races.' [Saka and Sakha have no connexion ; see 
Smith, EHI, 226.] 

' " La Sacasene etoit une contree do I'Armenie sur les confins de I'Albanie 
ou du Shirvan" (Note 4, tome i. p. 191, Strabon). " The Sacasenae v.'cre 
the ancestors of the Saxons" (Turner's History of the Anglo -Saxons). 


shall not now stop to inquire, limiting our hypothesis to the fact 
of invasions, and adducing some evidence of such being simul- 
taneous with migrations of the same bands into Europe. Hence 
the inference of a common origin between the Rajput and early 
races of Europe ; to support which, a similar mythology, martial 
manners and poetry, language, and even music and architectural 
ornaments, may be adduced.^ 

Of the first migrations of the Indu-Scythic Getae, Takshak, 
and Asii, into India, that of Sheshnag (Takshak), from Shesh- 
nagdes (Tocharistan ?) or Sheshnag, six centuries, by calculation, 
before Christ, is the first noticed by the Puranas.^ About this 
period a grand irruption of the same races conquered Asia Minor, 
and [60] eventually Scandinavia ; and not long after the 
Asii and Tochari overturned the Greek kingdom of Bactria, the 
Romans felt the power of the Asi,' the Chatti, and Cimbri, from 
the Baltic shore. 

" If we can show the Germans to have been originally Scythae 
or Goths (Getes or Jits), a wide field of curiosity and inquiry is 
open to the origin of government, manners, etc. ; all the anti- 
quities of Europe will assume a new appearance, and, instead of 
being traced to the bands of Germany, as Montesquieu and the 
greatest writers have hitherto done, may be followed through 
long descriptions of the manners of the Scythians, etc., as given 
by Herodotus. Scandinavia was occupied by the Scythae five 
hundred years before Christ. These Scythians worshipped 
Mercury (Budha), Woden or Odin, and believed themselves his 
progeny. The Gothic mythology, by parallel, might be shown 

^ Herodotus (iv. 12) says : " The Cimmerians, expelled by the Massa- 
getae, migrated to the Crimea." Here were the Thj'ssagetae, or western 
Getae [the lesser Getae, Herodotus iv..22]; and thence both the Getae and 
Cimbri found their way to the Baltic. Rubruc{uis the Jesuit, describing the 
monuments of the Comani in the Dasht-i Kipchak, whence these tribes, saj's : 
" Their monuments and circles of stones are like our Celtic or Druidical 
remains " (Bell's Collection). The Khuman are a branch of the Kathi tribe 
of Saurashtra, whose paliyas, or funeral monumental pillars, are seen in 
groups at every town and village. The Chatti were one of the early German 
tribes. [Needless to say, the German Chatti had no connexion with the 
Kathi of Gujarat.] 

^ [The reference, again, is to the Saisunaga dynasty, p. 64 above.] 
' Asi was the term applied to the Getes, Yeuts, or Juts, when they in- 
vaded Scandinavia and founded Yeutland or Jutland (see ' Edda,^ Mallet's 


to be Grecian, whose gods were the progeny of Coehis and Terra 
(Budha and EUa).^ Dryads, satyrs, fairies, and all the Greek 
and Roman superstition, may be found in the Scandinavian 
creed. The Goths consulted the heart of victims^ had oracles, 
had sibyls, had a Venus in Freya, and Parcae in the Valkyrie." ^ 

The Scythian Descent of the Rajputs. — Ere we proceed to trace 
these mythological resemblances, let us adduce further opinions 
in proof of the'position assumed of a common origin of the tribes 
of early Europe and the Scj^thic Rajput. 

The translator of Abulghazi, in his preface, observes : " Our 
contempt for the Tatars would lessen did we consider how nearly 
we stand related to them, and that our ancestors originally came 
from the north of Asia, and that our customs, laws, and way of 
living were formerly the same as theirs. In short, that we are 
no other than a colony of Tatars. 

" It was from Tatary those jDcople came, who, imder the suc- 
cessive names of Cymbrians,* Kelts, and Gauls, possessed all the 
northern part of Europe. What were the Goths, Huns, Alans, 
Swedes, Vandals, Franks, but swarms of the same hive ? The 
Swedish chronicles bring the Swedes * from Cashgar, and [61] the 
affinity between the Saxon language and Kipchak is great ; and 
the Keltick language still subsisting in Britany and Wales is a 
demonstration that the inhabitants are descended from Tatar 

^ Mercury and earth. 

^ Pinkerton, On the Goths, vol. ii. p. 94. [All this is obsolete.] 

^ Camari was one of the eight sons of Japhet, says Abulghazi : whence 
the Camari, Cimmerii, or Cimbri. Karaari is one of the tribes of Saurashtra. 
[Kymry = fellow-countrymen (Rhys, Celtic Britain, 116).] 

* The Suiones, Suevi, or Su. Now the Su, Yueh-chi, or Yuti, are Getes, 
according to De Guignes. Marco Polo calls Cashgar, where he was in the 
sixth century, the birthplace of the Swedes ; and De la Croix adds, that in 
1691 Sparvenfeldt, the Swedish ambassador at Paris, told him he had read 
in Swedish chronicles that Cashgar was their country. When the Huns 
were chased from the north of China, the greater part retired into the 
southern countries adjoining Europe. The rest passed directly to the Oxus 
and Jaxartes ; thence they spread to the Caspian and Persian frontiers. 
In Mawaru-1-nahr (Transoxiana) they mixed with the Su, the Yueh-chi, or 
Getes, who were particularly powerful, and extended into Europe. One 
would be tempted to regard them as the ancestors of those Getes who were 
known in Europe. Some bands of Su might equally pass into the north of 
Europe, known as the Suevi. [The meaning of Suevi is uncertain, but the 
word has no connexion with that of any Central Asian tribe.] 


From between the parallels of 30° and 50° of north latitude, 
and from 75° to 95° of east longitude, the highlands of Central 
Asia, alike removed from the fires of the equator and the cold of 
the arctic circle, migrated the races which passed into Europe and 
within the Indus. We must therefore voyage up the Indus, 
cross the Paropanisos, to the Oxus or Jihun, to Sakatai ^ or 
Sakadwipa, and from thence and the Dasht-i Kipchak conduct 
the Takshaks, the Getae, the Kamari, the Chatti, and the Huns, 
into the plains of Hindustan. 

We have much to learn in these unexplored regions, the abode 
of ancient civilisation, and which, so late as Jenghiz Khan's 
invasion, abounded with large cities. It is an error to suppose 
that the nations of Higher Asia were merely pastoral ; and De 
Guignes, from original authorities, informs us that when the Su 
invaded the Yueh-chi or Jats, they found upwards of a hundred 
cities containing the merchandise of India, and with the currency 
bearing the effigies of the prince. 

Such was the state of Central Asia long before the Christian 
era, though now depopulated and rendered desert by desolating 
wars, which have raged in these countries, and to which Europe 
can exhibit no parallel. Timur's wars, in more modern times, 
against the Getic nation, will illustrate the paths of his ambitious 
predecessors in the career of destruction. 

If we examine the political limits of the great Getic nation in 
the time of Cyrus, six centuries before Christ, we shall find them 
little circumscribed in power on the rise of Timur, though twenty 
centuries had elapsed [62]. 

Jats and Getae. — At this period (a.d. 1.330), under the last 
prince of Getic race, Tuglilak Timur Khan, the kingdom of 
Chagatai ^ was bounded on the west by the Dasht-i Kipchak, and 

^ Mr. Pinkerton's research had discovered Sakatai, though he does not 
give his authority (D'Anville) for the Sakadwipa of the Puranas ! " Sakitai, 
a region at the fountains of the Oxus and Jaxartes, styled Sakita from the 
Sacae" (D'Anville, Anc. Geog.). The Yadus of Jaisalmer, who ruled 
Zabulistan and founded Ghazni, claim the Chagatais as of their own Indu 
stock : a claim which, without deep reflection, appeared inadmissible ; 
but which I now deem worthy of credit. 

- Chagatai, or Sakatai, the Sakadwipa of the Puranas (corrupted by the 
Greeks to Scythia), " whose inhabitants worship the sun and whence is the 
river Arvarma." [For the Chagatai Mongols see EUas-Ross, History of the 
Moghuh of Central Asia, Introd. 28 if.] 

JATS and GETAE 75 

on the south by the Jihun, on which river the Getic Khan, hke 
Tomyris, had his capital. Kokhand, Tashkent, Utrar,^ Cyropolis, 
and the most northern of the Alexandrias, were within the bounds 
of Chagatai. 

The Getae, Jut, or Jat, and Takshak races, which occupy 
places amongst the thirty-six royal races of India, are all from 
the region of Sakatai. Regarding their earliest migrations, v/e 
shall endeavour to make the Puranas contribute ; but of their 
invasions in more modem times the histories of Mahmud of Ghazni, 
and Timur abundantly acquaint us. 

From the mountains of Jud ^ to the shores of Makran,' and 
along the Ganges, the Jat is widely spread ; while the Takshak 
name is now confined to inscriptions or old writings. 

Inquiries in their original haunts, and among tribes now under 
different names, might doubtless bring to light their original 
designation, now best known within the Indus ; whUe the Takshak 
or Takiuk may probably be discovered in the Tajik, still in his 
ancient haunts, the Transoxiana and Chorasinia of classic authors ; 
the Mawaru-n-nahr of the Persians ; the Turan, Turkistan, or 
Tocharistan of native geography ; the abode of the Tochari, 
Takshak, or Turushka invaders of India, described in the Puranas 
and existing inscriptions. 

The Getae had long maintained their independence when 
Tomyris defended their liberty against Cyrus. Driven in success- 
ive wars across the Sutlej, we shall elsewhere show them preserv- 
ing their ancient habits, as desultory cavaliers, under the Jat 
leader of Lahore, in pastoral communities in Bikaner^ the Indian 

^ Utrar, probably the Uttarakuru of ancient geography : the uttara 
(northern) kuru (race) ; a branch of Indu stock. 

2 Jadu ka dang, the Joudes of Rennell's map ; the Yadu hills high up in 
the Panjab, where a colony of the Yadu race dwelt when expelled Saurashtra. 
[The Salt Range in the Jhelum, Shahpur, and Mian wall districts of the 
Panjab, was known to ancient historians as Koh-i-Jud, or ' the hiUs of Jud,' 
the name being applied by the Muhammadans to this range on account of 
its resemblance to Mount Al-Jiidi, or Ararat. The author constantly refers 
to it, and suggests that the name was connected with the Indian Yadu, or 
Yadava tribe (IGI, xxi._412; Abu-1 Fazl, Akbarndma, i. 237; Elliot- 
Dowson, ii. 235, v. 561 ; Aln, ii. 405 ; ASR, ii. 17 ; Hughes, Diet, of Islam, 

^ The Numri, or Lumri (foxes) of Baluchistan, are Jats [?]. These are 
the Noniardies of Rennell. [They are beheved to be aborigines {IGI, xvi. 
146; Census Report, Baluchistan, 1911, i. 17).] 


desert and elsewhere, though they have lost sight of their early 
history. The transition from pastoral to agricultural pursuits is 
but short, and the descendant of the nomadic Getae of Transoxiana 
is now the best husbandman on the plains of Hindustan^ [63]. 

The invasion of these Indu-Scytliic tribes, Getae, Takshaks, 
Asii, Chatti, Rajpali,^ Huns, Kamari, introduced the worship of 
Budha, the founder of the Indu or Lunar race. 

Herodotus says the Getae were theists,^ and held the tenets 
of the soul's immortality ; so with the Buddhists. 

Before, however, touching on points of religious resemblance 
between the Asii, Getae, or Jut of Scandinavia (who gave his 
name to the Cimbric Chersonese) and the Getae of Scythia and 
India, let us make a few remarks on the Asii or Aswa. 

The Aswa. — To the Indu race of Aswa (the descendants of 
Dvimidha and Bajaswa), spread over the countries on both sides 
the Indus, do we probably owe the distinctive appellation of 
Asia. Herodotus * says the Greeks denominated Asia from the 
wife of Prometheus ; while others deduce it from a grandson of 
Manes, indicating the Aswa descendants of the patriarch Manu. 
Asa,* Sakambhari,^ Mata,' is the divinity Hope, ' mother-pro- 
tectress of the Sakha,' or races. Every Rajput adores Asapurna, 
' the fulfiller of desire ' ; or, as Sakambhari Devi (goddess pro- 
tectress), she is invoked previous to any undertaking. 

The Aswas were chiefly of the Indu race ; yet a branch of the 
Suryas also bore this designation. It appears to indicate their 
celebrity as horsemen.* All of them worshipped the horse, which 
they sacrificed to the sun. This grand rite, the Asvamedha, on 

^ [There is no evidence, beyond resemblance of name, to connect the 
Jats with the Getae.] ^ Royal pastors [?]. 

^ [iv. 59.] The sun was their ' great deity,' though they had in Xamolxis 
a lord of terror, with aiJSnity to Yama, or the Hindu Pluto. " The chief 
divinity of the Fenns, a Scythic race, was Yammalu " (Pinkerton's Hist, 
of the Goths, vol. ii. p. 215). 

* iv. 45 [Asia probably means ' land of the rising sun.'] 
' Asa, ' hope.' 

® Sakambhari : from sakham, the plural of sahha, ' branch or race,' and 
ambhar, ' covering, protecting.' [The word means ' herb nourishing.'] 
' IMata, ' mother.' 

* Asica and haya are synonymous Sanskrit terms for ' horse ' ; as]} in 
Persian ; and as apphed by the prophet Ezelciel [xxxviti. 6] to the Getic 
invasion of Scythia, a.c. 600 : " the sons of Togarmah riding on hojses " ; 
described by Diodorus, the period the same as the Takshak invasion of India. 


the festival of the winter solstice, would alone go far to exemplify 
their common Scythic origin with the Getic Saka, authorising the 
inference of Pinkerton, " that a grand Scythic nation extended 
from the Caspian to the Ganges." 

The Asvamedha. — The Asvamedha was practised on the 
Ganges and Sarju by the Solar princes [64], twelve hundred years 
before Christ, as by the Getae in the time of Cyrus ; " deeming it 
right," says Herodotus [i. 216] " to offer the swiftest of created 
to the chief of uncreated beings " : and this worship and sacrifice 
of the horse has been handed down to the Rajput of the present 
day. A description of this grand ceremony shall close these 

The Getic Asii carried this veneration for the steed, symbolic 
of their chief deity the sun, into Scandinavia : equally so of all 
the early German tribes, the Su, Suevi, Chatti, Sucimbri, Getae, 
in the forests of Germany, and on the banks of the Elbe and Weser. 
The milk-white steed was supposed to be the organ of the gods, 
from whose neighing they calculated future events ; notions 
possessed also by the Aswa, sons of Budha (Woden), on the 
Yamuna and Ganges, when the rocks of Scandinavia and the 
shores of the Baltic were yet untrod by man. It was this omen 
which gave Darius Hystaspes ^ (hinsna, ' to neigh,' aspa, ' a horse ') 
a crown. The bard Chand makes it the omen of death to his 
principal heroes. The steed of the Seandina%aan god of battle 
was kept in the temple of Upsala, and always " found foaming 
and sweating after battle." " Money," says Tacitus, " was only 
acceptable to the German when bearing the effigies of the horse." * 

In the Edda we are informed that the Getae, or Jats, who 
entered Scandinavia, were termed Asi, and their first settlement 

Pinkerton rejects the authority of the Edda and follows 
Torfaeus, who " from Icelandic chronicles and genealogies con- 
cludes Odin to have come into Scandinavia in the time of Darius 
Hystaspes, five hundred years before Christ." 

^ [Hystaspes is from old Persian, Vishtaspa, ' possessor of horses.' The 
author derives it from a modern Hindi word hinsna, ' to neigh,' possibly 
from recollection of the story in Herodotus iii. 85.] 

^ [He possibly refers to the statement (Gennania, v.), that their coins 
bore the impress of a two-horse chariot.] 

^ Asirgarb, ' fortress of the Asi ' [IGI, vi. 12]. 


This is the period of the last Buddha, or Mahavira, whose era 
is four hundred and seventy-seven years before Vikrama, or five 
hundred and thirty-three before Christ. 

The successor of Odin in Scandinavia was Gotama ; and 
Gautama was the successor of the last Buddha, Mahavira,^ who 
as Gotama, or Gaudama, is still adored from the Straits of Malacca 
to the Caspian Sea. 

" Other antiquaries," says Pinkerton, " assert another Odin, 
who was put as the supreme deity one thousand years before 
Christ" [65]. 

Mallet admits two Odins, but Mr. Pinkerton wishes he had 
abided Ijy that of Torfaeus, in 500 a.c. 

It is a singular fact that the periods of both the Scandinavian 
Odins should assimilate with the twenty-second Buddha [Jain 
Tirthakara], Neminath, and twenty-fourth and last, Mahavira ; 
the first the contemporary of Krishna, about 1000 or 1100 years, 
the last 533, before Christ. The Asii, Getae, etc., of Europe 
worshipped Mercury as founder of their line, as did the Eastern 
Asi, Takshaks, and Getae. The Chinese and Tatar historians 
also say Buddha, or Fo, appeared 1027 years before Christ. " The 
Yuchi, established in Bactria and along the Jihun, eventually 
bore the name of Jeta or Yetan,^ that is to say, Getae. Their 
empire subsisted a long time in this part of Asia, and extended 
even into India. These are the people whom the Greeks knew 
under the name of Indo-Scythes. Their manners are the same 
as those of the Turks .^ Revolutions occurred in the very heart 
of the East, whose consequences were felt afar." * 

The period allowed by all these authorities for the migration 
of these Scythic hordes into Europe is also that for their entry 
into India. 

The sixth century is that calculated for the Takshak from 
Sheshnagdesa ; and it is on this event and reign that the Puranas 
declare, that from this period " no prince of pure blood would be 

^ The great [maha) warrior [vir). [Buddha lived 567-487 b.c. : Mahavira, 
founder of Jainism, died about 527 B.C.] 

- Yeutland was the name given to the whole Cimbric Chersonese, or 
Jutland (Pinkerton, On the Goths). 

* Turk, Turushka, Takshak, or ' Taunak, fils de Tnrc ' (Abulghazi, 
History of the Tatars). 

* Histoire des Huns, vol. i. p. 42. 


found, but that the Sudra, the Turushka, and the Yavan, would 

All these Indu-Scythic invaders held the religion of Buddha : 
and hence the conformity of manners and mythology between the 
Scandinavian or German tribes and the Rajputs increased by 
comparing their martial poetry. 

Similarity of religious manners affords stronger proofs of 
original identity than language. Language is eternally changing 
— so are manners ; but an exploded custom or rite traced to its 
source, and maintained in opposition to climate, is a testimony 
not to be rejected. 

Personal Habits, Dress. — When Tacitus informs us that the 
first act of a German on rising was ablution, it will be conceded 
this habit was not acquired in [66] the cold climate of Germany, 
but must have been of eastern ^ origin ; as were " the loose 
flowing robe ; the long and braided hair, tied in a knot at the top 
of the head " ; with many other customs, personal habits, and 
superstitions of the Scj'thic Cimbri, Juts, Chatti, Suevi, analogous 
to the Getic nations of the same name, as described by Herodotus, 
Justin, and Strabo, and which yet obtain amongst the Rajput 
Sakhae of the present day. 

Let us contrast what history affords of resemblance in religion 
or manners. First, as to religion. 

Taeogony. — Tuisto (IVIercury) and Ertha (the earth) were the 
chief divinities of the early German tribes. Tuisto ^ was born of 
the Earth (Ila) and Manus (Manu). Ke is often confounded 
with Odin, or Woden, the Budha of the eastern tribes, though 
they are the Mars and Mercury of these nations. 

^ Though Tacitus calls the German tribes indigenous, it is evident he 
knew their claim to Asiatic origin, when he asks, " Who would leave the 
softer abodes of Asia for Germany, where Nature yields nothing but 
deformity ? " 

2 In an inscription of the Geta or Jat Prince of SaUndrapur (Salpur) of the 
fifth century, he is styled " of the race of Tusta " {qu. Tuisto ?). It is in that 
ancient nail-headed character used by the ancient Buddhists of India, and 
still the sacred character of the Tatar Lamas : in short, the Pali. All the 
ancient inscriptions I possess of the branches of the Agnikulas, as the 
Chauhan, Pramara, Solanki, and Parihara, are in this cha,racter. That of 
the Jat prince styles liim " Jat Kathida " {qu. of (da) Cathay ?). From Tuisto 
and Woden v.e have our Tuesdaj^ and Wednesday. In India, Wednesday is 
Budhwar (Dies Mercurii), and Tuesday Mangalwar (Dies Martis), the Mardi 
of the French. 


Religious Rites. — The Suiones or Suevi, the most powerful 
Getie nation of Scandinavia, were divided into many tribes, one 
of whom, the Su (Yueh-chi or Jat), made human sacrifices in their 
consecrated groves ^ to Ertha (Ila), whom all worshipped, and 
whose chariot was drawn by a cow.^ The Suevi worshipped Tsis 
(Isa, Gauri, the Isis and Ceres of Rajasthan), in whose rites the 
figure of a ship is introduced ; " symbolic," observes Tacitus, 
" of its foreign origin." ^ The festival of Isa, or Gauri, wife of 
Iswara, at Udaipur, is performed on the lake, and appears to be 
exactly that of Isis and Osiriain Egypt, as described by Herodotus. 
On this occasion Iswara (Osiris), who is secondary to his wife, has 
a stalk of the onion in blossom in his hand ; a root detested by 
the Hindus generally, though adored by the Egyptians. 

Customs of War. — They sung hymns in praise of Hercules, as 
well as Tuisto or Odin, whose banners and images they carried 
to the field ; and fought in clans, using the feram or javelin, both 
in close and distant combat. In all maintaining [67] the resem- 
blance to the Harikula, descendants of Budha, and the Aswa, 
offspring of Bajaswa, who peopled those regions west of the 
Indus, and whose redundant population spread both east and 

The Suevi, or Suiones, erected the celebrated temple of Upsala, 
in which they placed the statues of Thor, Woden, and Freya, the 
triple divinity of the Scandinavian Asii, the Trimurti of the Solar 
and Lunar races. The first (Thor, the thunderer, or god of war) 
is Hara, or Mahadeva, the destroyer ; the second (Woden) is 
Budha,* the preserver ; and the third (Freya) is Uma, the creative 

The grand festival to Freya was in spring, when all nature 
revived ; then boars were offered to her by the Scandinavians, 
and even boars of paste were made and swallowed by the 

As Vasanti, or spring personified, the consort of Hara is 
worshipped by the Rajput, who opens the season with a grand 

^ Tacitus, Germania, xxxviii. 

^ The gau, or cow, symbolic of Prithivi, the earth. On this see note, 
p. 33. 

' [Oermania, ix.] 

* Krishna is the preserving deity of the Hindu triad. Krishna is of the 
Tndu line of Budha, whom he worshipped prior to his own deification. 


hunt/ led by the j^rince and his vassal chiefs, when they chase, 
slay, and eat the boar. Personal danger is disregarded on this 
day, as want of success is ominous that the Great Mother will 
refuse all petitions throughout the year. 

Pinkerton, quoting Ptolemy (who was fifty years after Tacitus), 
says there were six nations in Yeutland or Jutland, the country 
of the Juts, of whom were the Sablingii (Suevi,^ or Suiones), the 
Chatti and Hermandri, who extended to the estuary of the Elbe 
and Weser. There they erected the pillar Irmansul to " the god 
of war," regarding which Sammes ^ observes : " some will have 
it to be Mars his pillar, others Hermes Saul, or the pillar of Hermes 
or Mercury " ; and he naturally asks, " how did the Saxons come 
to be acquainted with the Greek name of Mercury ? " 

Sacrificial pillars are termed Sula in Sanskrit ; which, con- 
joined with Hara,* the Indian god of war, would be Harsula. The 
Rajput warrior invokes Hara with his trident (trisula) to help 
him in battle, while his battle-shout is ' mar ! mar ! ' The 
Cimbri, one of the most celebrated of the six tribes of Yeutland, 
derive their name from their fame as warriors [68].^ 

Kumara * is the Rajput god of war. He is represented with 
seven heads in the Hindu mythology : the Saxon god of war has 
six.' The six-headed Mars of the Cimbri Chersonese, to whom 
was raised the Ii'mansul on the Weser, was worshipped by the 
Sakasenae, the Chatti, the Siebi or Suevi, the Jotae or Getae, and 
the Cimbri, evincing in name, as in religious rites, a common 
origin with the martial warriors of Hindustan. 

Rajput Religion. — ^The religion of the martial Rajput, and the 
rites of Hara, the god of battle, are little analogous to those of 

1 ' Mahurat ka shikar.' 2 ^he Siebi of Tacitus. 

^ Sammes's Saxon Ardiquities. 

* Hara is the Thor of Scandinavia ; Hari is Budha, Hermes, or Mercury. 

^ Mallet derives it from kempfer, ' to fight.' [The name is said to mean 
'comrades' (Rhys, Celtic Britain, 116). Irmansul means ' a colossus,' and 
has no connexion with Skr. sfda (CTrimm, Teutonic 3Iythologi/, i. 115).] 

** Ku is a mere prefix, meaning ' evil ' ; ' the evil striker (Mar).' Hence, 
probably, the Mars of Rome. The birth of Kumar, the general of the army 
of the gods, with the Hindus, is exactly that of the Grecians, born of the 
goddess Jahnavi (Juno) without sexual intercourse. Kumara is always 
accompanied by the peacock, the bird of Juno. [Kumara probably means 
' easily dying ' ; there is no connexion with Mars, originally a deity of 

' For a drawing of the Scandinavian god of battle see Sammes. 



the meek Hindus, the followers of the pastoral divinity, the 
worshippers of kine, and feeders on fruits, herbs, and water. 
The Rajput delights in blood : his offerings to the god of battle 
are sanguinary, blood and wine. The cup (kharpara) of libation 
is the human skull. He loves them because they are emblematic 
of the deity he worships ; and he is taught to believe that Hara 
loves them, who in war is represented with tb.e skull to drink 
the foeman's blood, and in peace is the patron of wine and women. 
With Parbati on his knee, his eyes rolling from the juice of the 
phul (ardent spirits) and opium, such is this Bacchanalian divinity 
of war. Is this Hinduism, acquired on the burning plains of 
India ? Is it not rather a perfect picture of the manners of the 
Scandinavian heroes ? 

The Rajput slays buffaloes, hunts and eats the boar and deer, 
and shoots ducks and wild fowl (kukkut) ; he worships his horse, 
his sword, and the sun, and attends more to the martial song of 
the bard than to the litany of the Brahman. In the martial 
mythology and warlike poetry of the Scandinavians a wide field 
exists for assimilation, and a comparison of the poetical remains 
of the Asi of the east and west would alone suffice to suggest a 
common origin. 

Bards. — In the sacred Bardai of the Rajput we have the bard 
of our Saxon ancestry ; those reciters of warlike poetry, of whom 
Tacitus says, " with their barbarous strains, they influence their 
minds in the day of battle with a chorus of military virtue." 

A comparison, in so extensive a field, would include the whole 
of their manners and religious opinions, and must be reserved for 
a distinct work.'- The Valkyrie [69], or fatal sisters of the Suevi 
or Siebi, would be the twin sisters of the Apsaras, who summon the 
Rajput warrior from the field of battle, and bear him to " the 
mansion of the sun," equally the object of attainment with the 
children of Odin in Scandinavia, and of Budha and Surya in the 

^ I have in contemplation to give to the public a few of the sixty-nine 
books of the poems of Chand, the last great bard of the last Hindu emperor 
of India, Prithwiraja. They are entirely heroic : each book a relation of 
one of the exploits of this prince, the first warrior of his time. Thej' will 
aid a comparison between the Rajput and Scandinavian bards, and sliow 
how far the Proven9al Troubadour, the Neustrienne Trouveur, and Minne- 
singer of Germany, have anytliing in common witli the Rajput Bardai. 
[For Rajput bards on horseback, drunk with opium, singing songs to arouse 
warriors' courage, see Manucci ii. 4'M f.l 


plains of Scythia and on the Ganges, like the Elysium ^ of the 
Heliadae of Greece. 

In the day of battle we should see in each the same excitements 
to glory and contempt of death, and the dramatis personae of the 
field, both celestial and terrestrial, move and act alike. We should 
see Thor, the thunderer, leading the Siebi, and Hara (Siva) the 
Indian Jove, his own worshippers (Sivseva) ; in which Freya, 
or Bhavani, and even the preserver (Krislma) himself, not 
un frequently mingle. 

War Chariots. — The war chariot is peculiar to the Indu-Seythic 
nations, from Dasaratha,^ and the heroes of the Mahabharata, to 
the conquest of Hindustan by the Muhammadans, when it was 
laid aside. On the plains of Kurukshetra, Krishna became 
charioteer to his friend Arjun ; and the Getic hordes of the 
Jaxartes, when they aided Xerxes in Greece, and Darius on the 
plains of Arbela,' had their chief strength in the war chariot. 

The war chariot continued to be used later in the south-west 
of India than elsewhere, and the Kathi,* Khuman, Kumari of 

. ^ 'EXvaioi, from "HXtos, ' the sun ' ; also a title of Apollo, the Hari of 
India. [The two words, from the accentuation, can have no connexion.] 

^ This title of tlie father of Rama denotes a ' charioteer ' [' having ten 
chariots.' Harsha (a.d. 612-647) discarded the chariot (Smith, EHI, 339)]. 

^ The Indian satrapy of Darius, saj's Herodotus [iii. 94], was the richest 
of all the Persian provinces, and yielded six himdred talents of gold. Arrian 
informs us that his Indo-Scythic subjects, in his wars with Alexander, were 
the elite of his army. Besides the Sakasenae, we find tribes in name similar 
to those included in the thirty-six Rajkula ; especially the Dahae (Dahya, 
one of the thirty-six races). The Indo-Scythic contingent was two hundred 
war chariots and fifteen elephants, which were marshalled with the Parthii 
on the right, and also near Darius's person. By this disposition they were 
opposed to the cohort commanded by Alexander in person. The chariots 
commenced the action, and prevented a manoeuvre of Alexander to turn 
the left flank of the Persians. Of their horse, also, the most honourable 
mention is made ; they penetrated into the division where Parmenio com- 
manded, to whom Alexander was compelled to send reinforcements. The 
Grecian historian dwells with pleasure on Indo-Scythic valour : " there 
were no equestrian feats, no distant fighting with darts, but each fought as 
if victory depended on his sole arm." They fought the Greeks hand to 
hand [Arrian, Anabasis, iii. 15]. 

But the loss of empire was decreed at Arbela, and the Sakae and Indo 
Scythae had the honour of being slaughtered by the Yavans of Greece, far 
from their native land, in the aid of the king of kings. 

* The Kathi are celebrated in Alexander's wars. The Kathiawar Kathi 
can be traced from Multan {the ancient abode) {mtdasthcma, ' principal place ']. 


Saurashtra have to recent times retained their Scythie habits, as 
their monumental stones testify, expressing their being slain 
from their cars [70]. 

Position of Women. — In no point does resemblance more 
attach between the ancient German and Scandinavian tribes, and 
the martial Rajput or ancient Getae, than in their delicacy towards 

" The Germans," says Tacitus [Germania, viii.], " deemed the 
advice of a woman in periods of exigence oracular." So does the 
Rajput, as the bard Chand often exemplifies ; and hence they 
append to her name the epithet Devi (or contracted De), ' god- 
like.' " To a German mind," says Tacitus, " the idea of a woman 
led into captivity is insupportable " ; and to prevent this the 
Rajput raises the poignard against the heart which beats only for 
him, though never to survive the dire necessity. It is then they 
perform the sacrifice ' johar,' when every sakha (branch) is cut 
off : and hence the Rajput glories in the title of Sakha-band, from 
having performed the sakha ; an awful rite, and with every 
appearance of being the sacaea of the Scythie Getae, as described 
by Strabo.^ 

The Dahya (Dahae), Johya (the latter Hunnish), and Kathi are amongst 
the thirty-six races. All dwelt, six centuries ago, within the five streams 
and in the deserts south of the Ghara. The two last have left but a name. 
^ The Sakae had invaded the inhabitants on the borders of the Pontic 
Sea : whilst engaged in dividing the booty, the Persian generals surprised 
them at night, and exterminated them. To eternize the remembrance of 
this event, the Persians heaped up the earth round a rock in the plain where 
the battle was fought, on which they erected two temples, one to the goddess 
Anaitis, the other to the divinities Omanus and Anandate, and then founded 
the anmial festival called Sacaea, still celebrated by the possessors of Zela. 
Such is tlie account by some authors of the origin of Sacaea. According to 
others it dates from the reign of Cyrus only. This prince, they say, having 
carried the war into the country of the Sakae (Massagetae of Herodotus) 
lost a battle. Compelled to fall back on his magazines, abundantly stored 
with provisions, but especially wine, and having halted some time to refresh 
his army, he departed before the enemy, feigning a flight, and leaving his 
camp standing full of provisions. The Sakae, who pursued, reaching the 
abandoned camp stored with provisions, gave themselves up to debauch. 
Cyrus returned and surprised the inebriated and senseless barbarians. 
Some, buried in profound sleep, were easily massacred ; others occupied in 
drinking and dancing, without defence, fell into the hands of armed foes : 
so that all perished. The conqueror, attributing his success to divine pro- 
tection, consecrated this day to the goddess honoured in his country, and 
decreed it should be called ' the day of the Sacaea.' This is the battle 


Gaming. — In passion for play at games of cliance, its extent 
and dire consequences, the Rajput, from the earliest times, has 
evinced a predilection, and will stand comparison with the Scythian 
and his German offspring. The German staked his personal 
liberty, became a slave, and was sold as the property of the 
winner. To this vice the Pandavas owed the loss of their 
sovereignty and personal liberty, involving at last the destruction 
of all the Indu [71] races ; nor has the passion abated. Religion 
even consecrates the vice ; and once a year, on ' the Festival of 
Lamps ' (Diivali), all propitiate the goddess of wealth and fortune 
(Lakshmi) by offering at her shrine. 

Destitute of mental pursuits, the martial Rajput is often 
slothful or attached to sensual pleasures, and when roused, reck- 
less on what he may wreak a fit of energy. Yet when order and 
discipline prevail in a wealthy chieftainship, there is much of that 
patriarchal mode of life, with its amusements, alike suited to the 
Rajput, the Getae of the Jihun, or Scandinavian. 

Omens, Auguries. — Divination by lots, auguries, and omens 
by flights of birds, as practised by the Getic nations described by 
Herodotus, and amongst the Germans by Tacitus, will be found 
amongst the Rajputs, from whose works ^ on this subject might 
have been supplied the whole of the Augurs and Aruspices, 
German or Roman. 

Love of Strong Drink. — Love of liquor, and indulgence in it to 
excess, were deep-rooted in the Scandinavian Asi and German 
tribes, and in which they showed their Getic origin ; nor is the 

related by Herodotus, to which Strabo alludes, between the Persian monarch 
and Tomyris, queen of the Getae. Amongst the Rajput Sakha, all grand 
battles attended with fatal results are termed sakha. When besieged, 
without hope of relief, in the last effort of despair, the females are immolated, 
and the warriors, decorated in saffron robes, rush on inevitable destruction. 
This is to perform sakha., where every branch (sakha) is cut off. Chitor has 
to boast of having thrice (and a half) suffered sakha. Chitor sakha ka pap, 
' by the sin of the sack of Chitor,' the most solemn adjuration of the Guhilot 
Rajput. If such the origin of the festival from the slaughter of the Sakae 
of Tomyris, it will be allowed to strengthen the analogy contended for 
between the Sakae east and west the Indus. [For the Sacaea festival see 
Sir J. Frazer, The Golden Bough, The Dying God, 113 ff. It has no connexion 
with the Rajput Sakha, ' a fight,' which, again, is a different word from 
Sakha, ' a branch, clan.'] 

^ I presented a work on this subject to the Royal Asiatic Society, as well 
as another on Palmistry, etc. 


Rajput behind his brethren either of Scythia or Europe, It is 
the free use of this and similar indulgences, prohibited by ordin- 
ances which govern the ordinary Hindu, that first induced me to 
believe that these warlike races were little indebted to India. 

The Rajput welcomes his guest with the munawzoar ph/ala, or 
' cup of request,' in which they drown ancient enmities. The 
heroes of Odin never relished a cup of mead more than the Rajput 
his madhu ; -^ and the bards of Scandinavia and Rajwara are alike 
eloquent in the praise of the bowl, on which the Bardai exhausts 
every metaphor, and calls it ambrosial, immortal.^ " The bard, 
as he sipped the ambrosia, in which sparkled the ruby seed of the 
pomegranate, rehearsed the glory of the" race of the fearless.^ 
May the king live for ever, alike bounteous in gifts to the bard 
and the foe ! " Even in the heaven of Indra, the Hindu warrior's 
paradise, akin to Valhalla [72], the Rajput has his cup, which is 
served by the Apsaras, the twin sister of the celestial Hebe of 
Scania. " I shall quaff full goblets amongst the gods," says the 
dying Getic warrior ; * "I die laughing " : sentiments which 
would be appreciated by a Rajput. 

A Rajput inebriated is a rare sight : but a more destructive 
and recent vice has usurped much of the honours of the ' invita- 
tion cup,' which has been degi-aded from the pure ' flower ' * 
to an infusion of the poppy, destructive of every quality. Of this 
pernicious habit we may use the words which the historian of 
Gerinan manners applies to the tribes of the Weser and Elbe, in 
respect to their love of strong drink : " Indulge it, and you need not 
employ the terror of your arms ; their own vices will subdue them." 

^ Madlm is intoxicating drink, from madhu, ' a bee,' in Sanskrit [madhu, 
' anything sweet ']. It is well known that mead is from honey. It would 
be curious if the German mead was from the Indian madhu (bee) : then 
both cup {kharpnra) and beverage would be borrowed. [3IadJm does not 
mean ' a bee ' in Sanskrit.] 

2 Anirila (immortal), from the initial privative and mrit, ' death.' Thu.s 
the Immurthal, or ' vale of immortality,' at Neufchatel, is as good Sanskrit 
as German [?]. 

=» Abhai Singh, ' the fearless lion,' prince of Marwar, whose bard makes 
this speech at the festal board, when the prince presented with his own 
hand the cup to the bard. 

* Regner Lodbrog, in his dying ode, when the destinies summon him. 

* Phul, the flower of the mahua tree, the favourite drink of a Rajput. 
Classically, in Sanskrit it is madhuka, of the class Polyandria Monogynia 
[Bassia latifolia] (see As. Ecs. vol. i. p. 300). 


The Clip of the Scandinavian worshippers of Thor, the god of 
battle, was a human skull, that of the foe, in which they showed 
their thirst of blood ; also borrowed from the chief of the Hindu 
Triad, Hara, the god of battle, who leads his heroes in the ' red 
field of slaughter ' with the kkopra ^ in his hand, with which he 
gorges on the blood of the slain. 

Kara is the patron of all who love war and strong drink, and is 
especially the object of the Rajput warrior's devotion : accord- 
ingly blood and wine form the chief oblations to the great god of 
the Indus. The Gosains,^ the peculiar priests of Hara, or Bal, 
the sun, all indulge in intoxicating drugs, herbs, and drinks. 
Seated on their lion, leopard, or deer skins, their bodies covered 
with ashes, their hair matted and braided, with iron tongs to 
5'ecd the penitential fires, their savage appearance makes them fit 
organs for the commands of the blood and slaughter. Contrary, 
lllcewise, to general practice, the minister of Hara, the god of war, 
at his death is committed to the earth, and a circular tumulus is 
raised over him ; and with some classes of Gosains, small tumuli, 
whose form is the frustrum of a cone, with lateral steps, the apex 
crowned with a cylindrical stone [73].' 

Funeral Ceremonies. — In the last rites for the dead, compari- 
son will yield proofs of original similarity. The funeral cere- 
monies of Scandinavia have distinguished the national eras, and 
the ' age of fire ' and ' the age of hills,' * designated the periods 
when the warrior was committed to mother earth or consumed 
on the pyre. 

Odin (Budha) introduced the latter custom, and the raising 
of tiunuli over the ashes when the body was burned ; as also the 
practice of the wife burning with her deceased lord. These 

^ A human skull ; in the dialects pronounced kho2Mr : Qu. cup in Saxon ? 
JCup, in Low Latin cuppa.] 

' The Kanphara [or Kanphata] Jogis, or Gosains, are in great bodies, 
often in many thousands, and are sought as aUies, especially in defensive 
warfare. In the grand miutary festivals at Udaipur to the god of war, 
the scyiuitar, symboho of Mars, worshipped by the Guhilots, is entrusted 
to them [I A, vii. 47 ff. ; BO, ix. part i. 543]. 

' An entire cemetery of these, besides many detached, I have seen, and 
also the sacred rites to their manes by the disciples occupying these abodes 
of austerity, when the flowers of the ak [Calatropis gigantea] and leaves of 
evergreen were strewed on the grave, and sprinkled with the pure element. 

* Mallet's Northern Antiquities, chap. xii. 


manners were carried from Sakadwipa, or Saka Scythia, " where 
the Geta," says Herodotus [v. 5], " was consumed on the pyre 
or burned ahve with her lord." With the Getae, the Siebi or 
Suevi of Scandinavia, if the deceased had more than one wife, 
the elder claimed the privilege of burning.'^ Thus, " Nanna was 
consumed in the same fire with the body of her husband, Balder, 
one of Odin's companions." But the Scandinavians were anxious 
to forget this naark of their Asiatic origin, and were not always 
willing to burn, or to make " so cruel and absurd a sacrifice to the 
manes of their husbands, the idea of which had been picked up 
by their Scythian ancestors, when they inhabited the warmer 
climates of Asia, where they had their first abodes." - 

" The Scythic Geta," says Herodotus [iv. 71], " had his horse 
sacrificed on his funeral pyre ; and the Scandinavian Geta had 
his horse and arms buried with him, as they could not approach 
Odin on foot." ^ The Rajput warrior is carried to his final abode 
armed at all points as when alive, his shield on his back and brand 
in hand ; while his steed, though not sacrificed, is often presented 
to the deity, and becomes a perquisite of the priest. 

Sati. — The burning of the dead warrior, and female immolation, 
or Sati, are well-known rites, though the magnificent cenotaphs 
raised on the spot of sacrifice are little known or visited by Euro- 
peans ; than which there are no better memorials of the rise and 
decline of the States of the Rajput heptarchy. It is the son who 
raises the mausoleum to the memory of his father ; which last 
token of respect, or laudable vanity, is only limited by the means 
of the treasury. It is commemorative [74] of the splendour of 
his reign that the dome of his father sbould eclipse that of his 
predecessor. In every principality of Rajwara, the remark is 
applicable to chieftains as well as princes. 

Each sacred spot, termed ' the place of great sacrifice ' (Maha- 
sati), is the haunted ground of legendary lore. Amongst the 
altars on which have burned the beauteous and the brave, the 
harpy * takes up her abode, and stalks forth to devour the hearts 

1 Mallet chap. xii. vol. i. p. 289. ^ Edda. 

^ Mallet's Northern Antiquities, chap. xii. The Celtic Franks had the 
same custom. The arms of Chilperic, and the bones of the horse on which 
he was to be presented to Odin, were found in his tomb. 

* The Dakini (the Jigarkhor of Sindh) is the genuine vampire [Atn, ii. 
338 f .]. Captain Waugh, after a long chase in the valley of Udaipur, speared 


of her victims. The Rajput never enters these places of silence 
but to perform stated rites, or anniversary offerings of flowers 
and water to the manes (pitri-deva ^) of his ancestors. 

Odin ^ guarded his warriors' final abode from rapine by means 
of " wandering fires which played around the tombs " ; and the 
tenth chapter of the Salic law is on punishments against " carrying 
off the boards or carpets of the tombs." Fire and water are 
interdicted to such sacrilegious spoliators. 

The shihaba,^ or wandering meteoric fires, on fields of battle 
and in the places of ' great sacrifice,' produce a pleasing yet 
melancholy effect ; and are the source of superstitious dread and 
reverence to the Hindu, having their origin in the same natural 
cause as the ' wandering fires of Odin ' ; the phosphorescent 
salts produced from animal decomposition. 

The Scandinavian reared the tumulus over the ashes of the 
dead ; so did the Geta of the Jaxartes, and the officiating priests 
of Hara, the Hindu god of battle. 

The noble picture drawn by Gibbon of the sepulture of the 
Getic Alaric is paralleled by that of the great Jenghiz Khan. 
When the lofty mound was raised, extensive forests were planted, 
to exclude for ever the footsteps of man from his remains. 

The tumulus, the cairn, or the pillar, still rises over the Rajput 
who falls in [75] battle ; and throughout Rajwara these sacri- 
ficial monuments are foimd, where are seen carved in relief the 
warrior on his steed, armed at all points ; his faithful wife (Sati) 

a hyena, whose abode was the tombs, and well known as the steed on which 
the witch of Ar sallied forth at night. Evil was predicted : and a dangerous 
fall, subsequently, in chasing an elk, was attributed to his sacrilegious 
slaughter of the weird sister's steed. 

^ Pitri-deva, ' Father-lords.' ^ MaUet chap. xii. 

^ At Gwalior, on the east side of that famed fortress, where myriads of 
M^arriors have fattened the soil, these phosphorescent lights often present a 
singular appearance. I have, with friends whose eyes this will meet, marked 
the procession of these lambent night-fires, becoming extinguished at one 
place and rising at another, which, aided by the unequal locale, have been 
frequently mistaken for the Mahratta prince returning with his numerous 
torch-bearers from a distant day's sport. I have dared as bold a Rajput 
as ever lived to approach them ; whose sense of the levity of my desire was 
strongly depicted, both in speech and mien : " men he would encounter, 
but not the spirits of those erst slain in battle." It was generally about the 
conclusion of the rains that these lights were observed, v/hen evaporation 
took place from these marshy grounds impregnated with salts. 


beside him, denoting a sacrifice, and the sun and moon on either 
side, emblematic of never-dying fame. • 

Cairns, Pillars. — In Saurashtra, amidst the Kathi, Khuman, 
Bala, and others of Scythic descent, the Paliya, or Jujhar (sacri- 
ficial pillars), are conspicuous under the walls of every town, in 
lines, irregular groups, and circles. On each is displayed in rude 
relief the warrior, with the manner of his death, lance in hand, 
generally on horseback, though sometimes in his ear ; and on the 
coast ' the pirates of Budha ' ^ are depicted boarding from the 
shrouds. Amidst the Khuman of Tatary the Jesuits found stone 
circles, similar to those met with wherever the Celtic rites pre- 
vailed ; and it would require no great ingenuity to prove an 
analogy, if not a common origin, between Druidic circles and the 
Indo-Scythic monumental remains. The trilithon, or seat, in 
the centre of the judicial circle, is formed by a number sacred to 
Hara, Bal, or the sun, whose priest expounds the law. 

Worship o£ Arms. The Sword. — The devotion of the Rajput 
is still paid to his arms, as to his horse. He swears ' by the steel,' 
and prostrates himself before his defensive buckler, his lance, his 
sword, or his dagger. 

The worship of the sword (asi) may divide with that of the 
horse (aszva) the honour of giving a name to the continent of Asia. 
It prevailed amongst the Scythic Getae, and is described exactly 
by Herodotus [iv. 62]. To Dacia and Thrace it was carried by 
Getic colonies from the Jaxartes, and fostered by these lovers of 
liberty when their hordes overran Europe. 

The worship of the sword in the Acropolis of Athens by the 
Getic Attila, with all the accompaniments of pomp and place, 
forms an admirable episode in the history of the decline and fall 
of Rome ; and had Gibbon witnessed the worship of the double- 
edged sword (khanda) by the prince of Mewar and all his chivalry, 
he might even have embellished his animated account of the 
adoration of the scymitar, the symbol of Mars. 

Initiation to Arms. — Initiation to military fame was the same 
with the [76] German as with the Rajput, when the youthful 
candidate was presented with the lance, or buckled with the 
sword ; a ceremony which will be noticed when their feudal 

^ At I)warka, the god of thieves is called Budha Trivikrama, or of triple 
energy : the Hermes Triplex, or three-headed Mercury of the Egyptians. 
[No such cult is mentioned in the account of Dwarka, BG, viii. GOl.J 


manners are described ; many other traits of character will then 
be depicted. It would be easy to swell the list of analogous 
customs, which even to the objects of dislike in food ^ would 
furnish comparison between the ancient Celt and Rajput ; but 
they shall close with the detail of the most ancient of rites. 

Asvamedha, the Horse Sacrifice. — There are some things, 
animate and inanimate, which have been common objects of 
adoration amongst the nations of the earth, the sun, the moon, 
and all the host of heaven ; the sword ; reptiles, as the serpent ; 
animals, as the noblest, the horse. This last was not worshipped 
as an abstract object of devotion, but as a type of that glorious 
orb which has had reverence from every child of nature. The 
plains of Tatary, the sands of Libya, the rocks of Persia, the valley 
of the Ganges, and the wilds of Orinoco, have each yielded votaries 
alike ardent in devotion to his effulgence : 

Of this great world both eye and soul. 

His symbolic worship and offerings varied with clime and habit ; 
and while the altars of Bal in Asia, of Belenus among the Celts 
of Gaul and Britain, smoked with human sacrifices, the bull ^ 
bled to Mithras in Babylon, and the steed was the victim to Surya 
on the Jaxartes and Ganges. 

The father of history says that the great Getae of Central Asia 
deemed it right to offer the swiftest of created to the swiftest of 
non-created beings. It is fair to infer that the sun's festival with 
the Getae and Aswa nations of the Jaxartes, as with those of 
Scandinavia, was the winter solstice, the Sankrant of the Rajput 

^ Caesar informs us that the Celts of Britain would not eat the hare, 
goose, or domestic fowl. The Rajput will hunt the first, but neither eats it, 
nor the goose, sacred to the god of battle (Hara). The Rajput of Mewar 
eats the jungle fowl, but rarely the domestic. 

'^ As he did also to Balnath (the god Bal) in the ancient times of India. 
The baldan, or gift of the bull to the sun, is well recorded. [Balddn, baliddna 
does not mean the offering of a bull : it is the daily presentation of a portion 
of the meat to Earth and other deities.] There are numerous temples in 
Rajasthan of Baahm [?] ; and Balpur (Mahadeo) has several in vSaurashtra. 
All represent the sun — 

Peor his other name, when he enticed 
Israel in Sittim, on their march from Nile. 

Paradise Lost, book i. 412 f. [77], 

The temple of Solomon was to Bal, and all the idolaters of that day seem- 
to have held to the grosser tenets of Hinduism. 


and Hindu in general. Hi, Haija, Hyimr, Aswa denote the 
steed in Sanskrit and its dialects. In Gothic, hyrsa ; Teutonic, 
hors ; Saxon, horse. The grand festival of the German tribes of 
the Baltic was the Hiul, or Hid (already commented on), the 
Asvamedha ^ of the children of Surya, on the Ganges. 

The Asvamedha Ceremonies. — The ceremonies of the Asvamediia 
are too expensive, and attended with too great risk, to be attempted 
by modern princes. Of its fatal results we have many historical 
records, from the first dawn of Indian history to the last of its 
princes, Prithwiraja. The Ramayana, the Mahabharata, and the 
poems of Chand all illustrate this imposing rite and its effects.^ 

The Ramayana affords a magnificent picture of the Asvamedha. 
Dasaratha, monarch of Ayodhya, father of Rama, is represented 
as commanding the rite : " Let the sacrifice be prepared, and the 
horse ' liberated from the north bank of the Sarju ! " * A year 
being ended, and the horse having returned from his wanderings,* 
the sacrificial ground was prepared on the spot of liberation. 

^ In Aswa {medha signifies ' to kill ') we have the derivation of the ancient 
races, sons of Bajaswa, who peopled the countries on both sides the Indus, 
and the probable etymon of Asia [?]. The Assakenoi, the Ariaspai of 
Alexander's historians, and Aspasianae, to whom Arsaces fled from Seleucus, 
and whom Strabo terms a Getic race, have the same origin ; hence Asigarh, 
' the fortress of the Asi ' (erroneously termed Hansi), and Asgard were the 
first settlements of the Getic Asi in Scandinavia. Alexander received the 
homage of all these Getic races at ' the mother of cities,' Balkh, ' seat of 
Cathaian Khan ' (the Jat Kathida of my inscription), according to Marco 
Polo, from whom Milton took his geography. 

^ The last was undertaken by the celebrated Sawai Jai Singh of Amber ; 
but the milk-white steed of the sun, I believe, was not turned out, or 
assuredly the Ratliors would liave accepted the challenge. 

^ A milk-white steed is selected with peculiar marks. On hberation, 
properly guarded, he wanders where he listeth. It is a virtual challenge. 
Arjuna guarded the steed liberated by Yudhishthira ; but that sent round 
by Parikshita, his grandson, " was seized by the Takshak of the north." 
The same fate occurred to Sagara, father of Dasaratha, which involved the 
loss of his kingdom. 

* The Sarju, or Gandak, from the Kumaun mountains, passes through 
Kosalades, the dominion of Dasaratha. 

* The liorse's return after a year evidently indicates an astronomical 
revolution, or the sun's return to the same point in the echptic. Tliis 
return from his southern dechnation must have been always a day of rejoic- 
ing to the Scythic and Scandinavian nations, who could not, says Gibbon, 
fancy a worse hell than a large abode open to the cold wind of the north. 
To the south they looked for the deity ; and hence, with the Rajputs, a 
religious law forbids their doors being to the north. 


Invitations were sent to all surrounding monarchs to repair 
to Ayodhya : King Kaikeya,^ the king of Kasi,^ Lomapada of 
Angadesa,^ Kosala of Magadhadesa,* with the kings of Sindhu/ 
Sauvira,® and Saurashtra [78].' 

WTien the sacrificial pillars are erected, the rites commence. 
This portion of the ceremony, termed Yupochchraya, is tlius 
minutely detailed : " There were twenty-one yupas, or pillars,* 
of octagonal shape, each twenty-one feet in height and four feet 
in diameter, the capitals bearing the figure of a man, an elephant, 
or a bull. They were of the various sorts of wood appropriated 
to holy rites, overlaid with plates of gold and ornamented cloth, 
and adorned with festoons of flowers. Wliile the yupas were 
erecting, the Adhvaryu, receiving his instructions from the Hotri. 
or sacrificing priest, recited aloud the incantations. 

^ Kaike3^a is supposed by the translator, Dr. Carey, to be a king of Persia, 
the Kaivansa preceding Dariu'i. The epithet Kai not unfrequently occurs 
in Hindu traditional couplets.- One, which I remember, is connected with 
the ancient ruins of Abhaner in Jaipur, recording the marriage of one of its 
princes with a daughter of Kaikamb. 

Tu beti Kaikamb /./, 7iam Panyiala ho, etc. ' Thou art the daughter of 
Kaikamb : thy name Fairy Garland.' Kai was the epithet of one of the 
Persian dynasties. Qu. Kam-bakhsh, the Cambj^ses of the Greeks ? [Cam- 
byses, Kabuziya or Kambuzlya, possibly ' a bard ' (Rawlinson, Herodotvs, 
iii. 543).] ^ Benares. 

3 Tibet or Ava [N. Bengal]. * Bihar. s Sind valley. 

^ Unknown to me [W. and S. Panjab and its vicinity]. 

' Peninsula of Kathiawar. 

* I have seen several of these sacrificial pillars of stone of very ancient 
date. Many years ago, when all the Rajput States were suffering from the 
thraldom of the Mahrattas, a most worthy and wealthy banker of Surat, 
known by the family name of Trivedi, who felt acutely for the woes inflicted 
by incessant predatory foes on the sons of Rama and Krishna, told me, 
with tears in his eyes, that the evils which afflicted Jaipur were to be attri- 
buted to the sacrilege of the prince, Jagat Singh, who had dared to abstract 
the gold plates of the sacrificial pillars, and send them to his treasure' : 
worse than Rehoboam, who, when he took awaj' from the temple " the 
shields of gold Solomon had made," had the grace to substitute others of 
brass. Whether, when turned into currencj', it went as a war contribution 
to the Mahrattas, or was applied to the less worthj' use of his concubine 
queen, ' the essence of camphor/ it was of a piece with the rest of this 
prince's unwise conduct. Jai Singh, who erected the pillars, did honour to his 
countrj', of which he was a second founder, and under whom it attained the 
height from which it has now fallen. [Some sacrificial pillars (yiipa) were 
recently found in the bed of the .Jumna near I'lathura, with inscriptions 
dated in the twenty -fourth j'car of Kanishka's reign, about a.d. 102.] 


" The sacrificial pits were in triple rows, eighteen in number, 
and arranged in the form of the eagle. Here were placed 
the victims for immolation ; birds, aquatic animals, and the 

" Thrice was the steed of King Dasaratha led round the sacred 
fire by Kosala, and as the priests pronounced the incantations he 
was immolated ^ amidst shouts of joy. 

" The king and queen, placed by the high priest near the horse, 
sat up all night watching the birds ; and the officiating priest, 
having taken out the hearts, dressed them agreeably to the holy 
books. The sovereign of men smelled the smoke of the offered 
hearts, acknowledging his transgressions in the order in which 
they were committed. 

" The sixteen sacrificing priests then placed (as commanded in 
the ordinances) on the fire the parts of the horse. The oblation 
of all the animals was made on wood, except that of the horse, 
which was on cane. 

" The rite concluded with gifts of land to the sacrificing priests 
and augurs ; but the holy men preferring gold, ten millions of 
jambunada ^ were bestowed on them" [79]. 

Such is the circumstantial account of the Asvamedha, the 
most imposing and the earliest heathen rite on record. It were 
superfluous to point out the analogy between it and similar rites 
of various nations, from the chosen people to the Auspex of 
Rome and the confessional rite of the Catholic church. 

The Sankrant,^ or Sivaratri (night of Siva), is the winter 
solstice. On it the horse bled to the sun, or Balnath. 

^ On the Nauroz, or festival of the new year, the Great Mogul slays a 
camel with his own hand, which is distributed, and eaten by the court 
favourites. [A camel is sacrificed at the Tdu-1-azha festival (Hughes, Did. 
Islam, 192 ff.).] 

2 This was native gold, of a pecuharly dark and brilliant hue, which was 
compared to the fruit jambu (not unlike a damson). Everything forms an 
allegory with the Hindus ; and the production of this metal is appropriated 
to the period of gestation of Jahnavi, the river-goddess (Ganges), when by 
Agni, or fire, she produced Kumara, the god of war, the commander of the 
army of the gods. This was when she left the place of her birth, the Hima- 
laya mountain (the great storehouse of metallic substances), whose daughter 
she is : and doubtless this is in allusion to some very remote period, when, 
bursting her rock-bound bed, Ganga exposed from ' her side ' veins of this 
precious metal. 

^ Little bags of brocade, filled with seeds of the sesamum or cakes of the 


The Scandinavians termed the longest night the ' mother 
night,' ^ on which they held that the world was born. Hence 
the Beltane, the fires of Bal or Belenus ; the Hiul of northern 
nations, the sacrificial fires on the Asvamedha, or worship of the 
sun, by the Suryas on the Ganges, and the Swians (I'VO find 
Sauromatae on the shores of the Mediterranean. 

The altars of the Phoenician Ileliopohs, Balbec ^ or Tadmor,* 
were sacred to the same divmity as on the banks of Sarju, or 
Balpiir, in Saurashtra, where " the horses of the sun ascended 
from his fountain {Surya-kund),'" to carry its princes to conquest. 

From Syria came the instructors of the Celtic Druids, v,^ho 
made human sacrifices, and set up the pillar of Belenus on the 
hills of Cambria and Caledonia. 

Wlien " Judah did evil in the sight of the Lord, and built 
them high places, and images, and groves, on every high hill and 
under every tree," the object was Bal, and the pillar (the lingam) 
was his symbol. It was on his altar they burned incense, and 
" sacrificed unto the calf on the fifteenth * day of the month " 
(the sacred Amavas of the Hindus). The calf of Israel is the 
bull (nandi) of Balkesar or Iswara ; the Apis of the Egyptian 
Osiris [80]. 

Sacred Trees. — The ash was sacred to the sun-god in the west. 
The asvattha (or pipal) ^ is the ' chief of trees,' say the books 

same, are distributed by the chiefs to friends on this occasion. While the 
author writes, he has before him two of these, sent to hini by the young 
Mahratta prince, Holkar. 

^ Sivaratri would be ' father night ' [?]. Siva-Iswara is the ' universal 

^ Ferishta, the compiler of the imperial history of India, gives us a 
Persian or Arabic derivation of this, from Bal, ' the sun,' and bee, ' an idol." 
[This has not been traced in Dow or Briggs.] 

^ Corrupted ^o Palmyra, the etymon of which, I beUeve, has never been 
given, which is a version of Tadiiior. In Sanskrit, tal, or tar, is the ' date- 
tree ' ; mor signifies ' chief.' We have more than one ' city of palms ' 
{Talpur) in India ; and the tribe ruhng in Haidarabad, on the Indus, is 
called Talpuri, from the place whence they originated. [Tadmor is Semitic, 
probably meaning ' abounding in palms.' The suggested derivation is 

* 1 Kings xiv. 23. 

* Ficus religiosa. It presents a perfect resemblance to the popul (poplar) 
of Germany and Italy, a species of which is the aspen. [They belong to 
different orders.] So similar is it, that the specimen of the pipal from 
Carohna is called, in the Isola Bella of the Lago Maggiore, Populufi angulata ; 


sacred to Bal in the East : and death, or loss of Hmb, is incurred 
by the sacrilegious mutilator of his consecrated groves/ where a 
pillar is raised bearing the inhibitory edict. 

We shall here conclude the analogy between the Indo-Scythic 
Rajput races and those of early Europe. Much more might be 
adduced ; the old Runic characters of Scandinavia, the Celtic, 
and the Osci or Etruscan, might, by comparison with those found 
in the cave temples and rocks in Rajasthan and Saurashtra, yield 
yet more important evidence of original similarity ; and the very 

and another, in the Jardin des Plantes at Toulon, is termed the Ficuspopuli- 
folia, oufiguier dfeuilles de peuplier. The aspen, or ash, held sacred by the 
Celtic priests, is said to be the mountain-ash. ' The calf of Bal ' is generally 
placed under the pipal ; and Hindu tradition sanctifies a never-dying stem, 
which marks the spot where the Hindu ApoUo, Ilari (the sun), was slain by 
the savage Bhil on the shores of Saurashtra. [This is known as the Prachi 
Pipal, and death rites are performed close to it (BQ, viii. 271, note 2).] 

^ The rehgious feelings of the Rajput, though outraged for centuries by 
Moguls and mercenary Pathans, wiU not permit him to see the axe appUed 
to the noble pipal or umbrageous bar (Ficus indica), without execrating the 
destroyer. Unhappy the constitution of mind which knowingly wounds 
rehgious prejudices of such ancient date ! Yet is it thus with our country- 
men in the East, who treat all foreign prejudices with contempt, shoot the 
bird sacred to the Indian Mars, slay the calves of Bal, and fell the noble 
pipal before the eyes of the native without remorse. He is unphilosophic 
and unwise who treats such prejudices with contumely : prejudices beyond 
the reach of reason. He is uncharitable who does not respect them ; im- 
politic, who does not use every means to prevent such offence by ignorance 
or levity. It is an abuse of our strength, and an ungenerous advantage 
over their weakness. Let us recollect who are the guardians of these fanes 
of Bal, his pipal, and sacred bird (the peacock) ; the children of Surya and 
Chandra, and the descendants of the sages of yore, they who fill the ranks 
of our array, and are attentive, though silent, observers of all our actions : 
the most attached, the most faithful, and the most obedient of mankind ! 
Let us maintain them in duty, obedience, and attachment, by respecting 
their prejudices and conciliating their pride. On the fulfilment of this 
depends the maintenance of our sovereignty in India : but the last fifteen 
years have assuredly not increased their devotion to us. Let the question 
be put to the unprejudiced, whether their welfare has advanced in pro- 
portion to the dominion they have conquered for us, or if it has not been in 
the inverse ratio of this prosperity ? Have not their allowances and com- 
forts decreased ? Does the same relative standard between the currency 
and conveniences of life exist as twenty years ago ? Has not the first 
depreciated twenty-five per cent, as baM-batta stations and duties have 
increased ? For the good of ruler and servant, let these be rectified. With 
the utmost solemnity, I aver, 1 have but the welfare of all at heart in these 
observations. I loved the service, I loved the native soldier. I have 


name of German (from wer, bellum) ^ might be found to be deri\'ed 
from the feud (vair) and foe-man (vairi) of the Rajput. 

If these coincidences are merely accidental, then has too much 
been already said ; if not, authorities are here recorded, and 
hypotheses founded, for the assistance of others [81 J. 


Having discussed the ancient genealogies of the martial races 
of Rajasthan, as well as the chief points in their character and 
religion analogous to those of early Europe, we proceed to the 
catalogue of the Chhattis Rajkula, or ' thirty-six royal races.' ^ 

The table before the reader presents, at one view, the authori- 
ties on which this list is given : they are as good as al)undant. 
The first is from a detached leaf of an ancient work, obtained 
from a Yati of a Jain temple at the old city of Nado!, in Marwar. 
The second is from the poems of Chand,^ the bard of the last 
Hmdu kino- of Dellii. The third is from an estimable work 

proved what he will do, where devoted, when, in 1817, thirty-two firelocks 
of my guard attacked, defeated, and dispersed a camp of fifteen hundred 
men, sla3ring thrice their numbers.* Having quitted the scene for ever, I 
submit my opinion dispassionately for the welfare of the one, and with it 
the stability or reverse of the other. 

^ D'Anville's derivation of Gersnan, from wer (bellum) and nMnus. 
[Possiblv 0. Irish, gair, ' neighbour,' or (jairm, ' battle-cry ' {New Eng. Diet. 

^ [This catalogue is now of historical or traditional, rather than of 
ethnographical value. It includes some which are admittedly extinct : 
others wiiich are proved to be derived from Gurjara and other foreign tribes, 
while it omits many clans which are most influential at the present day, 
and some of those included in the list are now represented by scattered 
groups outside Rajputana.] 

^ Of his works I possess the most complete copy existing. 

* What says the Thermopylae of India, Corygaum ? Five hundred fire- 
locks against twenty thousand men ! Do the annals of Napoleon record a 
more brilUant exploit ? Has a column been reared to the manes of the 
brave, European and native, of this memorable day, to excite to future 
achievement ? What order decks the breast of the gaUant Fitzgerald, for 
the exploit on the field of Nagpur ? At another time and place his word.s, 
" At my peril be it ! Charge ! " would have crowned his crest ! These 
things call for remedy ! [Koregaon in Poona District, where Captain 
Staunton defeated a large force of Mahrattas on January 1, 1818 (Wilson- 
Mill, Hist, of India, ii. (1846), 303 ff.).] 



contemporary with Chand's, the Kumarjjal Charitra' or " History 
of the Monarchy of Anhilwara Patan." The fourth list is from 
the Khichi bard.^ The fifth, from a bard of Saurashtra. 

From every one of the bardic profession, from all the collectors 
and collections of Rajasthan, lists have been received, from which 
the catalogue No. 6 has been formed, admitted by the genealogists 
to be more perfect than any existing document. From it, there- 
fore, in succession, each race shall have its history rapidly 
sketched ; though, as a text, a single name is sufficient to fill 
many pages. 

The first list is headed by an invocation to Mata Sakambhari 
Devi, or mother-goddess, protectress of the races (sakha) [the 
mother of vegetation]. 

Each race (sakha) has its Gotracharya,^ a genealogical creed, 
describing [82] the essential peculiarities, religious tenets, and 
pristine locale of the clan. Every Rajput should be able to 
repeat this ; though it is now confined to the family priest or the 
genealogist. Many chiefs, in these degenerate days, would be 
astonished if asked to repeat their gotracharya, and would refer 
to the bard. It is a touchstone of affinities, and guardian of the 
laws of intermarriage. When the inhibited degrees of propinquity 
have been broken, it has been known to rectify the mistake, 
where, however, " ignorance was bliss." * 

^ Presented to the Royal Asiatic Society. 

2 Moghji, one of the most intelligent bards of the present day ; but, 
heartbroken, he has now but the woes of his race to sing. Yet has he forgot 
them for a moment to rehearse the deeds of Parsanga, who sealed his fidelity 
by his death on the Ghaggar. Then the invisible mantle of Bhavani was 
wrapt around him ; and with the birad (fvror poeticus) flowing freely of 
their deeds of yore, their present degradation, time, and place were all 
forgot. But the time is fast approaching when he may sing with the 
Cambrian bard : 

" Ye lost companions of my tuneful art, 
Where are ye fled ? " 

^ One or two specimens shall be given in the proper place. 

* A prince of Bundi had married a Rajputni of the Malani tribe, a name 
now unknown : but a bard repeating the ' gotracharya,' it was discovered 
to have been about eight centuries before a ramification (sa! ha) (if the 
Chauhan, to which the Hara of Bundi belonged— divorce and expiatory 
rites, with great unhappiness, were the consequences. What a contrast to 
the unhallowed doctrmes of polyandry, as mentioned amongst the Pandavas, 
the Scythic nations, the inhabitants of Sirmor of the present day,- and 
pertaining even to Britain in the days of Caesar ! — " Uxores habent deni 







Soma or Chandra. 

Yadu. • I 

Chahuman (Chauha 

Pramara. 1 

Chalukya or Solany 










Salar or Silara. 



Huu or nun. 




25 Agnipali. 




30 Mohor. 





3<) Salala. 


do not, 





Ikshwaku, Kakutstha, or Surya 

Anwai, Indu, Som, or Chandra. 

Grahilot or Guhilot . . 24 Saljha. 

Yadu 4 

5 Tuar . . . . | jy 

Rathor . . . . .13 

Kushwaha or Kachluvaha.' 


Chahuman or Chauhan 
10 Chalukya or Solanki . 



Tak, Tak, or Takshak. 

Jat or Geta. 
15 Hun or Htin. 



Jhala 2 

Jethwa or Kaniari. 
20 Gohil. 




Gaur 5 

Doda or Dor. 


Bargujar ... 3 

Sengar ....." single. 

Sikarwal . . . Ho 

30 Bais . . . . ; do' 





36 Dahima .... do. 




1 The author, aftei 

2 The bard Chand ?i Are." 

i As the work is chn to the last " of all the mightiest is the Chauhan 

■» By name Moghji, 




«N.-Oa!S.ii»«.iiu.. M 



ncia -^ 

l oiuiunu.. 

Kiuom o»..i..' 

Ikflhwnku, Kalrauihs 


^!!'m?',.r i.-|,uailrn. 


aatohnr Oohll. 



. ai Sokba. 




Yodu . 

. 4 

^ r'ra^ri"" "'''""'^'' 



TUM." ■ 


. IT 

in ^'iiV™""- 

i« S." 




10 vS: 

"''"■. 3S 


■. fiS'""'' 

',. i'ls:"' 

Parihara" ""^ . " "I' 

■i , 





. .,„i.. 

"it . 

" aSi,«i 

" sr'' 

,5 sEL 

Jcf*hi« or Eaman 



.. iiKr- 


" a* 






■ ' 




" fss'- 

16 gjSC'' 

Sli- : : 

: si,.i.. 

30 Mohor. 

10 uSSu. 





" fww"? '"^■'" """■ 


an aliSi'*'''"' 



30 SS""' . 

_. __ 



Most of tlie kula (races) are divided into numerous branches ^ 
(sakha), and these sakha subdivided into innumerable clans 
(gotra),^ the most important of which shall be given. A few of 
the kula never ramified : these are termed eka, or ' single ' ; and 
nearly one-third are eka. 

A table of the ' eighty-four ' mercantile tribes, chiefly of 
Rajput origin, shall also be furnished, in which the remembrance 
of some races are preserved which would have perished. Lists 
of the aboriginal, the agricultural and the pastoral tribes are also 
given to complete the subject. 

Solar and Lunar Races. — In the earlier ages there were but 
two races, Surya and Chandra, to which were added the four 
Agnikulas * ; in all six. The others are subdivisions of Surya 
and Chandra, or the sakha of Indo-Seythic origin, who found no 
difficulty in obtaining a place (though a low one), before the 
Muhammadan era, amongst the thirty-six regal races of Rajasthan. 
The former we may not imaptly consider as to the time, as the 
Celtic, the latter as the Gothic, races of India. On the generic 
terms Surya and Chandra, I need add nothing [83]. 

Grahilot or Guhilot. — Pedigree * of the Suryavansi Rana, of 
royal race, Lord of Chitor, the ornament of the thirty -six royal 

By universal consent, as well as by the gotra of this race, its 
princes are admitted to be the direct descendants of Rama, of the 
Solar line. The pedigree is deduced from him, and connected 

duodenique inter se communes," says that accurate writer, speaking of the 
natives of this island ; " et maxime fratres cum fratribus, parentesque cum 
liberis : sed si qui sint ex his nati, eorura habentur liheri, quo primura virgo 
quaeque deducta est." A strange medley of polyandry and polygamy ! 

^ Aparam sakham, ' of innumerable branches,' is inscribed on an ancient 
tablet of the Guhilot race. 

2 Got, khanp, denote a clan ; its subdivisions have the patronymic 
terminating with the syllable ' of,' ' awat,' ' sot,' in the use of which euphony 
alone is their guide : thus, Saldawat, ' sons of Sakta ' ; Kurmasot, ' of 
Kurma ' ; Mairawat, or mairot, mountaineers, ' sons of the mountains.' 
Such is the Greek Mainote, from maina, a mountain, in the ancient Albanian 
dialect, of eastern origin. 

* From agni {qu. ignis ?) ' fire,' the sons of Vulcan, as the others of Sol 
and Luna, or Lunus, to change the sex of the parent of the Indu (moou) 

* Vansavali, Suryavansi Rajkuli Rana Chitor ka Dhani, ChJiattis Kuli 
Sengar. — MSS. from the Rana's library, entitled KJiuman Raesa. 


with Sumitra, the last prince mentioned in the genealogy of the 

As the origin and progressive history of this family will be 
fully discussed in the " Annals of Mewar," we shall here only 
notice the changes which have marked the patronymic, as well 
as the regions which have been under their sway, from Kanaksen, 
who, in the second century, abandoned his native kingdom, 
Kosala, and established the race of Surya in Saurashtra. 

On the site of Vairat, the celebrated abode of the Pandavas 
during exile, the descendant of Ikshwaku established his line, and 
his descendant Vijaya, in a few generations, built Vijayapur.^ 

They became sovereigns, if not founders, of Valabhi, which 
had a separate era of its own, called the Valabhi Samvat, according 
with S. Vikrama 375.^ Hence they became the Balakaraes, or 
kings of Valabhi ; a title maintained by successive dynasties of 
Saurashtra for a thousand years after this period, as can be 
satisfactorily proved by genuine history and inscriptions. 

Gajni, or Gaini, was another capital, whence the last prince, 
Siladitya (who was slain), and his family, were expelled by 
Parthian invaders in the sixth century. 

A posthumous son, called Grahaditya, obtained a petty 
sovereignty at Idar. The change was marked by his name 
becoming the patronymic, and Grahilot, vulgo Guhilot, designated 
the Suryavansa of Rama. 

With reverses and migration from the wilds of Idar to Ahar,' 
the Guhilot was changed to Aharya, by which title the race con- 
tinued to be designated till the twelfth century, when the elder 
brother, Rahup, abandoned his claim to " the [84] throne of Chitor," 
obtained ^ by force of arms from the Mori,* and settled at Dungar- 

^ Always conjoined with Vairat — ' Vijayapur Vairatgarh.' [Vairat 
forty-one miles north of Jaipur city. The reference in the text is merely 
a bardie fable, there being no connexion between Vijaya and this place 
{ASM, ii. 249).] 

2 A.D. 319. The inscription recording this, as well as others relating to 
Valabhi and this era, I discovered in Saurashtra, as well as the site of this 
ancient capital, occupying the position of ' Byzantium ' in Ptolemy's geo- 
graphy of India. They will be given in the Transactions of the Royal 
Asiatic Society. [The Valabhi agrees with the Gupta era (Smith, EH I, 20).] 

3 Anandpur Ahar, or ' Ahar the city of repose.' By the tide of events, 
the family was destined to fix their last capital, Udaipur, near Ahar. 

* The middle of the eighth century. 

* [Or Maurya], a Pramara prince. 



pur, which he yet holds, as well as the title Aliarya ; while the 
younger, Mahup. established the seat of power at Sesoda, whence 
Sesodia set aside both Aharya and Guhilot. 

Sesodia is now the common title of the race ; but being only 
a subdivision, the Guhilot holds its rank in the kula. 

The Guliilot kula is subdivided mto twenty-four saklia,^ or 
ramifications, few of which exist : 

1. Aharya 

2. Mangalia 

3. Sesodia 

4. Pipara 

5. Kalam 

6. Gahor 

7. Dhornia 

8. Goda 

9. Magrasa 

10. Bhiinla 

11. Kamliotak 

12. Kotecha 
1.3. Sora 

14. Uhar 

15. Useba 

16. Nirrup 

17. Nadoria 

18. Nadhota 

19. Ojakra 

20. Kuclilira 

21. Dosadh 

22. Betwara 

23. Paha 

24. Purot 

At Dungarpur. 

In the Deserts. 


In Marwar. 

, In few numbers, and mostly 
' now imknown. 

' ^\Jmost extinct. 

i [85] 

Yadu, Yadava. — The Yadu was the most illustrious of all the 
tribes of Ind, and became the patronymic of the descendants 
of Budha, progenitor of the Lunar (Indu) race. Yudhishthira 
and Baladeva, on the death of Krishna and their expulsion from 
Delhi and Dwaraka, the last stronghold of their power, retired 
by Multan across the Indus. The two first are abandoned by 

[For a different list, see Census Report, RajputMna, 1911, i. 256.] 


tradition ; but the sons of Krishna, who accompanied them after 
an intermediate halt in the further Duab ^ of the five rivers, 
eventually left the Indus behind, and passed into Zabulistan,^ 
founded Gajni, and peopled these countries even to Samarkand. 

The annals of Jaisalmer, which give this early history of their 
founder, mix up in a confused manner ^ the cause of their being 
again driven back into India ; so that it is impossible to say 
whether it was owing to the Greek princes who ruled all these 
countries for a century after Alexander, or to the rise of 

Driven back on the Indus, they obtained possession of the 
Panjab and founded Salivahanpur. Thence expelled, they re- 
tired across the Sutlej and Ghara into the Indian deserts ; whence 
expelling the Langahas, the Johyas, Mohilas, etc., they founded 
successively Tanot, Derawar, and Jaisalmer,* in S. 1212/ the 
present capital of the Bhattis, the lineal successors of Krishna. 

Bhatti was the exile from Zabulistan, and as usual with the 
Rajput races on any such event in their annals, his name set aside 
the more ancient patronymic, Yadu. The Bhattis subdued all 
the tracts south of the Ghara ; but their power has been greatly 
circumscribed since the arrival of the Rathors. The Map defines 
their existing limits, and their annals will detail their past 

Jareja, Jadeja is the most important tribe of Yadu race next 
to the Bhatti. Its history is similar. Descended from Krishna, 
and migrating simultaneously with the remains of the Harikulas, 
there is the strongest ground for believing that their range was not 
so wide as that of the elder branch, but that they settled them- 
selves in the valley of the Indus, more especially on the west shore 
in Seistan ; and in nominal and armorial distinctions, even in 
Alexander's time, they retained the marks of their ancestry [86]. 

Sambos, who brought on him the arms of the Grecians, was in 

^ The place where they found refuge was in the cluster of hills still called 
Yadu ka dang, ' the Yadu hills ' : — the Joudes of Rennell's geography 
[see p. 75 above]. 

2 [Zabuhstan, with its capital, Ghazni, in Afghanistan.] 

' The date assigned long prior to the Christian era, agrees with the 
Grecian, but the names and manners are Muhammadan. 

* Lodorwa Patau, whence they expelled an ancient race, was their capital 
before Jaisalmer. There is much to leam of these regions. 

fi A.D. 1155. 


all likelihood a Harikula ; and the Minnagara of Greek historians 
Samanagara (' city of Sama '), his capital.^ 

The most common epithet of Krishna, or Hari, was Shania or 
Syama, from his dark complexion. Hence the Jareja bore it as a 
patronymic, and the whole race were Samaputras (children of 
Sama), whence the titular name Sambos of its princes.^ 

Tlie modern Jareja, who, from circumstances has so mixed 
with the Muhammadans of Sind as to have forfeited all pretensions 
to purity of blood, partly in ignorance and partly to cover dis- 
grace, says that his origin is from Sham, or Syria, and of the stock 
of tlie Persian Jamshid : consequently, Sam has been converted 
into Jam ^ ; which epithet designates one of the Jareja petty 
governments, the Jam Raj. 

These are the most conspicuous of the Yadu race ; but there 
are others who still bear the original title, of which the head is 
the prince of the petty State of Karauli on the Chambal. 

This portion of the Yadu stock would appear never to have 
strayed far beyond the ancient limits of the Suraseni,* their 
ancestral abodes. They held the celebrated Bay ana ; whence 
expelled, they established Karauli west, and Sabalgarh east, of 
the Chambal. The tract under the latter, called Yaduvati, has 
been wrested from the family by Sindhia. Sri Mathura ^ is an 
independent fief of Karauli, held by a junior branch. 

The Yadus, or as pronounced in the dialects Jadon, arc 
scattered over India, and many chiefs of consequence amongst 
the Mahrattas are of this tribe. 

There are eight sakha of the Yadu race : , 

1. Yadu . . . Chief Karauli. 

2. Bhatti . . Chief Jaisalmer. 

3. Jareja . . Chief Cutch Bhuj. 

4. Samecha . . Muhammadans in Sind. 

^ [The capital of Sambos was Sindiraana, perhaps the modern Sihwan 
(Smith, EHI, 101).] 

2 [This is very doubtful.] 

^ They have an infinitely better etymology for this, in being descendants 
of Jambuvati, one of Hari's eight wives. [The origin of the term Jam is 
very doubtful : see Yule, Hobson-Jobson, s.v.] 

* The Suraseni of Vraj, the tract so named, thirty miles around Mathura. 

^ Its chief, Rao Manohar Singh, was well known to me, and was, I may 
say, my friend. For years letters passed between us, and he had made for 
me a transcript of a valuable copy of the Mahabharata. 


5. Madecha 

6. Bidman . . j. Unknown [87]. 

7. Baddi 

8. Soha 

7. Badda . . j 

Tuar, Tonwar, Tomara. — The Tuar, though acknowledged as 
a subdivision of the Yadu, is placed by the best genealogists 
as one of the ' thirty-six,' a rank to which its celebrity justly 
entitles it. 

We have in almost every ease the etymon of each celebrated 
race. For the Tuar we have none ; and we must rest satisfied 
in delivering the dictum of the Bardai, who declares it of Pandu 

If it had to boast only of Vikramaditya, the paramoimt lord of 
India, whose era, established fifty-six years before the Christian, 
still serves as the grand beacon of Hindu clironology, this alone 
would entitle the Tuar to the highest rank. But it has other 
claims to respect. Delhi, the ancient Indraprastha, founded by 
Yudhishthira, and which tradition says lay desolate for eight 
centuries, was rebuilt and peopled by Anangpal Tuar, in 8. 848 
(a.d. 792), who was followed by a dynasty of twenty princes, 
which concluded with the name of the founder, Anangpal, in 
S. 1220 (a.d. 1164),^ when, contrary to the SaUc law of the Raj- 
puts, he abdicated (having no issue) in favour of his grandchild, 
the Chauhan Prithviraja. 

The Tuar must now rest on his ancient fame ; for not an inde- 
pendent possession remains to the race ^ which traces its lineage 
to the Pandavas, boasts of Vikrama, and which furnished the 
last dynasty, emperors of Hindustan. 

It would be a fact unparalleled in the history of the world, 
could we establish to conviction that the last Anangpal Tuar was 
the lineal descendant of the founder of Indraprastha; that the 
issue of Y'^udhishthira sat on the throne which he erected, after a 
lapse of 2250 years Universal consent admits it, and the fact is 

^ [Vigraha-raja, known as Visaladeva, BTsal Deo, in the middle of the 
twelfth century, is alleged to have conqueredDelhi from a chief of the 
Tomara clan. That chief was a descendant of Anangapala, who, a century 
before, had built the Red Fort (Smith, EHI, 386).] 

* Several Mahratta chieftains deduce their origin from the Tuar race, as 
Ram Rao Phalkia, a very gallant leader of horse in Sindhia's State. 


us well established as most others of a historic nature of such a 
distant period : nor can any dynasty or family of Europe produce 
evidence so strong as the Tuar, even to a much less remote 

The chief possessions left to the Tuars are the district of 
Tuargarh, on the right bank of the Chambal towards its junction 
with the Jumna, and the small [88] chieftainship of Patau Tuar- 
vati in the Jaipur State, and whose head claims affinity with the 
ancient kings of Indraprastha. 

Rathor. — A doubt hangs on the origin of this justly celebrated 
race. The Rathor genealogies trace their pedigi'ee to Kusa, the' 
second son of Rama ; consequently they would be Suryavansa. 
But by the bards of this race they are denied this honour ; and 
although Kushite, they are held to be the descendants of Kasyapa, 
of the Solar race, by the daughter of a Daitya (Titan). The pro- 
geny of Hiranyakasipu is accordingly stigmatized as being of 
demoniac origin. It is rather singular that they should have suc- 
ceeded to the Lunar race of Kusanabha, descendants of Ajamidha, 
the fomiders of Kanauj. Indeed, some genealogists maintain the 
Rathors to be of Kusika race. 

The pristine locale of the Rathors is Gadhipura, or Kanauj, 
A\here they are found entlironed in the fifth centurj^ ; and though 
beyond that period they connect their line with the princes of 
Kosala or Ayodhya, the fact rests on assertion only. 

From the fifth century their history is cleared from the mist 
of ages, which envelops them all prior to this time ; and in the 
period approaching the Tatar conquest of India, we find them 
contesting with the last Tuar and Chauhan kings of Delhi, and the 
Balakaraes of Anhilwara, the right to paramount importance 
amidst the princes of Ind. The combats for this phantom supre- 
macy destroyed them all. Weakened by internal strife, the 
Chauhan of Delhi fell, and his death exposed the north-west 
frontier. Kanauj followed ; and while its last prince, Jaichand, 
found a grave in the Ganges, his son sought an asylum in Marust- 
hali, ' the regions of death.' ^ Siahji was this son ; the founder 
of the Rathor dynasty in Marwar, on the ruins of the Pariharas of 
Mandor. Here they brought their ancient martial spirit, and a 
more valiant being exists not than can be found amongst the sons 
of Siahji. The Mogul emperors were indebted for half their 
1 [This is a pure myth (Smith, EUI, 385, 413).] 


conquests to the Lakh Tarwar Rathoran, ' the 100,000 swords of 
the Rathors ' ; for it is beyond a doubt that 50,000 of the blood 
of Siahji have been embodied at once. But enough of the noble 
Rathors for the present. 

The Rathor has twenty-four sakha : Dhandal, Bhadel, Chachkit, 
Duharia, Khokra, Badara, Chajira, Ramdeva, Kabria, Hatundia, 
Malavat, Sunda, Katecha, Maholi, Gogadeva, Mahecha, .Taisingha, 
Mursia, Jobsia, Jora, etc., etc.^ [89]. 

Rathor Gotracharya. — Gotama ^ Gotra (race), — Mardawandani 
Sakha (branch), — Sukracharya Guru (Regent of the planet Venus, 
Preceptor), — Garupata Agni,' — Pankhani Devi (tutelary goddess, 

Kachhwaha. — The Kachhwaha race ^ is descended from Kusa^ 
the second son of Rama. They are the Kushites ® as the Rajputs 
of Mewar are the Lavites of India. Two branches migrated from 
Kosala : one founded Rohtas on the Son, the other established 
a colony amidst the ravines of the Kuwari, at Lahar.' In the 
course of time they erected the celebrated fortress of Narwar, or 
Nirwar, the abode of the celebrated Raja Nala, whose descendants 
continued to hold possession throughout all the vicissitudes of 
the Tatar and Mogul domination, when they were deprived of 

^ [For a fuller list, see Census Report, Rajputana, 1911, i. 255 f.] 
^ From this I should be inclined to pronounce the Rathors descendants 
of a race (probably Scythic) professing the Buddhist faith, of which Gotama 
was the last great teacher, and disciple of the last Buddha Mahivira, in S. 477 
(a.d. 533). [Buddhism and Jainism are, as usual, confused.] 

* Enigmatical — ' Clay formation by fire ' (agni). 

* [The Kuldevi, or family goddess, of the Rathors in Nagnaichian, whose 
original title was Rajeswari or Ratheswari, her present name being taken 
from tl^e village of Nagana in Pachbhadra ; and she has a temple in the 
Jodhpur fort, with shrines under the mm tree {AzadirocJda Indica) which is 
held sacred in all Rathor settlements [Census Report, Marwar, 1891, ii. 25).] 

^ Erroneously written and pronounced Kutchwaha. 

^ The resemblance between the Kushite Ramcsa of Ayodhya and the 
Rameses of Egypt is strong. Each was attended by his army of satyrs, 
Anubis and Cynocephalus, which last is a Greek misnomer, for the animal 
bearing this title is of the Simian family, as his images (in the Turin museum) 
disclose, and the brother of the faithful Hanuman. The comparison be- 
tween the deities within the Indus (called Nilab, ' blue waters ') and those 
of the Nile in Egypt, is a point well worth discussifhi. [These speculations 
are untenable.] 

^ A name in comphment, probably, to the elder branch of their race, 


it by the Mahrattas, and the abode of Nala is now a dependency 
of Sindhia. 

In the tenth century a branch emigrated and founded Amber, 
dispossessing the aborigines, the Minas, and adding from the 
Rajput tribe Bargujar, who held Rajor and large possessions 
around. But even in the twelfth century the Kachhwahas were 
but principal vassals to the Chauhan king of Delhi ; and they 
have to date their greatness, as the other families (espeoi^-lly the 
Ranas of Mewar) of Rajasthan their decline, from the ascent of 
the house of Timur to the throne of Delhi. The map shows the 
limits of the sway of the Kachhwahas, including their branches, 
the independent Narukas of Macheri, and the tributary con- 
federated Shaikhavats. The Kachhwaha subdivisions have been 
mislaid ;^ but the present partition into Kothris (chambers), of 
which there are twelve, shall be given in their annals. 

Agnikulas, Pramara. — 1st Pramara. There are four races to 
whom the Hindu genealogists have given Agni, or the element 
of fire, as progenitor. The Agnikulas are therefore the sons of 
Vulcan, as the others are of Sol,^ Mercurius, and Terra [90]. 

The Agnikulas are the Pramara, the Parihara, the Chalukya 
or Solanki, and the Chauhan.^ 

That these races, the sons of Agni, were but regenerated, and 
converted by the Brahm'ans to fight their battles, the clearest 
interpretations of their allegorical history will disclose ; and, 

' [See a list in Census Report, Rajputana, 1911, i. 255.] 
^ There is a captivating elegance thrown around the theogonies of Greece 
and Rome, which we fail to impart to the Hindu ; though that elegant 
scholar. Sir Wilham Jones, could make even Sanskrit literature fascinating ; 
and that it merits the attempt intrinsically, we may infer from the charm 
it possesses to the learned chieftain of Rajasthan. That it is perfectly 
analogous to the Greek and Roman, we have but to translate the names to 
show. For instance : — 

Sol XT. 



(Lux) . . Atri. 


(Uranus) . Samudra (Oceanus). 

Vaivaswata or Surya 

(Sol) . . Soma, or Ind (Luna ; qu. Lunus ?). 

Vaivaswa Manu 

(Fihus Soils) Brihaspati (Jupiter). 

Ha . . . . 

(Terra) . Budha (Mercurius). 

^ [Hoernle {JRAS, 1905, p. 20) believes that the Pariharas were the only 
sept which claimed fire-origin before Chand (flor. a.d. 1191). But a legend 
of the kind was current in South India in the second century a.d. {IA, 
xxxiv. 263).] 


as the most ancient of their inscriptions are in the Pali character, 
discovered wherever the Buddhist rehgion prevailed, their being 
declared of the race of Tasta or Takshak,^ warrants our asserting 
the Agnikulas to be of this same race, which invaded India about 
two centuries before Christ. It was about this period that 
Parsvanatha the twenty-third Buddha,^ appeared in India ; his 
symbol, the serpent. The legend of the snake (Takshak) escap- 
ing wife the celebrated work Pingala, which was recovered by 
Garuda, the eagle of Krishna, is purely allegorical ; and descrip- 
tive of the contentions between the followers of Parswanatha, 
figured under his emblem, the snake, and those of Krishna, 
depicted under his sign, the eagle. 

The worshippers of Surya probably recovered their power on 
the exterminating civil wars of the Lunar races, but the creation 
of the Agnikulas is expressly stated to be for the preservation of 
the altars of Bal, or Iswara, against the Daityas, or Atheists. 

The ijelebrated Abu, or Arbuda, the Olympus of Rajasthan, 
was tlic scene of contention between the mmisters of Surya and 
these Titans, and their relation might, with the aid of imagination, 
be equally amusing with the Titanic war of the ancient poets of 
the west [91]. The Buddhists claim it for Adinath, their first 
Buddlia ; the Brahmans for Iswara, or, as the local divinity styled 
Achaleswara.* The Agnikunda is still shown on the summit of 
Abu, where the four races were created by the Brahmans to fight 
the battles of Achaleswara and polytheism, against the mono- 
theistic Buddhists, represented as tlie serpents or Takshaks. The 
probable period of this conversion has been hinted at ; but of the 

^ Figuratively, ' the serpent.' 

^ To me it appears that there were four distinguished Buddhas or -wise 
men, teachers of monotheism in India, which they brought from Central 
Asia, with their science and its written character, the arrow or nail-headed, 
which I have discovered wherever they have been,— in the deserts of Jaisal- 
mer, in the heart of Rajasthan, and the shores of Saurashtra ; which were 
their nurseries. 

The first Budha is the parent of the Lunar race, a.c. 2250. 
The second (twenty-second of the Jains), Nemnath, a.c. 1120. 
The third (twenty-third do. ), Parsawanath, a.c. 650. 

The fourth (twenty-fourth do. ), Mahivira, A.c. 533. 

[The author confuses Budha, Mercury, with Buddha, the Teacher, and mixes 
up Buddhists with Jains.] 

^ AcJial, ' immovable,' eswara, ' lord.' 


dynasties issuing from the Agnikulas, many of the princes 
professed the Buddhist or Jain faith, to periods so late as the 
Muhammadan invasion. 

The Pramara, though not, as his name implies, the ' chief 
warrior,' was the most potent of the Agnikulas. He sent forth 
thirty-five sakha, or branches, several of whom enjoyed extensive 
sovereignties. ' The world is the Pramar's,' is an ancient saying, 
denoting their extensive sway ; and the Naukot ^ Marusthali 
signified the nine divisions into which the country, from th<» 
Sutlej to the ocean, was partitioned amongst them. 

Maheswar, Dhar, Mandu, Ujjain, Chandrabhaga, Chitor, Abu, 
Chandravati, Mhau Maidana, Parmavati, Umarkot, Bakhar, 
Lodorva, and Patau are the most conspicuous of the cajjitals 
they conquered or founded. 

Though the Pramara family never equalled in wealth the 
famed Solanki princes of Anhilwara, or shone with such lustre as 
the Chauhan, it attained a wider range and an earlier consolida- 
tion of dominion than either, and far excelled in all, the Parihara, 
the last and least of the Agnikulas, which it long held tributary. 

Maheswar, the ancient seat of the Haihaya kings, appears to 
have been the first seat of government of the Pramaras. They 
subsequently founded Dharanagar, and Mandu on the crest of 
the Vindhya hills ; and to them is even attributed the city of 
Ujjain, the first meridian of the Hindus, and the seat of Vikrama. 

There are numerous records of the family, fixing eras in their 
history of more modern times ; and it is to be hoped that the 
interpretation of yet undeciphered inscriptions may carry us 
back beyond the seventh century. 

The era ^ of Bhoj, the son of Munja, has been satisfactorily 
settled ; and an [92] inscription * in the nail-headed character, 
carries it back a step further,* and elicits an historical fact of 
infinite value, giving the date of the last prince of the Pramaras 
of Chitor, and the consequent accession of the Guhilots. 

^ It extended from the Indus almost to the Jumna, occupying all the 
sandy regions, Naukot, Arbuda or Abu, Dhat, Mandodri, Kheralu, Parkar, 
Lodorva, and Pugal. 

2 See Transactions of the Royal Asiatic Society, vol. i. p. 227. [Raja 
Munja of Malwa reigned a.d. 974-995. The famous Bhoja, his nephew, not 
bis son, 1018-60 (Smith, EHI, 395).] 

3 Which will be given in the Transactions of the Royal Asiatic Society. 
* S. 770, or A.D. 714. 


The Nerbudda was no limit to the power of the Pramaras 
About the very period of the foregoing inscription, Ram Pramar 
held his court in Telingana, and is invested by the Chauhan Bard, 
Chand, with the dignity of paramount sovereign of India, and 
head of a splendid feudal ^ association, whose members became 
independent on his death. The Bard makes this a voluntary act 
of the Pramaras ; but coupled with the Guhilots' violent acquisi- 
tion of Chitor, we may suppose the successor of Ram was unable 
to maintain such supremacy. 

While Hindu literature survives the name of Bhoj Pramara 
and ' the nine gems ' of his court cannot perish ; though it is 
difficult to say which of the three ^ princes of this name is particu- 
larly alluded to, as they all appear to have been patrons of science 

Chandragupta, the supposed opponent of Alexander, was a 
Maurya, and in the sacred genealogies is declared of the race of 
Takshak. The ancient inscriptions of the Pramars, of which the 
Maurya is a principal branch, declare it of the race of Tasta and 
Takshak, as does that now given from the seat of their power, Chitor.^ 

Salivahana, the conqueror of Vikramaditya, was a Takshak, 
and his era set aside that of the Tuar in the Deccan. 

Not one remnant of independence exists to mark the greatness 
of the Pramaras : ruins are the sole records of their power. The 

1 " When the Pramar of Tilang took sanctuary with Har, to the thirty- 
six tribes he made gifts of land. To Kehar he gave Katehr, to Rae Pahar 
the coast of Sind, to the heroes of the shell the forest lands. Ram Pramar 
of Tilang, the Chal<ravartin lord of Uj jain, made the gift. He bestowed Delhi 
on the Tuars, and Patan on the Chawaras ; Sambhar on the Chauhans, and 
Kanauj on the Kamdliuj ; Mardes on the Parihar, Sorath on the Jadon, the 
Deccan on Jawala, and Cutch on the Charan '' (Poems of Chand). [This is 
an invention of the courtly bard.] 

2 The inscrii^tion gives S. 1100 (a.d. 1044) for the third Bhoj : and this 
date agrees with the period assigned to this prince in an ancient Chrono- 
grammatic Catalogue of reigns embracing all the Princes of the name of 
Bhoj, which may therefore be considered authentic. This authority assigns 
S. 631 and 721 (or a.d. 575 and 665) to the first and second Bhoj. 

^ Herbert has a curious story of Chitor being called Taxila ; thence the 
story of the Ranas being sons of Porus. I have an inscription from a temple 
on the Chambal, within the ancient limits of Mewar, which mentions Taksha- 
silanagara, ' the stone fort of the Tak,' but I cannot apply it. The city of 
Toda (Tonk, or properly Tanka) is called in the Chauhan chronicles, Takat- 
pur. [Takshasila, the Taxila of the Greeks, the name meaning ' the hewn 
rock,' or more probably, ' the rock of Taksha,' the Naga king, is the modern 
Shahderi in the Rawalpindi District, Panjab (IGI, xxii. 200 f.).] 


prince of Dhat,^ in the Indian [93] desert, is the last phantom of 
royalty of the race ; and the descendant of the prince who pro- 
tected Humayun, when driven from the throne of Tin\ur, in 
whose capital, Umarkot, the great Akbar was born, is at the foot 
of fortune's ladder ; his throne in the desert, the footstool of the 
Baloeh, on whose bounty he is dependent for support. 

Among the thirty-five sakha of the Pramaras the Vihal was 
eminent, the princes of which line appear to have been lords of 
Chandravati, at the foot of the Aravalli. The Rao of Bijolia, 
one of the sixteen superior nobles of the Rana's court, is a Pramara 
of the ancient stock of Dhar, and perhaps its most respectable 

Thirty-Five Sakha of the Pramaras 

Mori [or Mauryn]. — Of which was Chandragupta, and the 
princes of Chitor prior to the Guhilot. 

Sodha. — Sogdoi of Alexander, the princes of Dhat in the 
Indian desert. 

Sankhla. — Chiefs of Pugal, and in Marwar. 

Khair. — Capital Khairalu. 

Umra and Suinra. — Anciently in the desert, nowMuhammadans. 

Vihal, or Bihal. — Princes of Chandravati. 

Mepawat. — Present chief of Bijolia in Mewar. 

Balhar. — Northern desert. 

Kaba. — Celebrated in Saui-ashtra in ancient times, a few yet 
in Sirohi. 

Vmata. — The princes of Umatwara in Malwa, there established 
for twelve generations. Umatwara is the largest tract left to 
the Pramaras. Since the war in 1817, being under the British 
interference, they cannot be called independent. 



Dhunda . • . • \ Girasia petty chiefs in Malwa. 


Harer^ . . . ' 

^ Of the Sodha tribe, a grand division of the Pramaras, and who held all 
the desert regions in remote times. Their subdivisions, Umra and Sumra, 
gave the names to Umarkot and Umrasumra, in which was the insular Bakhar, 
on the Indus : so that we do not misapply etymology, when we say in Sodha 
we have the Sogdoi of Alexander. " 

2 [For a different list see Census Report MaJ2nitana, 1911, i. 255.] 


Besides others unknown ; as Chaonda, Khejar, Sagra, Barkota, 
Puni, Sampal, Bhiba, Kalpusar, Kalmoh, KohiJa, Papa, Kahoria, 
Dhand, Deba, Barhar, Jipra, Posra, Dhunta, Rikamva, and 
Taika. Many of these are proselytes to Islamism, and several 
beyond the Indus [94]. 

Chahuman or Chauhan. — On this race so much has been said 
elsewhere,^ that it would be superfluous to give more than a 
rapid sketch of them here. 

This is the most vahant of the Agnikulas, and it niay be 
asserted not of them only, but of the whole Rajput race. Actions 
may be recorded of the greater part of each of the Chhattis-kula, 
which would yield to none in the ample and varied pages of 
history ; and though the ' Talwar Rathoran ' would be ready to 
contest the point, impartial decision, with a knowledge of their 
respective merits, must assign to the Chauhan the van in the 
long career of arms. 

Its branches (sakha) have maintained all the vigour of the 
original stem ; and the Haras, the Khichis, the Deoras, the 
Sonigiras, and others of the twenty-four, have their names 
immortalised in the song of the bard. 

The derivation of Chauhan is coeval vnth his fabulous birth : 
'the four-handed warrior' {Chatur-bhuja Chatur-bahu Vira). 
All failed when sent against the demons, but the Chauhan, the 
last creation of the Brahmans to fight their battles against 

A short extract may be acceptable fi-om the original respecting 
the birth of the Chauhan, to guard the rites of our Indian Jove 
on this Olympus, the sacred Abu : " the Guru of mountains, like 
Sumer or Kailas, which Achaleswara made his abode. Fast but 
one day on its summit, and your sins will be forgiven ; reside 
there for a year, and you may become the preceptor of mankind." 

The Agnikunda Fire-pit. — Notwithstanding the sanctity of 
Abu, and the little temptation to disturb the anchorites of Bal, 
" the Munis, who passed their time in devotion, whom desire 
never approached, who drew support from the cow, from roots, 
fruits, and flowers," yet did the Daityas, envying their felicity, 
render the sacrifice impure, and stop in transit the share of the 
gods. " The Brahmans dug' the pit for burnt-sacrifice to the 

^ See Traiisactions of the Royal Asiatic Society, vol. i. p. 133, ' Comments 
on a Sanskrit Inscription.' ^ 


south-west (nairrit) ; but the demons ^ raised storms which 
darkened the air and filled it with clouds of sand, showering 
ordure, blood, bones and flesh, with every imjijurity, on their 
rites. Their penance was of no avail." 

Again they kindled the sacred fire ; and the priests, assembling 
round the Agnikunda,^ prayed for aid to Mahadeo [95]. " From 
the fire-fountain a figure issued forth, but he had not a warrior's 
mien. The Brahmans placed him as guardian of the gate, and 
thence his name, Prithivi-dwara.* A second issued forth, and 
being formed in the palm (challu) of the hand was named Chalukya. 
A third appeared and was named Pramara.* He had the blessing 
of the Rishis, and with the others went against the demons, but 
they did not prevail. Again Vasishtha,* seated on the lotus, 
prepared incantations ; again he called the gods to aid : and, as 
he poured forth the libation, a figure arose, lofty in stature, of 
elevated front, hair like jet, eyes rolling, breast expanded, fierce, 
terrific, clad in armour, quiver filled, a bow in one hand and a 
brand in the other, quadriform (Chaturanga),^ whence his name, 

" Vasishtha prayed that his hope ' might be at length fulfilled, 
as the Chauhan was despatched against the demons. Sakti-devi * 
on her lion, armed with the trident, descended, and bestowed her 
blessing on the Chauhan, and as Asapurna, or Kalika, promised 
always to hear his prayer. He went against the demons ; their 
leaders he slew. The rest fled, nor halted till they reached the 
depths of hell. Anhal slew the demons. The Brahmans were 
made happy ; and of his race was Prithwiraja." ^ 

^ Asura-Daitya, which Titans were either the aboriginal Bhils or tlie 
Scythic hordes. 

- I have visited this classic spot in Hindu mythology. An image of 
Adipal (the ' first-created '), in marble, still adorns its embankment, and is 
a piece of very fine sculpture. It was too sacred a relic to remove. 

^ ' Portal or door (dwar) of the earth ' ; contracted to Prithihara and 
Parihara. * ' The first striker.' 

^ [In the Hara version of the legend the presiding priest is Visvamitra.] 

^ Clmtur ; anga, ' body ' [chaturbdh^i']. 

' Asa, ' hope,' puma, to ' fulfil ' ; whence the tutelary goddess of the 
Chauhan race, Asapurna. 

^ The goddess of energy (Sakti). 

^ [Cunningham points out that in the original story only the Chauhan 
was created from the fire-pit, the reference to other clans being a later addi- 
tion (ASR, ii. 255).] 

VOL. I 1 


The genealogical tree of the Chauhans exhibits thirty-nine 
princes, from Anhal, the first created Chauhan, to Prithwiraja, 
the last of the Hindu emperors of India.^ But whether the chain 
is entire we cannot say. The inference is decidedly against its 
being so ; for this creation or regeneration is assigned to an age 
centuries anterior to Vikramaditya : and we may safely state 
these converts to be of the Takshak race, invaders of India ut a 
very early period. 

Ajaipal is a name celebrated in the Chauhan chronicles, as the 
founder of the fortress of Ajmer, one of the earliest establishments 
of Chauhan power. ^ 

Sambhar,^ on the banks of the extensive salt lake of the same 
name, was probably anterior to Ajmer, and yielded an epithet 
to the princes of this race, who [96] were styled Sambhari Rao. 
These continued to be the most important places of Chauhan 
power, until the translation of Prithwiraja to the imperial throne 
of Delhi threw a parting halo of splendour over the last of its 
independent kings. There were several princes whose actions 
emblazon the history of the Chauhans. Of these was Manika 
Rae, who first opposed the progress of the Muhammadan arms. 
Even the history of the conquerors records that the most obstinate 
opposition which the arms of Mahmud of Ghazni encountered 
was from the prince of Ajmer,* who forced him to retreat, foiled 
and disgraced, from this celebrated stronghold, in his destructive 
route to Saurashtra. 

The attack on Manika Rae appears to have been by Kasim, the 
general of Walid, on the close of the first century of the Hegira.' 
The second attack was at the end of the fourth century. A third 
was (luring the reign of Bisaladeva, who headed a grand con- 

^ Born in S. 1215, or a.d. 1159. [Anhala or Agnipala is here the head of 
the Chauhan line ; but a different list appears in the Hammira Maha- 
kavya of Nayachhandra Suri (I A, viii. 55 ff.).] 

" [Ajmer is commonly said to have been founded by Raja Aja, a.d. 145. 
It was founded by Ajayadeva Chauhan about a.d. 1100 {lA, xxv. 162 f.).] 

' A name derived from the goddess Sakambhari, the tutelar^' divinity of 
the tribes, whose statue is in the middle of the lake. 

* Dharma Dhiraj, father of Bisaladeva, must have been the defender on 
this occasion. 

^ [Muhammad bin Kasim seems to have marched along the Indus valley, 
not in the direction of Ajmer (Malik Muhammad Din, Bcihawalpur Gazet- 
teer, i. 28).] 


federacy of the Rajput princes against the foes of their religion. 
The celebrated Udayaditya Pramar is enumerated amongst the 
chiefs acting in subserviency to the Chauhan prince on this 
occasion, and as his death has been fixed by unerring records in 
A.D. 1096, this combination must have been against the Islamite 
king Maudud, the fourth from Mahmud ; and to this victory is the 
allusion in the inscription on the ancient pillar of Delhi.^ But 
these irruptions continued to the captivity and death of the last 
of the Chauhans, whose reign exhibits a splendid picture of 
feudal manners. 

The Chauhans sent forth twenty-four branches, of whom the 
most celebrated are the existing families of Bundi and Kotah, in 
the division termed Haravati. They have well maintained the 
Chauhan reputation for valour. Six princely brothers shed their 
blood in one field, in the support of the aged Shah Jahan against his 
rebellious son Aurangzeb, and of the six but one survived his wounds. 

The Khichis ^ of Gagraun and Raghugarh, the Deoras of Sirohi, 
the Sonigiras of Jalor, the Chauhans of Sui Bah and Sanchor, and 
the Pawechas of Pawagarh, have all immortalized themselves by 
the most heroic and devoted deeds. Most of these famihes yet 
exist, brave as in the days of Prithwiraja. 

Many chiefs of the Chauhan race abandoned their faith to 
preserve their lands, the Kaimkhani,^ the Sarwanis, the Lowanis, 
the Kararwanis, and the Bedwanas [97], chiefly residing in Shaik- 
havati, are the most conspicuous. No less than twelve petty 
princes thus deserted their faith : which, however, is not contrary 
to the Rajput creed ; for even Manu says, they may part with 
wife to preserve their land. Isaridas, nephew of Prithwiraja, was 
the first who set this example. 

Twenty-four Sakha of the Chauhans. — Chauhan, Hara, Khichi, 
Sonigira, Deora, Pabia, Sanchora, Goelwal, Bhadauria, Nirwan, 
Malani, Purbia, Sura, Madrecha, Sankrecha, Bhurecha, Balecha, 
Tasera, Chachera, Rosia, Chanda, Nikumbha, Bhawar, and 

^ [This is doubtful. Maudud seems to have not come further south 
than Sialkot (Al Badaoni, Muntakhabu-t-tawdrilch, i. 49 ; EIIiot-Dowson 
ii. 273, iv. 139 f., 199 f., v. 160 f.)-] 

^ [The author has barely noticed the Khichis ; for an account of them 
see ASR, ii. 249 ff.] ^ About Fatehp ir Jhunjhunu. 

* [For a different Ust see Rajputana Censiis Report, 1911, i. 255.] 


Chalukya or Solanki. — Though we cannot trace the history of 
this branch of the Agnikulas to such periods of antiquity as the 
Pramara or Chauhan, it is from the deficiency of materials, rather 
than any want of celebrity, that we are unable to place it, in this 
respect, on a level with them. The tradition of the bard makes 
the Solankis important as princes of Sura on the Ganges, ere 
the Rathors obtained Kanauj.^ The genealogical test^ claims 
Lohkot, said to be the ancient Lahore, as a residence, which 
makes them of the same Sakha (Madhwani) as the Chauhans. 
Certain it is, that in the eighth century we find the Langahas ' 
and Togras inhabiting Multan and the surrounding country, the 
chief opponents of the Bhattis on their establishment in the 
desert. They were princes of Kalyan, on the Malabar coast,* 
which city still exhibits vestiges of ancient grandeur. It was 
from Kalyan that a scion of the Solanki tree was taken, and 
engrafted on the royal stem of the Chawaras of Anhilwara Patan. 

It was in S. 987 (a.d. 931) that Bhojraj, the last of the Chawa- 
ras, and the Salic law of India were both set aside, to make way 
for the young Solanki, Mulraj,* who ruled Anhilwara for the space 
of fifty-eight years. During the reign of his son and successor, 
Chamimd Rae,*^ Mahmud of Ghazni carried his desolatiag arms into 
the kingdom of Anhilwara. With its wealth he raised those [98] 
magnificent trophies of his conquest, among which the ' Celestial 

^ [The Chalukya is a Gurjara tribe, the name being the Sanskritized form 
of the old dynastic title, Chalkya, of the Deccan dynasty (a.d. 552—973) ; and 
of this Solanki is a dialectical variant {lA, xi. 24 ; BG, i. Part i. 156, Part ii. 

2 Solanki Gotracharya is thus: ''Madhwani Sakha — Bharadwaja 
Gotra — Garh Lohkot nikas — Sarasvati Nadi (river) — Sama Veda — Kapalis- 
war Deva — Karduman Rikheswar — Tin Parwar Zunar (zone of three threads) 
— -Keonj Devi — Mahipal Putra (one of the Penates)." [Lohkot is Lohara 
in Kashmir (Stein, Bajatarangini, i. Introd. 108, ii. 293 ff.)-] 

* Called Malkhani, being the sons of Mai Khan, the first apostate from 
his faith to Islamism. Whether these branches of the Solankis were com- 
pelled to quit their religion, or did it voluntarily, we know not. 

* Near Bombay. [In Thana District, not Malabar coast.] 

^ Son of Jai Singh Solanki, the emigrant prince of Kalyan, who married 
the daughter of Bhojraj. These particulars are taken from a valuable little 
geographical and historical treatise, incomplete and without title. [Mul- 
araja Chaulnkya, a.d. 961—96, was son of Bhubhata : Chamunda, a.d. 997- 
1010 ; it was in the reign of Bhima I. (1022-64) that Mahmiid's invasion in 
A.D. 1024 occurred {BG, i. Part i. 156 ff. 164).] 

* ('ailed Chamund by Muhammadan historians. 


Bride ' might have vied with anything ever erected by man as 
a monument of folly .^ The wealth abstracted, as reported in 
the liistory of the conquerors, by this scourge of India, though 
deemed incredible, would obtain belief, if the commercial riches 
of Anhilwara could be appreciated. It was to India what Venice 
was to Europe, the entrepot of the products of both the eastern 
and western hemispheres. It fully recovered the shock given by 
Mahmud and the desultory wars of his successors ; and we find 
Siddharaja Jayasingha,^ the seventh from the founder, at the 
head of the richest, if not the most warlike, kingdom of India. 
Two-and-twenty principalities at one time owned his power, from 
the Carnatic to the base of the Himalaya Mountains ; but his 
unwise successor drew upon himself the vengeance of the Chauhan, 
PrithAviraja, a slip of which race was engrafted, in the person of 
Kumarapala, on the genealogical tree of the Solankis ; * and it is 
a curious fact that this dynasty of the Balakaraes alone gives us 
two examples of the Salic law of India being violated. Kumara- 
pala, installed on the throne of Anhilwara, ' tied round his head 
the turban of the Solanki.' He became of the tribe into which 
he was adopted. Kumarapala, as well as Siddharaja, was the 
patron of Buddhism ; * and the monuments erected under them 
and their successors claim our admiration, from their magnificence 
and the perfection of the arts ; for at no period were they more 
cultivated than at the courts of AnhUwara. 

The lieutenants of Shihabu-d-din disturbed the close of Kumara- 
pal's reign ; and his successor, Balo Muldeo, closed this dynasty 
in S. 1284 (a.d. 1228), when a new dynasty, called the Vaghela 
(descendants of Siddharaja) under BIsaldeo, succeeded.^ The 
dilapidations from religious persecution were repaired ; Somnath, 
renowned as Delphos of old, rose from its ruins, and the kingdom 

1 [Ferishta i. 61.] 

2 He ruled from S. 1150 to 1201 [a.d. 1094-1143]. It was his court that 
was visited by EI Edrisi, commonly called the Nubian geographer, who 
particularly describes this ijrince as following the tenets of Buddha. [He 
was probably not a Jain {BG, i. Part i. 179).] 

* [The Gujarat account of the campaign is different (BG, i. Part i. 184 f.).] 

* [Kumarapala made many benefactions to the Jains {Ibid. i. Part i. 
190 f.).] 

* [Ajayapala succeeded Kumarapala. BhimaIl.(A.D. 1179-1242), called 
Bholo, ' the simpleton,' was the last of the Ghaulukya dynasty, which was 
succeeded by that of the \'aghelas (1219-1304). Visaladeva reigned a.d. 
1243-61. See a full account. Ibid. 194 ff.] 


of the Balakaraes was attaining its pristine magnificence, when, 
under the fourth prince, Karandeva, the angel of destruction 
appeared in the shape of Alau-d-din, and the kingdom of Anhilw^ra 
was annihilated. The lieutenants of the Tatar despot of Delhi 
let loose the spirit of intolerance and avarice on the rich cities 
and fertile plains of Gujarat and Saurashtra. In contempt of 
their faith, the altar of an Islamite Darvesh was placed in contact 
with the shrine of Adinath, on the [99] most accessible of their 
sacred mounts : ^ the statues of Buddha [the Jain Tirthankaras] 
were thrown down, and the books containing the mysteries of 
their faith suffered the same fate as the Alexandrian library. 
The walls of Anhilwara were demolished ; its foundations ex- 
cavated, and again filled up with the fragments of their ancient 

The remnants of the Solanki dynasty were scattered over the 
land, and this portion of India remained for upwards of a century 
without any paramount head, until, by a singular dispensation 
of Providence, its splendour was renovated, and its foundations 
rebuilt, by an adventurer of the same race from which the Agni- 
kulas were originally converts, though Saharan the Tak hid his 
name and his tribe under his new epithet of Zafar Khan, and as 
Muzaffar ascended the throne of Gujarat, which he left to his son. 
This son was Ahmad, who founded Ahmadabad, whose most 
splendid edifices were built from the ancient cities around it.* 

Baghels. — Though the stem of the Solankis was thus uprooted, 
yet was it not before many of its branches (Sakha), like their own 
indigenous bar-tree, had fixed themselves in other soils. The 
most conspicuous of these is the Baghela * family, which gave its 

1 Satranjaya. [IGI, xix. 361 ff.] 

^ In 1822 I made a journey to explore the remains of antiquity in Sau- 
rashtra. I discovered a ruined suburb of the ancient Patan stil] bearing the 
name of Anhilwara, the Nahrwara, which D'Anville had "fort a cceur de 
retrouver." I meditate a separate account of this kingdom, and the 
dynasties which governed it. 

* [Zafar Khan, son of Saharan of the Tank tribe of Rajputs, embraced 
Islam, and became viceroy of Gujarat. According to Ferishta, he threw 
off his allegiance to Delhi in 1396, or rather maintained a nominal allegiance 
till 1403. Ahmad was grandson, not son, of Muzaffar. (Ferishta iv. 2 f. ; 
Bayley, Dynasties of Gujarat, 67 ff. ; BG, i. Part i. 232 f.).] 

* The name of this subdivision is from Bagh Rao, the son of Siddharaja ; 
though the bards have another tradition for its origin. [They take their 
name from the village Vaghela near Anhilwara {BG, i. Part i. 198).] 


name to an entire division of Hindustan ; and Bagtielkhand lias 
now been ruled for many centuries by the descendants of Siddha- 

Besides Bandhugarh, tliere are minor cliieftainsliips still in 
Gujarat of the Baghela tribe. Of these, Pethapur and Tharad 
are the most conspicuous. One of the chieftains of the second 
class in Mewar is a Solanki, and traces his line immediately from 
Siddharaja : this is the chief of Rupnagar,^ whose stronghold com- 
mands one of the passes leading to Marwar, and whose family 
annals would furnish a fine picture of the state of border-feuds. 
Few of them, till of late years, have died natural deaths. 

The Solanki is divided into sixteen branches [100]. 

1. Baghela — Raja of Baghelkhand (capital Bandhugarh), 

Raos of Pitapur, Tharad, and Adalaj, etc. 

2. Birpura — Rao of Lunawara. 

3. Bahala — Kalyanpur in Mewar, styled Rao, but serving 

the chief of Salumbar. 

' ^ , ^ , oil" Baru, Tekra, and Chahir, in Jaisalmer. 

5. Kalacha ^ J 

6. Langaha — ^Muslims about Multan. 

7. Togra— -Muslims in the Panjnad. 

8. Brika — ,, „ 

9. Surki — In Deccan. 

10. Sarwaria ' — Girnar in Saurashtra. 

11. Raka — Toda in Jaipur. 

12. Ranakia — Desuri in Mewar. 

13. Kharara — Alota and Jawara, in Malwa. 

14. Tantia — Chandbhar Sakanbari.* 

15. Almecha — No land. 

16. Kalamor — Gujarat.^ 

Pratihara or Parihara. — Of this, the last and least of _the 

^ I knew this chieftain well, and a very good specimen he is of the race. 
He is in possession of the famous war-shell of Jai Singh, which is an heirloom. 
^ Famous robbers in the deserts, known as the Malduts. 
' Celebrated in traditional history. 

* Desperate robbers. I saw this place fired and levelled in 1807, when 
the noted Karim Pindari was made prisoner by Sindhia. It afterwards 
cost some British blood in 1817. 

* [For another list see Census Report, Eajputana, 1911, i. 256.] 


Agnikulas, we have not much to say. The Pariharas never 
acted a conspicuous part in the history of Rajasthan. They are 
always discovered in a subordinate capacity, acting in feudal 
subjection to the Tuars of Delhi or the Chauhans of Aimer ; and 
the brightest page of their history is the record of an abortive 
attemi^t of Nahar Rao to maintain his independence against 
Prithwiraja. Though a failure, it has immortalized his name, 
and given to the scene of action,^ one of the passes of the Aravalli, 
a merited celebrity. Mandor ^ (classically Maddodara) was the 
capital of the Parihars, and was the chief city of Marwar which 
owned the sway of this tribe prior to the invasion and settlement 
of the Rathors. It is placed five miles northward of the modern 
[101] Jodhpur, and preserves some specimens of the ancient Pali 
character, fragments of sculpture and Jain temples. 

The Rathor emigrant princes of Kanauj found an asylum with 
the Parihars. They repaid it by treachery, and Chonda, a name 
celebrated in the Rathor annals, dispossessed the last of the 
Parihars, and pitched the flag of the Rathors on the battlements 
of Mandor. The power of the Parihars had, however, been much 
reduced previously by the princes of Mewar, who not only ab- 
stracted much territory from them, but assumed the title of its 
princes— Rana.^ 

The Parihara is scattered over Rajasthan, but I am unaware 
of the existence of any independent chieftainship there. At the 
confluence of the Kuhari, the Sind, and the Chambal, there is a 
colony of this race, which has given its name to a commune of 
twenty-four villages, besides hamlets, situated amidst the ravines 
of these streams. They were nominally subjects of Sindhia ; 
but it was deemed requisite for the line of defence along the 
Chambal that it should be included within the British demarca- 
tion, by which we incorporated with our rule the most notorious 
body of thieves in the annals of Thug history. 

The Parihars had twelve subdivisions, of which the chief were 

^ Though now desolate, the walls of this fortress attest its antiquity, 
and it is a work that could not be undertaken in this degenerate age. The 
remains of it bring to mind those of Volterra or Cortona, and other ancient 
cities of Tuscany : enormous squared masses of stone without any cement. 
[For a full account of Mandor, see Ersldne iii. ^.196 ff.] 

* This Avas in the thirteenth century [a.d. 1381], whc:i Mandor was cap- 
tured, and its prince slain, by the Rawal of Chitor. 


the Indha and Sindhal : a few of both are still to be found about 
the banks of the Luni.^ 

Chawara or Chaura. — This tribe was once renowned in the 
history of India, though its name is now scarcely kno\^Ti, or only 
in the chronicles of the bard. Of its origin we are in ignorance. 
It belongs neither to the Solar nor Lunar race, and consequently 
v/e iTiay presume it to be of Scythic origin.^ The name is un- 
known in Hindustan, and is confined, with many others originat- 
ing from beyond the Indus, to the peninsula of Saurashtra. If 
foreign to India proper, its establishment must have been at a 
remote period, as we find individuals of it intermarrying with the 
Suryavansa ancestry of the present princes of Mewar, when this 
family were the lords of Valabhi. 

The capital of the Chawaras was the insular Deobandar, on 
the coast of Saurashtra, and the celebrated temple of Sonmath, 
with many others on this coast, dedicated to Balnath, or the sun, 
is attributed to this tribe of the Sauras,* or [102] worshippers of 
the sun ; most probably the generic name of the tribe as well as 
of the peninsula.* 

By a natural catastrophe, or as the Hindu superstitious 
chroniclers will have it, as a punishment for the piracies of the 
prince of Deo, the element whose privilege he abused rose and 
overwhelmed his capital. As all this coast is very low, such an 
occurrence is not improbable ; though the abandonment of Deo 
might have been compelled by the irruptions of the Arabians, 
who at this period carried on a trade with these parts, and the 
plunder of some of their vessels may have brought this punisli- 
meut on the Chawaras. That it was owing to some such political 

^ [Six sub-clans are named in Census Report, Bajputana, 1911, i. 255.] 

" [They have been supposed to be a branch of the Pramars, but they arc 
certainly of Gurjara origin {IA,\y. 145 f. ; BG,i^. Parti. 124, 488 f. ; i. Parti. 
149 ff.). According to Wilberforce-Bell, the word Chaura in Gujarat means 
' robber ' {History of Katliiawad, 51).] 

' The "ZvpoL of the Greek writers on Bactria, the boundary of the Bactrian 
kingdom under ApoUodotus. On this see the paper on Grecian medals in 
the Transactions of the Royal Asiatic Society, vol. i. 

* Many of the inhabitants of the south and west of India cannot pro- 
nounce the ch, and invariably substitute the s. Thus the noted Pindari 
leader Chitu was always called Situ by the Deccanis. Again, with many 
of the tribes of the desert, the s is alike a stumbHng-block, which causes 
many singular mistakes, when Jaisalmer, the ' hill of Jaisal,' becomes 
Jahlmer, ' the hiU of fools.' 


catastrophe, we have additional gxounds for beh'ef from the annals 
of Mewar, which state that its princes inducted the Chawaras into 
the seats of the power they abandoned on the continent and penin- 
sula of Saurashtra. 

At all events, the prince of Deo laid the foundation of Anhil- 
wara Patan in S. 802 (a.d. 74.6), which henceforth became the 
capital city of this portion of India, in lieu of Valabhipura, which 
gave the title of Balakaraes to its princes, the Balhara of the 
earlier Arabian travellers, and following them, the geographers 
of Europe. "^ 

Vana Raja (or, in the dialects, Banraj) was this founder, and 
his dynasty ruled for one hundred and eighty-four years, when, 
as related in the sketch of the Solanki tribe, Bhojraj, the seventh 
from the founder, was deposed by his nephew.^ It was during 
this dynasty that the Arabian travellers ^ visited this court, of 
which they have left but a confused picture. We are not, how- 
ever, altogether in darkness regarding the Chawara race, as in 
the Khuman Raesa, one of the chronicles of Mewar, mention 
is made of the auxiliaries under a leader named Chatansi, in 
the defence of Chitor against the first attack on record of the 
Muhammadans . 

When Mahmud of Ghazni invaded Saurashtra and captured 
its capital, Anhilwara, he deposed its jDrince, and placed upon the 
throne, according to Ferishta, a prince of the former dynasty, 
renowned for his ancient line and purity of blood, and who is 
styled Dabichalima ; a name which has jiuzzled all European 
commentators. Now the Dabhi was a celebrated tribe, said by 
some to be a branch of the [103] Chawara, and this therefore may 
be a compound of Dabhi Chawara, or the Chaurasima, by some 
called a branch of the ancient Yadus.* 

^ [The Balhara of Arab travellers of the tenth century were the Rash- 
trakuta dynasty of Malkhed, Balhara teing a corruption of Vallabha- 
raja, Vallabha being the royal title {BG, i. Part ii. 209).] 

^ [Vanaraja reigned from a.d. 765 to 780, and the dynasty is said to have 
lasted 196 years, but the evidence is still incomplete. The name of Bhojraj 
does not appear in the most recent lists [BG, i. Part i. 152 ff.).] 

^ Relations anciennes des Voyageurs, par Renaudot. 

* [The true form of this puzzling term seems to be Dabshalim, whose 
story is told in EUiot-Dowson (ii. 500 ff., iv. 183). Much of the account is 
mere tradition, but it has been plausibly suggested that when Bhima I., the 
Chaulukya king of Anhilwara was defeated by Mahmud of Ghazni in a.d. 


This ancient connexion between the Surya\ansi cliiefs and the 
Chawaras, or Sauras, of Saurashtra, is still maintained after a 
lapse of more than one thousand years ; for although an alliance 
with the Rana's family is deemed the highest honour that a Hindu 
prince can obtain, as being the first in rank in Rajasthan, yet is 
the humble Chawara sought out, even at the foot of fortune's 
ladder, whence to carry on the blood of Rama. The present 
heir-apparent of a line of ' one hundred kings,' the prince Jawan 
Singh [1828-38], is the offspring of a Chawara mother, the daughter 
of a petty chieftain of Gujarat. 

It were vain to give any account of the present stale of the 
families bearing this name. They must depend upon the fame 
of past days ; to this we leave them. 

Tak or Takshak. — Takshak appears to be the generic term of 
the race from which the various Scythic tribes, the early invaders 
of India, branched off. It appears of more ancient application 
than Getae, which was the parent of innumerable sakha. It 
might not be judicious to separate them, though it would be 
speculative to say which was the primitive title of the races called 
Scythic, after their country, Sakatai or Sakadwipa, the land of 
the great Getae. 

Abulghazi makes Taunak^ the son of Turk or Targetai, who 
appears to be the Turushka of the Puranas, the Tukyuks of the 
Chinese historians, the nomadic Tokhari of Strabo, who aided to 
overturn the Greek kingdom of Bactria, and gave their name to 

1024, the latter may have appointed Durlabha, uncle of Bhima, to keep 
order in Gujarat, and that the two Dabshalims may be identified with 
Durlabha and his son [BG, i. Part i. 168). Also see Ferishta i. 76 ; Bayley, 
Muhammadan Dynasties of Gujarat, 32 ff.] 

^ Abulghazi [Hist, of the Turks, Moguls, and Tartars, 1730, i. 5 f .] says, 
when Noah left the ark he divided the earth amongst his three sons : Shem 
had Iran : Japhet, the country of ' Kuttup Shamach,' the name of the 
regions between the Caspian Sea and India. There he Hved two hundred 
and fifty years. He left eight sons, of whom Turk was the elder and the 
seventh Camari, supposed the Gomer of Scripture. Turk had four sons ; 
the eldest of whom was Taunak, the fourth from whom was Mogul, a cor- 
ruption of Mongol, signifying sad, whose successors made the Jaxartes their 
winter abode. [The word means ' brave ' (Howorth, Hist, of the Mongols, 
i. 27).] Under his reign no trace of the true rehgion remained : idolatry 
reigned everywhere. Aghuz Khan succeeded. The ancient Cimbri, who 
went west with Odin's horde of Jats, Chattis, and Su , were probably the tribes 
descended from Camari, the son of Turk. 


the grand division of Asia, Tokharistan ^ or Turkistan : and there 
is every appearance of that singular race, tlie Tajik,* still 
scattered over these [104] regions, and whose history appears a 
mystery, being the descendants of the Takshak. 

It has been already observed, that ancient inscriptions in t)ie 
Pali or Buddhist character have been discovered in various parts 
of Rajasthan, of the race called Tasta, Takshak, and Tak, relating 
to the tribes, the Mori [or Maurya], Pramara, their descendants. 
Naga and Takshak are synonymous appellations in Sanskrit for 
the snake, and the Takshak is the celebrated Nagvansa of the 
early heroic history of India. The Mahabharata describes^ in its 
usual allegorical style, the wars between the Pandavas of Indra- 
prastha and the Takshaks of the north. The assassination of 
Parikshita by the Takshak, and the exterminating warfare carried 
on against them by his son and successor, Janamejaya, who at 
last compelled them to sign tributary engagements, divested of 
its allegory,' is plain historical fact. 

^ Tacash continued to be a proper name with the great Khans of 
Kharizm (Chorasmia) until they adopted the faith of Muhammad. The 
father of Jala], the foe of Jenghiz Khan, was named Tacash. Tashkent on 
the .Jaxartes, the cajDital of Turkistan, may be derived from the name of the 
race. Bayer says, " Tocharistan was the region of the Tochari, who were 
• the ancient Tijxapoi (Tochari), or Taxcipot(TachaA'oi)." Amraianus Marcellinus 
says, " many nations obey the Bactrians, whom the Tochari surjoass " 
(Hist. Beg. Bad. p. 7). 

^ This singular race, the Tajiks, are repeatedly mentioned by Mr. Elpliin- 
stone in his admirable account of the kingdom of Kabul. They are also 
particularly noticed as monopoHsing the commercial transactions of the 
kingdom of Bokhara, in that interesting work. Voyage (TOrenbourg a Bokhara, 
the map accompanying whicli, for the first time, lays down authentically the 
sources and course of the Oxus and Jaxartes. [The term Tajik means the 
settled population, as opposed to the Turks or tent-dM'ellers. It is the same 
word as Tazi, ' Arab,' still surviving in the name of the Persian greyhound, 
which was apparently introduced by the Arabs. Sykes (Hist, of Persia, ii. 
153, note) and Skrine-Ross {The Heart of Asia, 3, 364 note) state that the 
Tajiks represent the Iranian branch of the Aryans.] 

3 The Mahabharata describes this warfare against the snakes literally : 
of which, in one attack, he seized and made a burnt-oft'ering (hom) of twenty 
thousand. It is surprising that the Hindu will accept these things hterally. 
It might be said he had but a choice of difficulties, and that it would be as 
impossible for any human being to make the barbarous sacrifice of twenty 
thousand of his species, as it would be difficult to find twenty thousand 
snakes for the purpose. The author's knowledge of what barbarity will 
inflict leaves the fact of the human sacrifice, though not perhaps to this 
extent, not even improbable. In 1811 his duties called him to a survey 


When Alexander invaded India, he found the Paraitakai, the 
mountain (pahar) Tak, inhabiting the Paropamisos range ; nor 
is it by any means unlikely that Taxiles,^ the ally of the Mace- 
donian king, was the chief (es) of the Taks ; and in the early 
history of the Bhatti princes of Jaisalmer, when driven from 
Zabulistan, they dispossessed the Taks on the Indus, and estab- 
lished themselves in their land, the capital of which was called 
Salivahanpura ; and as the date of this event is given as 3008 of 
the Yudhishthira era, it is by no means unlikely that Salivahana, 
or Salbhan (who was a Takshak), the conqueror of the Tuar 
Vikrama, was of the very family dispossessed by the Bhattis, 
who compelled them to migrate to the south. 

The calculated period of the invasion of the Takshaks, or 
. Nagvansa, under Sheshnag, is about six or seven centuries before 
the Christian era, at which very [105] period the Scythic invasion 
of Egypt and Syria, " by the sons of Togarmah riding on horses " 
(the Aswas, or Asi), is alike recorded by tlie prophet Ezekiel and 
Diodorus. The Abu Mahatma calls the Takshaks " the sons of 
Himachal," all evincing Scythic descent ; and it was only eight 
reigns anterior to this change in the Lunar dynasties of India, 
that Parsvanath, the twenty-third Buddha [Jain Tirthankara], 
introduced his tenets into India, and fixed his abode in the holy 
mount Sarnet.^ 

amidst the ravines of the Chambal, the tract called Gujargarh, a district 
inhabited by the Gujar tribe. Turbulent and independent, like the sons of 
Esau, their hand against every man and every man's hand against them, 
their nominal prince, SurajmaU, the Jat chief of Bharatpur, pursued exactlj' 
the same plan towards the population of these villages, whom they captured 
in a night attack, that Janamejaya did to the Takshaks : he threw them 
into pits with combustibles, and actually thus consumed them ! This 
occurred not three-quarters of a century ago. 

^ Arrian says that his name was Omphis [Ambhi], and that his father 
dying at this time, he did homage to Alexander, who invested him with the 
title and estates of his father Taxiles. Hence, perhaps (from Tak), the name 
of the Indus, Attak ; [?] not Atak, or ' forbidden,' according to modern 
signification, and which has only been given since the Muhammadan religion 
for a time made it the boundary between the two faiths. [All these specu- 
lations are valueless.] 

2 In Bihar, during the reign of Pradyota, the successor of Ripunjaya. 
Parsva's symbol is the serpent of Takshak. His doctrines spread to the 
remotest parts of India, and the princes of Valabhipura of Ma'ndor and 
Anhilwara all held to the tenets of Buddha. [As usual, Jains are con- 
founded with Buddhists. There is no reason to beheve that the Nagas, a 
serpent-wor.shipping tribe, were not indigenous in India.] 


Enough of the ancient history of the Tak ; we wiU now descend 
to more modern times, on which we shall be brief. We have 
already mentioned the Takshak Mori [or Maurya] as being lords 
of Chitor from a very early period ; and but a few generations 
after the Guhilots supplanted the Moris, this palladium of Hindu 
liberty was assailed by the arms of Islam. We find amongst the 
numerous defenders who appear to have considered the cause of 
Chitor their own, " the Tak from Asirgarh." ^ This race appears to 
liave retained possession of Asir for at least two centuries after this 
event, as its chieftain was one of the most conspicuous leaders in 
the array of Prithwiraja. In the poems of Chand he is called the 
" standard-bearer, Tak of Asir." ^ 

This ancient race, the foe of Janamejaya and the friend of 
Alexander, closed its career in a blaze of splendour. The celeb-, 
rity of the kings of Gujarat will make amends for the obscurity 
of the Taks of modern times, of whom a dynasty of fourteen kings 
followed each other in succession, commencing and ending with 
the proud title of Muzaffar. It was in the reign of Muhammad,^ 
son of the first Tughlak, that an accident to his nephew Firoz 
proved the dawn of the fortunes of the Tak ; purchased, however, 
with the change of name and religion. Saharan the Tak was the 
lirst apostate of his line, who, under the name of Wajihu-1-mulk, 
concealed both his origin and tribe. His son, Zafar Khan, was 
raised by his patron Firoz to the government of Gujarat, about the 
period when Timur invaded India. Zafar availed himself of the 
weakness of his master and the distraction of the times, and 
mounted the throne of Gujarat under the name of [106] Muzaffar.* 
He was assassinated by the hand of his grandson, Ahmad, who 
changed the ancient capital, Anhilwara, for the city founded by 
himself, and called Ahmadabad, one of the most splendid in the 
east. With the apostasy of the Tak,^ the name appears to have 

^ Tliis is the celebrated fortress in Khandesh, now in the possession of the 

2 In the list of the wounded at the battle of Kanauj he is mentioned by 
name, as " Chatto the Tak." ^ He reigned from a.d. 1324 to 1351. 

* 'The victorious' [see p. 118 above]. 

'' Tlie Miratu-l-Sikandari gives the ancestry of the apostate for twenty- 
three generations ; the last of whom was Sesh, the same which introduced 
the Nagvansa, seven centuries before the Christian era, into India. The 
author of the work gives the origin of the name of Tak, or Tank, frojn tarka, 
' expulsion,' from his caste, which he styles Khatri, evincing his ignorance of 
this ancient race. 


been obliterated from the tribes of Rajasthan ; nor has my 
search ever discovered one of this name now existing. 

Jat, Jat. — In all the ancient catalogues of the thirty-six royal 
races of India the Jat has a place, though by none is he ever 
styled ' Rajput ' ; nor am I aware of any instance of a Rajput's 
intermarriage with a Jat.^ It is a name widely disseminated 
over India, though it does not now occupy a very elevated place 
amongst the inhabitants, belonging chiefly to the agricultural 

In the Panjab they still retain their ancient name of Jat. On 
the Jumna and Ganges they are styled Jats, of whom the chief 
of Bharatpur is the most conspicuous. On the Indus and in 
Saurashtra they are termed Jats. The greater portion of tlie 
husbandmen in Rajasthan are Jats ; and there are numerous 
tribes beyond the Indus, now proselytes to the Muhammadan 
religion, who derive their origin from this class. 

Of its ancient history sufficient has been already said. We 
will merely add, that the kingdom of the great Getae, whose 
capital was on the Jaxartes, preserved its integrity and name 
from the period of Cyrus to the fourteenth century, when it was 
converted from idolatry to the faith of Islam. Herodotus [iv. 
93-4] informs us that the Getae were theists and held the tenet 
of the soul's immortality ; and De Guignes,^ from Chinese authori- 
ties, asserts that at a very early period they had embraced the 
religion of Fo or Buddha. 

The traditions of the Jats claim the regions west of the Indus 
as the cradle of the race, and make them of Yadu extraction ; 
thus corroborating the annals of the Yadus, whieli state their 
migration from Zabulistan, and almost inducing us to [107] dis- 
pense with the descent of this tribe from Krishna, and to pro- 

1 [Thougli apparently there is no legal connubium between Jats and 
Rajputs, the two tribes are closely connected, and it has been suggested 
that both had their origin in invaders from Central Asia, the leaders becoming 
Rajputs, the lower orders Jat peasants. The author, at the close of Vol. II., 
gives an inscription recording the marriage of a Jat with a Yadava princess.] 

^ " The superiority of the Chinese over the Turks caused the great Khan 
to turn his arms against the Nomadic Getae of Mawaru-l-nahr (Transoxiana), 
descended fi-om the Yueh-chi, and bred on the Jihun or Oxus, whence they 
had extended themselves along the Indus and even Ganges, and are there 
yet found. These Getae had embraced the religion of Fo " {Hist. Gen. 
des Huns, tom. i. p. 375). 


nounee it an important colony of the Yueh-chi, Yuti, or Jats. 
Of the first migration from Central Asia of this race within the 
Indus we have no record ; it might have been simultaneous with 
the Takshak, from the wars of Cyrus or his ancestors. 

It has been already remarked that the Jat divided with the 
Takshak the claim of being the parent name of the various tribes 
called Scythic, invaders of India ; and there is now before the 
author an inscription of the fifth century applying both epithets 
to the same prince/ who is invested moreover with the Scythic 
quality of worshipping the sun. It states, likewise, that the 
mother of this Jat prince was of Yadu race : strengthening their 
claims to a niche amongst the thirty-six Rajkulas, as well as their 
Yadu descent. 

The fifth century of the Christian era, to which this inscription 
belongs, is a period of interest in Jat history. De Guignes, from 
original authorities, states the Yueh-chi or Jats to have estab- 
lished themselves in the Panjab in the fifth and sixth centuries, 
and the inscription now quoted applies to a prince whose capital 
is styled Salindrapura in these regions ; and doubtless the Saliva- 
hanpur ^ where the Yadu Bhattis established themselves on the 
expulsion of the Tak. 

'^ " To my foe, salutation ! This foe how shall I describe ? Of the race 
of Jat Kathida, whose ancestor, the warrior Takshak, formed the garland 
on the neck of Mahadeva." Though this is a figurative allusion to the snake 
necklace of the father of creation, yet it evidently pointed to the Jat's 
descent from the Takshak. But enough has been said elsewhere of the 
snake race, the parent of the Scythic tribes, which the divine Milton seems 
to have taken from Diodorus's account of the mother of the Scythae : 
" Woman to the waist, and fair ; 
But ended foul in many a scaly fold ! " 

Paradise Lost, Book ii. 650 f. 

Whether the Jat Kathida is the Jat or Getae of Cathay {da being the mark 
of the genitive case) we will leav^e to conjecture [?]. [Ney Ehas {History 
of the Moghuls of Central Asia, 75) suggests that the theory of the connexion 
between Jats and Getae was largely based on an error regarding the term 
jatah, ' rascal,' apphed as a mark of reproach to the Moguls by the 

^ This place existed in the twelfth century as a capital ; since an in- 
scription of Kamarpal, prince of Anhilwara, declares that this monarch 
carried his conquests " even to Salpur." There is Sialkot in Rennell's 
geography, and Wilford mentions " Sangala, a famous city in ruins, sixty 
miles west by north of Lahore, situated in a forest, and said to be built by 


How much earlier than this the Jat penetrated into Rajasthan 
must be left to more ancient inscriptions to determine : suffice 
it that in a.d. 440 we find him in power. ^ 

When the Yadu was expelled from Salivahanpura, and forced 
to seek refuge [108] across the Sutlej among the Dahia and Johya 
Rajputs of the Indian desiert, where they founded their first 
capital, Derawar, many from compulsion embraced the Muham- 
madan faith ; on which occasion they assumed the name of Jat,^ 
of which at least twenty different offsets are enumerated in the 
Yadu chronicles. 

That the Jats continued as a powerful community on the east 
bank of the Indus and in the Panjab, fully five centuries after 
the period our inscription and their annals illustrate, we have the 
most interesting records in the history of Mahmud, the conqueror 
of India, whose progress they checked in a manner unprecedented 
in the annals of continental warfare. It was in 416 of the Hegira 
(a.d. 1026) that Mahmud marched an army against the Jats, who 
had harassed and insulted him on the return from his last expedi- 
tion against Saurashtra. The interest of the account authorizes 
its being given from the original. 

" The Jats inhabited the country on the borders of Multan, 
along the river that runs by the mountains of Jud.* When 
Mahmud reached Multan, finding the Jat country defended by 
great rivers, he built fifteen hundred boats,* each armed with six 
iron spikes projecting from their prows, to prevent their being 

i At this time (a.d. 449) the Jut brothers, Hengist and Horsa, led a 
colony from Jutland and founded the kingdom of Kent {qu. Kantha, ' a 
coast,' in Sanskrit, as m Gothic Konta ?). The laws they there introduced, 
more especially the still prevailing one of gavelkind, where all the sons share 
equally, except the youngest who has a double portion, are purely Scythic, 
and brought by the original Goth from the Jaxartes. Alaric had finished 
his career, and Theodoric and Genseric {ric, ' king,' in Sanskrit [?]) were 
carrying their arms into Spain and Africa. [These speculations are valueless.] 

2 Why should these proselytes, if originally Yadu, assume the name of 
Jat or Jat ? It must be either that the Yadus were themselves the Scythic 
Yuti or Yueh-chi, or that the branches intermarried with the Jats, and' 
consequently became degraded as Yadus, and the mixed issue bore the name 
of the mother. 

^ The Jadu ka Dang, ' or hills of Yadu,' mentioned in the sketch of this 
race as one of their intermediate points of halt when they were driven from 
India after the Mahabharata. 

* Near the spot where Alexander built his fleet, which navigated to 
Babylon thirteen hundred years before. 



boarded by the enemy, expert in this kind of warfare. In each 
boat he placed twenty archers, and some with fire-balls of naphtha 
to burn the Jat fleet. The monarch having determined on their 
extirpation, awaited the result at Multan. The Jats sent their 
wives, children, and effects to Sind Sagar,^ and laimched four 
thousand, or, as others say, eight thousand boats well armed to 
meet the Ghaznians. A terrible conflict ensued, but the project- 
ing spikes sunk the Jat boats while others were set on fire. Few 
escaped from this scene of terror ; and those who did, met with 
the more severe fate of capti\'ity." ^ 

Many doubtless did escape ; and it is most probable that the 
Jat communities, on whose overthrow the State of Bikaner was 
founded, were remnants of this very warfare [109]. 

Not long after this event the original empire of the Getae was 
overturned, when many fugitives found a refuge in India. In 
1360 Togultash Timur was the great Khan of the Getae nation ; 
idolaters even to this period. He had conquered Khorasan,. 
invaded Transoxiana (whose prince fled, but whose nephew. 
Amir Timur, averted its subjugation), gained the friendship of 
Togultash, and commanded a hundred thousand Getae warriors. 
In 1369, when the Getic Klian died, such was the ascendancy 
obtained by Timur over his subjects, that the Kuriltai, or general 
assembly, transferred the title of Grand Khan from the Getic to 
the Chagatai Timur. In 1370 he married a Getic princess, and 
added Khokhand and Samarkand to his patrimony, Transoxiana. 
Rebellions and massacres almost depopulated this nursery of 
mankind, ere the Getae abandoned their independence ; nor was 
it tUl 1388, after six invasions, in which he burnt their towns, 
brought away their wealth, and almost annihilated the nation, 
that he felt himself secure.* 

^ Translated by Dow, ' an island.' Sind Sagar is one of the Duabas of 
the Panjab. I have compared Dew's translation of the earlier portion of 
the history of Ferishta with the original, and it is infinitely more faithful 
than the world gives him credit for. His errors are most considerable in 
numerals and in weights and measures ; and it is owing to this that he has 
made the captured wealth of India appear so incredible. 

^ Ferishta vol. i. [The translation in the text is an abstract of that of 
Dow (i. 72). That of Briggs (i. 81 f.) is more accurate. In neither version 
is there any mention of the Sind Sagar. Rose (Glossary, ii. 359) discredits 
the account of this naval engagement, and expresses a doubt whether the 
Jats at this period occupied Jud or the Salt Ranges.] 

^ [By the ' Getae ' of the text the author apparently means Mongols.] 


In his expedition into India, having overrun great part of 
Europe, " taken Moscow, and slain the soldiers of the barbarous 
Urus/' he encountered his old foes " the Getae, who inhabited 
the plains of Tohim, where he put two thousand to the syord, 
pursuing them into the desert and slaughtering many more near 
the Ghaggar." -^ 

Still the Jat maintained himself in the Panjab, and the most 
powerful and independent prince of India at this day is the Jat 
prince of Lahore, holding dominion over the identical regions 
where the Yueh-chi colonized in the fifth century, and where the 
Yadus, driven from Ghazni, established themselves on the ruins 
of the Taks. The Jat cavalier retains a portion of his Scythic 
manners, and preserves the use of the chakra or discus, the weapon 
of the Yadu Krishna in the remote age of the Bharat. 

Hun or Hiin. — Amongst the Scythic tribes who have secured 
for themselves a niche with the thirty-six races of India, is the 
Hun. At what period this race, so well known by its ravages 
and settlement in Europe, invaded India, we know not.^ Doubt- 
less it was in the society of many others yet found in the peninsula 
of [110] Saurashtra, as the Kathi, the Bala, the Makwana, etc. 
It is, however, confined to the genealogies of that peninsula ; for 
although we have mention of the Hun in the chronicles and in- 
scriptions of India at a very early period, he failed to obtain a 
place in the catalogue of the northern bards. 

The earliest notice of the tribe is in an inscription ^ recording 
the power of a prince of Bihar, who, amidst his other conquests, 
" humbled the pride of the Hiins." In the annals of the early 
history of Mewar, in the catalogue of princes who made common 
cause with this the chief of all the Rajputs, when Chitor was 
assailed in the first irruption of the Muhammadans, was Angatsi, 

^ Abulghazi vol. ii. chap. 16. After his battle with Sultan Mahmud of 
Delhi, Timur gave orders, to use the word of his historian, " for the slaughter 
of a hundred thousand infidel slaves. The great mosque was fired, and the 
souls of the infidels were sent to the abj^ss of hell. Towers were erected of 
their heads, and their bodies were thrown as food to the beasts and birds of 
prey. At Mairta the infidel Guebres were flayed alive." This was by order 
of Tamerlane, to whom the dramatic historians of Europe assign every great 
and good quaUty ! 

2 [The first Hun invasion occurred in 455 a.d., and about 500 they over- 
threw the Gupta Empire (Smith, EHI, 309, 316).] 

' Asiatic Researches, vol. i. p. 136. 


lord of the Huns, who led his quota on this occasion. De Guignes i 
describes Angat as being the name of a considerable horde of 
Huns or Moguls ; and Abulghazi says that the Tartar tribe who 
guarded the great wall of China were termed Angatti, who had 
a distinct prince with high pay and honour. The countries in- 
habited by the Hiong-nou and the Ou-huon, the Turks and Moguls, 
called ' Tatar ' from Tatan,^ the name of the country from the 
banks of the Irtish along the mountains of Altai to the shores of 
the Yellow Sea, are described at large by the historian of the 
Huns ; following whom and other original sources, the historian 
of the Fall of Rome has given great interest to his narrative of 
their march into Europe. But those who are desirous to learn 
all that relates to the past history and manners of this people, 
must consult that monument of erudition and research, the 
Geography of Malte-Brun.* 

D'Anville,* quoting Cosmas the traveller, informs us that the 
White Huns (X^vkoI Oi'i'i'ot) * occupied the north of India ; and it 
is most probable a colony of these found their way into Saur- 
ashtra and Mewar, 

It is on the eastern bank of the Chambal, at the ancient Barolh, 
that tradition assigns a residence to the Hun ; and one of the 
' celebrated temples at that place, called the Singar Chaori, is the 
marriage hall of the Hun prince, who is also declared to have been 
possessed of a lordship on the opposite bank, occupying the [111] 
site of the present town of Bhainsror. In the twelfth century 
the Hun must have possessed consequence, to occupy the place 
he holds in the chronicle of the princes of Gujarat. The race is 
not extinct. One of the most intelligent of the living bards of 
India assured the author of their existence ; and in a tour where 
he accompanied him, redeemed his pledge, by pointing out the 

^ Hist. Gen. des Huns, torn. iii. p. 238. 

2 [The name Tatar is derived from that of the Ta-ta Mongols {EB, xxvi. 

^ Precis de Geographie universelle. Malte-Brun traces a connexion 
between the Hungarians and the Scandinavians, from similarity of language : 
" A ces sieclcs primitifs ou les Huns, les Goths, les Jotes, les Ases, et bieh 
d'autres peuples etaient reunis autour des anciens autels d'Odin." Several 
of the words which he affords us are Sanskrit in origin. Vol. vi. p. 370. 

* Eclair cissemens Geographiques sur la Carte de VInde, p. 43 [Smith, 
EHI, 315 ff.]. 

^ An orthography which more assimilates with the Hindu pronunciation 
of tlie name Huon, or Oun, than Hun. 


residence of some in a village on the estuary of the Mahi, though 
degraded and mixed with other classes.^ 

We may infer that few convulsions occurred in Central Asia, 
which drove forth these hordes of redundant population to seek 
subsistence in Europe, without India participating in such over- 
flow. The only singular circumstance is, by what means they 
came to be recognized as Hindus, even though of the lowest class. 
Sudra we cannot term them ; for although the Kathi and the 
Bala cannot be regarded as, or classed with Rajputs, they would 
scorn the rank of Sudra. 

Kathi. — Of the ancient notices of this people much has been 
already said, and all the genealogists, both of Rajasthan and 
Saurashtra, concur in assigning it a place amongst the royal races 
of India. It is one of the most important tribes of the western 
peninsula, and which has effected the change of the name from 
Saurashtra to Kathiawar. 

Of all its inhabitants the Kathi retains most originality : his 
religion, his manners, and his looks, all are decidedly Scythic. He 
occupied, in the time of Alexander, that nook of the Panjab near 
the confluent five streams. It was against these Alexander 
marched in person, when he nearly lost his life, and where he left 
such a signal memorial of his vengeance. The Kathi can be 
traced from these scenes to his present haunts. In the earlier 
portion of the Annals of Jaisalmer mention is made of their con- 
flicts with the Kathi ; and their own traditions ^ fix their settle- 
ment in the peninsula from the south-eastern part of the valley 
of the Indus, about the eighth century. 

In the twelfth century the Kathi were conspicuous in the wars 
with Prithwiraja, there being several leaders of the tribe attached 

^ The same bard says that there are three or four houses of these Huns 
at Trisawi, three coss from Baroda ; and the Khichi bard, Moghji, says their 
traditions record the existence of many powerful Hun princes in India. 
[On the Huns in W. India see BG, i. Part i. 122 ff. The difficulty in the text 
is now removed by the proof that many of them became Rajputs.] 

- The late Captain Macmurdo, whose death was a loss to the service and 
to literature, gives an animated account of the habits of the Kathi. His 
opinions coincide entirely with my own regarding this race. See vol. i. p. 
270, Trans. Soc. of Bombay. [For accounts of the Kathi see BG, ix. Part i. 
252 ft'., viii. 122 ff. Under the Mahrattas Kathiawar, the name of the 
Kathi tract, was extended to the whole of Saurashtra (Wilberforce-Bell, 
Hist, of Kathiawad, 132 f.).] 


to his army, as well as to that of [112] his rival, the monarch of 
Kanauj.^ Though on this occasion they acted in some degree of 
subservience to the monarch of Anhilwara, it would seem that 
this was more voluntary than forced. 

The Kathi still adores the sun,^ scorns the peaceful arts, and 
is much less contented with the tranquil subsistence of industry 
than the precarious earnings of his former predatory pursuits. 
The Kathi was never happy but on horseback, collecting his 
blackmail, lance in hand, from friend and foe. 

We will conclude this brief sketch with Captain Macmurdo's 
character of this race, " The Kathi differs in some respects from 
the Rajput. He is more cruel in his disposition, but far exceeds 
him in the virtue of bravery ; ^ and a character possessed of more 
energy than a Kathi does not exist. His size is considerably 
larger than common, often exceeding six feet. He is sometimes 
seen with light hair and blue-coloured eyes. His frame is athletic 
and bony, and particularly well adapted to his mode of life. His 
countenance is expressive, but of the worst kind, being harsh, 
and often destitute of a single mild feature." * 

Bala. — ^All the genealogists, ancient and modern, insert the 
Bala tribe amongst the Rajkulas. The birad, or ' blessing,' of 
the bard is Taita Multan ka rao,^ indicative of their original abodes 
on the Indus. They lay claim, however, to descent from the 
Suryavansi, and maintain that their great ancestor, Bala or Bapa, 
was the offspring of Lava, the eldest son of Rama ; that their first 
settlement in Saurashtra was at the ancient Dhank, in more 
remote periods called Mungi Paithan ; and that, in conquering 
the country adjacent, they termed it Balakshetra (their capital 
Valabhipura), and assumed the title? of Balarae. Here they 
claim identity with the Guliilot race of Mewar : nor is it impos- 

^ It is needless to particularise them here. In the poems of Chand, some 
books of which I have translated and purpose giving to the pubhc, the 
important part the Kathi had assigned to them will appear. 

^ [In the form of a symbol like a spider, the rays forming the legs {BO, 
ix. Part i. 257).] 

* It is the Rajput of Kathiawar, not of Rajasthan, to whom Captain 
Macmurdo alludes. 

* Of their personal appearance, and the blue eyQ indicative of their 
Gothic or Getic origin, the author will have occasion to speak more particu- 
larly in his personal narrative. 

" ' Princes of Tatta and Multan.' 


siblc that they may be a branch of this family, which long held 
power in Saurashtra.^ Before the Guhilots adopted the worship 
of Mahadeo, which period is indicated in their annals, the chief 
object of their adoration was the sun, giving them that Scythic 
resemblance to which the Balas have every appearance of claim 

The Balas on the continent of Saurashtra, on the contrary, 
assert their origin to be Induvansa, and that they are the Balaka- 
putras who were the anciept lords of Aror on the Indus. It 
would be presumption to decide between these claims ; but I 
would venture to surmise that they might be the offspring of 
Salya, one of the princes of the Mahabharata, who founded 

The Kathis claim descent from the Balas : an additional proof 
of northern origin, and strengthening their right to the epithet 
of the bards, ' Lords of Multan and Tatta.' The Balas were of 
sufficient consequence in the thirteenth century to make incur- 
sions on Mewar, and the first exploit of the celebrated Rana Hamir 
was his kiUing the Bala chieftain of Chotila.^ The present chief 
of Dhank is a Bala, and the tribe yet preserves importance in the 

Jhala Makwana. — This tribe also inhabits the Saurashtra 
peninsula. It is styled Rajput, though neither classed with the 
Solar, Lunar, nor Agnikula races ; but though we cannot directly 
prove it, we have every right to assign to it a northern origin. 
It is a tribe little known in Hindustan or even Rajasthan, into 
which latter country it was introduced entirely through the medium 
of the ancient lords of Saurashtra, the present family of Mewar ; 
a sanction which covers every defect. A splendid act of self- 
devotion of the Jhala chief, when Rana Partap was oppressed 
with the whole weight of Akbar's power, obtained, with the 
gratitude of this prince, the highest honours he could confer, — 
his daughter in marriage, and a seat on his right hand. That it 
was the act, and not his rank in the scale of the thirty-six tribes, 
which gained him this distinction, we have decided proof in later 
times, when it was deemed a mark of great condescension that 
the present Rana should sanction a remote branch of his own 

^ [The origin of the Balas is not certain : they were probably Gurjaras 
(Ibid. 495 £.).] 

2 [Chotila in Kathiawar {BG, viii. 407).] 


family bestowing a daughter in marriage on the Jhala ruler of 
Kotah.^ This tribe has given its name to one of the largest 
divisions of Saurashtra, Jhalawar, which possesses several towns 
of importance. Of these Bankaner, Halwad, and Dhrangadra 
are the principal. 

Regarding the period of the settlement of the Jhalas tradition 
is silent, as also on their early history : but the aid of its quota 
was given to the Rana against the [114] first attacks of the 
Muhammadans ; and in the heroic history of Prithwiraja we 
have ample and repeated mention of the Jhala chieftains who 
distinguished themselves in his service, as well as in that of his 
antagonist, and the name of one of these, as recorded by the bard 
Chand, I have seen inscribed on the granite rock of the sacred 
Girnar, near their primitive abodes, where we leave them. There 
are several subdivisions of the Jhala, of which the Makwana is the 

Jethwa, Jaithwa, Kamari. — This is an ancient tribe, and by all 
authorities styled Rajput ; though, like the Jhala, little known 
out of Saurashtra, to one of the divisions of which it has given 
its name, Jethwar. Its present possessions are on the western 
coast of the peninsula : the residence of its prince, who is styled 
Rana, is Porbandar. 

In remote times their capital was Ghumli, whose ruins attest 
considerable power, and afford singular scope for analogy, in 
architectural device, with the style termed Saxon of Europe,^ 
The bards of the Jethwas run through a long list of one hundred 
and thirty crowned heads, and in the eighth century have chron- 
icled the marriage of their prince with the Tuar refounder of Delhi. 
At this period the Jethwa bore the name of Kamar ; and Sahl 
Kamar is reported to be the prince who was driven from Ghumli, 
in the twelfth century, by invaders from the north. With this 
change the name of Kamar was sunk, and that of Jethwa assumed, 

^ His son, Madho Singh, the present administrator, is the offspring of 
the celebrated Zalim and a Ranawat chieftain's daughter, which has entitled 
his (Madho Singh's) issue to marry far above their scale in rank. So much 
does superiority of blood rise above all worldly considerations with a Rajput, 
that although ZaUm Singh held the reins of the richest and best ordered 
State of Rajasthan, he deemed his family honoured by his obtaining to wife 
for his grandson the daughter of a Kachhwaha minor chieftain. 

- [Ghumli in the Barda hills, about 40 miles east of Porbandar (Wilber- 
iorce-Bell, Hist, of Kathiawad, 49 f. ; BG, viii. 440).] 


which has induced the author to style them Kamari ; ^ and as they, 
with the other inhabitants of this peninsula, have all the appear- 
ance of Scythic descent, urging no pretensions to connexion with 
the ancient races of India, they may be a branch of that celebrated 
race, the Cimmerii of higher Asia^ and the Cimbri of Europe. 

Their legends are as fabulous as fanciful. They trace their 
descent from the monkey-god Hanuman, and confirnn it by 
alleging the elongation of the spine of their princes, who bear the 
epithet of Puncharia, or the 'long-tailed,' Ranas of Saurashtra. 
But the manners and traditions of this race will appear more fully 
in the narrative of the author's travels amongst them. 

Gohil." — This was a distinguished race : it claims to be Surya- 
vansi, and with some pretension. The first residence of the 
Gohils was Juna Khergarh, near the bend of the Luni in Marwar.' 
How long they had been established here we know not. They 
took it from one of the aboriginal Bhil chiefs named Kherwa, and 
had been in possession of it for twenty generations when expelled 
by the [115] Rathors at the end of the twelfth century. Thence 
migrating to Saurashtra, they fixed at Piramgarh ; * which being 
destroyed, one branch settled at Bhagwa, and the chief inarrying 
the daughter of Nandanagar or Nandod,^ he usurped or obtained 
his father-in-law's estates ; and twenty-seven generations are 
enumerated, from Sompal to Narsingh, the present Raja of 
Nandod. Another branch fixed at Sihor, and thence founded 
Bhaunagar and Gogha. The former town, on the gulf of the 
Mahi, is the residence of the Gohils, who have given their name, 
Gohilwar, to the eastern portion of the peninsula of Saurashtra. 
The present chief addicts himself to commerce, and possesses 
ships which trade to the gold coast of Sofala. 

Sarwaiya or Sariaspa. — Of this race tradition has left us only 
the knowledge that it once was famous ; for although, in the 
catalogues of the bard, it is introduced as the " essence of the 
Khatri race," " we have only a few legends regarding its present 

^ [The terms Kamar and Kamari seem to have disappeared.] 
^ A compound word from goh, ' strength ' ; Ha, ' the earth.' [This is 
out of the question : of. Guhilot.] 

^ [For Kher, ' the cradle of the Rathors,' see Erskine iii. A. 199.] 

* [For the island of Piram in Ahmadabad district see IGI, xx. 149 f., and 
for the tradition Wilberforce-Bell, op. cit. 71 f. ; BG, iv. 348, viii. 114.] 

* [The ancient Nandapadra in Rajplpla, Bombay (IGI, xviii. 361 ; BG, 
i. Part ii. 314).] * Sarwaiya Kliatri tain sar. 


degradation. Its name, as well as this epithet of the bard, 
induces a belief that it is a branch of the Aswas, with the prefix 
of sar, denoting ' essence,' or priority. But it is useless to specu- 
late on a name. 

Silar or Salar. — Like the former, we have here but the shade 
of a name ; though one which, in all probability, originated the 
epithet Larike, by which the Saurashtra peninsula was known to 
Ptolemy and the geographers of early Europe. The tribe of Lar 
was once famous in Saurashtra, and in the annals of Anhilwara 
mention is made of Siddharaja Jayasingha having extirpated 
them throughout his dominions. Salar, or Silar, would therefore 
be distinctively the Lar.^ Indeed, the author of the Kumarpal 
Charitra styles it Rajtilak, or ' regal prince ' ; but the name only 
now exists amongst the mercantile classes professing the faith 
of Buddha [Jainism] : it is inserted as one of the eighty-four. 
Tlie greater portion of these are of Rajput origin. 

Dabhi. — Little can be said of this tribe but that it was once 
celebrated in Saurashtra. By some it is called the branch of the 
Yadu, though all the genealogists give it distinct importance. It 
now possesses neither territory nor numbers.^ 

Gaur. — The Gaur tribe was once respected in. Rajasthan, 
though it never there attained to any considerable eminence. 
The ancient kings of Bengal were of this race, and gave their 
name to the capital, Lakhnauti [116]. 

We have every reason to believe that they were possessors of 
the land afterwards occupied by the Chauhans, as they are styled 
in all the old chronicles the ' Gaur of Ajmer.' Repeated mention is 
made of them in the wars of Prithwiraja, as leaders of considerable 
renown, one of whom formed a small State in the centre of India, 
which survived through seven centuries of Mogul domination, 
till it at length fell a prey indirectly to the successes of the British 
over the Mahrattas, when Sindhia in 1809 annihilated the power 
of the Gaur and took possession of his capital, Sheopur.* A 

^ Su, as before observed, is a distinctive prefix, meaning ' excellent.' 
[The derivation is impossible. Lata was S. Gujarat.] 

2 [For the Dabhi tribe, see lA, iii. 69 ff., 193 f. ; Forbes, Rasmdla, 237 f.] 
' In 1807 the author passed through this territory, in a soHtary ramble 
to explore these parts, then Uttle known ; and though but a young Sub., 
was courteously received and entertained both at Baroda and Sheopur. 
In 1809 he again entered the country under very different circumstances, 
in the suite of the British envoy with Sjndhia's court, and had the grief to 


petty district, yielding about £5000 annually, is all this rapacious 
head of a predatory government has left to the Gaur, out of about 
twelve lacs of annual revenue. The Gaur has five sakha : Untahar? 
Silhala, Tur, Dusena, and Budana.^ 

Dor or Doda. — We have little to say of this race. Though 
occupying a place in aU the genealogies, time has destroyed all 
knowledge of the pa'st history of a tribe, to gain a victory over 
whom was deemed by Prithwiraja worthy of a tablet.'^ 

Gaharwar. — The Gaharwar Rajput is scarcely known to his 
brethren in Rajasthan, who will not admit his contaminated 
blood to mix with theirs ; though, as a brave warrior, he is 
entitled to their fellowship. The original country of the Gahar- 
war is in the ancient kingdom of Kasi.* Their great ancestor was 
Ivhortaj Deva, from whom Jasamida, the seventh in descent, in 
consequence of some grand sacrificial rites performed at Vindhya- 
vasi, gave the title of Bundela to his issue. Bundela has now 
usurped the name of Gaharwar, and become the appellation of 
the immense tract which its various branches inhabit in Bundel- 
khand, on the ruins of the Chandelas, whose chief cities, Kalanjar, 
Mohini, and Mahoba, they took possession of.* 

Chandel. — The Chandela, classed by some of the genealogists 
amongst the thirty-six tribes, were powerful in the twelfth cen- 
tury, possessing the whole of the regions between [117] the Jumna 
and Nerbudda, now occupied by the Bundelas and Baghelas. 

witness the operations against Sheopur, and its fall, unable to aid his friends. 
The Gaur prince had laid aside the martial virtues. He became a zealot in 
the worship of Vishnu, left off animal food, was continually dancing before 
the image of the god, and was far more conversant in the mystical poetry 
of Krishna and his beloved Radha than in the martial song of the bard. 
His name was Radhikadas, ' the slave of Radha ' ; and, as far as he is 
personally concerned, we might cease to lament that he was the last of his 

^ [Only two sub-clans are named in Rajpuiana Census Report, 1911, i. 
255. Gaur Rajjiuts are numerous in the United Provinces, and the Gaur 
Brahmans of Jaipur represent a foreign tribe merged into Hindu society 
{lA, xi. 22). They can have no connexion with the Pala or Sena dynasty 
of Bengal (Smith, EHI, 397 ff.).] 

^ See Transactions of Royal Asiatic Society, vol. i. p. 133. [They are 
found in the Upper Ganges-Jumna Duab, and are Musalmans.] 

^ Benares. 

* [For the Gaharwar, see Crooke, Tribes and Castes N.W.P. and Oudh, 
ii. 32 if., and for the Gaharwar dynasty of Kanauj (Smith, EHI, 384 £f.).] 


Their wars with Prithwiraja, forming one of the most inter- 
esting of his exploits, ended in the humihation of the Cliandela, 
and prepared the way for their conquest by the Gaharwars ; 
the date of the supremacy of the Bundela Manvira was about 
A.D. 1200. Madhukar Sah, the thirteenth in descent from him, 
founded Orchha on the Betwa, by whose son, Birsingh Deva, 
considerable power was attained. Orchha became the chief of 
the numerous Bundela principalities ; but its founder drew upon 
himself everlasting infamy, by putting to death the wise Abu-1 
Fazl,^ the historian and friend of the magnanimous Akbar, and 
the encomiast and advocate of the Hindu race. 

From the period of Akbar the Bundelas bore a distinguished 
part in all the grand conflicts, to the very close of the monarchy : 
nor, amongst all the brave chiefs of Rajasthan, did any perform 
more gallant or faithful services than the Bundela chieftains of 
Orchha and Datia. Bhagwan of Orchlia commanded the ad- 
vanced guard of the army of Shah Jahan. His son, Subhkarana, 
was Aurangzeb's most distinguished leader in the Deccan, and 
Dalpat fell in the war of succession on the plains of Jajau.* His 
descendants have not degenerated ; nor is there anything finer 
in the annals of the chivalry of the West, than the dignified and 
heroic conduct of the father of the present chief.* The Bundela 
is now a numerous race, while the name Gaharwar remains in their 
original haunts. 

Bargujar. — This race is Suryavansi, and the only one, with the 
exception of the Guhilot, which claims from Lava, the elder son 

^ Slain at the instigation of Prince Salim, son of Akbar, afterwards the 
emperor Jahangir. See this incident stated in the emperor's own Com- 
mentaries l^Ain, i. Introd. xxiv. ff.]. 

* [For Subhkaran Singh, see Manucci (i. 270, 272). Dalpat was one of 
his patients (Ibid. ii. 298).] 

' On the death of Mahadaji Sindhia, the females of his family, in appre- 
hension of his successor (Daulat Rao), sought refuge and protection with 
the Raja of Datia. An array was sent to demand their surrender, and 
hostihty was proclaimed as the consequence of refusal. This brave man 
would not even await the attack, but at the head of a devoted band of three 
hundred horse, with their lances, carried destruction amongst their assailants, 
neither giving nor receiving quarter : and thus he fell in defence of the laws 
of sanctuary and honour. Even when grievously wounded, he would 
accept no aid, and refused to leave the field, but disdaining all compromise 
awaited his fate. The author has passed upon the spot where this gallant 
deed was performed ; and from his son, the present Raja, had the annals 
of his house. « 


of Rama, The Bargujar held considerable possessions in Dhun- 
dhar/ and their capital was the hill fortress of Rajor ^ in the 
principality of Macheri. Rajgarh and Alwar were also their [118] 
possessions. The Bargujars were expelled these abodes by the 
Kachhwahas. A colony found refuge and a new residence at 
Anupshahr on the Ganges. 

Sengar. — Of this tribe little is known, nor does it appear ever 
to have obtained great celebrity. The sole chieftainship of the 
Sengars is Jagmohanpur on the Jumna.' 

Sakarwal. — This tribe, like the former, never appears to have 
claimed much notice amidst the princes of Rajasthan ; nor is 
there a single independent chieftain now remaining, although 
there is a small district called after them, Sakarwar, on the right 
bank of the Chambal, adjoining Jaduvati, and like it now incor- 
porated in the province of Gwalior, in Sindhia's dominions. The 
Sakarwal is therefore reduced to subsist by cultivation, or the 
more precarious employment of his lance, either as a follower of 
others, or as a common depredator. They have their name from 
the town of Sikri (Fatehpur), which was formerly an independent 

Bais. — The Bais has obtained a place amongst the thirty-six 
races, though the author believes it but a subdivision of the 
Suryavansi, as it is neither to be met with in the lists of Chand, 
nor in those of the Kumarpal Charitra. It is now numerous, and 
has given its name to an extensive district, Baiswara in the Duab, 
or the land between the Ganges and Jumna. ^ 

Dahia. — This is an ancient tribe, whose residence was the 
banks of the Indus, near its confluence with the Sutlej ; and 
although they retain a place amongst the thirty-six royal races, 
we have not the knowledge of any as now existing. They are 

^ Amber or Jaipur, as well as Macheri, were comprehended in Dhundhar, 
the ancient geographical designation [said to be derived from an ancient 
sacrificial mound (dhundh), on the western frontier of the State, or from a 
demon-king, Dhundhu {IGI, xiii. 385).] 

* The ruins of Rajor are about fifteen miles west of Rajgarh. A person 
sent there by the author reported the existence of inscriptions in the temple 
of Nilkantha Mahadeo. 

' [They are numerous in the United Provinces, but their origin and 
traditions are uncertain.] 

* [See Crooke, Tribes and Castes N.W.P. and Oudh, iv. 263 ff.] 

^ [They are almoa^ certainly of mixed origin (Crooke, op. cif. i. 118 ff.).] 


mentioned in the annals of the Bhattis of Jaisalmer, and from 
name as well as from locale, we may infer that they were the 
Dahae of Alexander.^ 

Joiya, Johya. — This race possessed the same haimts as the 
Dahia, and are always coupled with them. They, however, 
extended across the Ghara into the northern desert of India, 
and in ancient chronicles are entitled ' Lords of Jangaldesa,' a 
tract which comprehended Hariana, Bhatner, and Nagor. The 
author possesses a work relative to this tribe, like the Dahia, 
now extinct.^ 

Mohil. — We have no mode of judging of the pretensions of 
this race to the place it is allowed to occupy by the genealogists. 
All that can be learned of its past history is, that it inhabited 
a considerable tract so late as the foundation of the present State 
of Bikaner, the Rathor founders of which expelled, if not extir- 
pated, the Mohil. With the Malan, Malani, and Mallia, also ex- 
tinct, it may [119] claim the honour of descent from the ancient 
Malloi, the foes of Alexander, whose abode was Multan. ( Qu. 
Mohilthan ? ) « 

Nikumbha. — Of this race, to which- celebrity attaches in all the 
genealogies, we can only discover that they were proprietors of 
the district of Mandalgarh prior to the Guhilots.* 

Rajpali.— It is difficult to discover anything regarding this 
race, which, under the names of Rajpali, Rajpalaka, or simply 
Pala, are mentioned by all the genealogists ; especially those of 
Saurashtra, to which in all probability it was confined. This 
tends to make it Scythic in origin ; the conclusion is strengthened 
by thcr derivation of the name, meaning ' royal shepherd ' : it 
was probably a branch of the ancient Pali.^ 

Dahariya. — The Kumarpal Charitra is our sole authority for 

^ [They lived east of the Caspian Sea, and can have uo connexion with 
the Indian Dahia (Sykes, Hist, of Persia, i. 330).] 

^ [Their origin is very uncertain ; in Bahawalpur they now repudiate 
Rajput descent, and claim to be descendants of the Prophet (Rose, Glossary, 
ii. 410 ff. ; Malik Muhammad Din, Gazetteer Bahawalpur, i. 23, 133 ff.).] 

3 [The Malloi (Skt. Malava) occupied the present Montgomery District, 
and parts of Jhang. They had no connexion with Multan (Skt. Miilasthana- 
pura), (Smith, EHI, 96 ; McCrindle, Alexander, 350 ff.).] 

* [They are a mixed race, early settlers in Alwar (Crooke, Tribes and 
Castes N.W.P. and Oudh, iv. 86 ff.)".] 

^ The final syllable lea is a mark of tlie genitive cas^[?]. 


classing this race with the thirty-six. Of its historj' we know 
nothing. Amongst the princes who came to the aid of Chitor, 
when first assailed by the arms of Islam, was ' the lord of Debal, 
Dahir, Despati.' ^ From the ignorance of the transcriber of the 
Guhilot annals, Delhi is written instead of Debal ; but we not 
only have the whole of the names of the Tuar race, but Delhi was 
not in existence at this time. Slight as is the mention of this 
prince in the Chitor annals, it is nevertheless of high value, as 
stamping them with authenticity ; for this Dahir v/as actually 
the despot of Sind, whose tragical end in his capital Debal is 
related by Abu-1 Fazl. It was in the ninety-ninth year of the 
Hegira that lie was attacked by Muhammad bin Kasim, the 
lieutenant of the Caliph of Bagdad, and treated with the gi-eatest 
barbarity.^ Whether this prince used Dahir as a proper name, 
or as that of his tribe, must be left to conjecture. 

Dahima. — The Dahima has left but the wreck of a great name.^ 
Seven centuries have swept av/ay all recollection of a tribe who 
once afforded one of the proudest themes for the song of the bard. 
The Dahima was the lord of Bayana, and one of the most powerful 
vassals of the Chauhan emperor, Prithwiraja. Three brothers of 
this house held the highest offices under this monarch, and the 
period during which the elder, Kaimas, was his minister, was the 
brightest in the history of the Chauhan : but he fell a victim to 
a blind jealousy. Pundir, the second brother [120], commanded 
the frontier at Lahore. The third, Chawand Rae, was the 
principal leader m the last battle, where Prithwiraja fell, with the 
whole of his chivalry, on the banks of the Ghaggar. Even the 
historians of Shihabu-d-din have preserved the name of the 
gallant Dahima, Chawand Rae, whom they style Khandirai ; and 
to whose valour, they relate, Shihabu-d-din himself nearly fell a 
sacrifice. With the Chauhan, the race seems to have been 
extinguished. Rainsi, his only son, was by this sister of Chawand 
Rae, but he did not survive the capture of Delhi. This marriage 

1 'Chief of a country,' from des, 'country,' and pati, 'chief.' {Qu.. 
deairoTTjs ?) 

- [Ain, ii. 344 f. Dahir was killed in action : the real tragedy was the 
death of Muhammad bin Kasim in consequence of a false accusation (Elliot- 
Dowson i. 292).] 

* [Elliot {Suppltmental Glossary, 262) writes the name Dhahima, and 
says they are found in Meerut District.] 


forms the subject of one of the books of the bard, who never was 
more eloquent than in the praise of the Dahima.^ 

Abokiginal Races ^ 

Bagri, Mer, Kaba^ Mina, Bhil, Sahariya, Thori, Khangar, 
Gond, Bhar, Janwar, and Sarad. 

Agricultukal and Pastoral Tribes 
Abhira or Ahir, Goala, Kurmi or Kulumbi, Gujar, and Jat 

Rajput Tribes to which no Sakha is assigned 

Jaha, Peshani, Sohagni, Chahira, Ran, Simala, Botila,Gotchar, 
Malan, Uhir, Hul, Bachak, Batar, Kerach, Kotak, Busa, and 

Catalogue of the Eighty-Four Mercantile Tribes 

Sri Sri ISIal, Srimal, Oswal, Bagherwal, Dindu, Pushkarwal, 
Mertawal, Harsora, Surawal, Pihwal, Bhambu, Kandhelwal, 
Dohalwal, Kederwal, Desawal, Gujarwal, Sohorwal, Agarwal, 
Jaelwal, Manatwal, Kajotiwal, Kortawal, Chehtrawal, Soni, 
Sojatwal, Nagar, Mad, Jalhera, Lar, Kapol, Khareta, Barari, 
Dasora, Bambarwal, Nagadra, Karbera, Battewara, Mewara, 
Narsinghpura, Khaterwal, Panehamwal, Hanerwal, Sirkera, 
Bais, Stukhi, Kambowal, Jiranwal, Baghelwal, Orchitwal, Baman- 
wal, Srigur, Thakurwal, Balmiwal, Tepora, Tilota, Atbargi, 

^ Chand, the bard, thus describes Bayana, and the marriage of Prith- 
wiraja with the Dahimi : "On the summit of the hills of Druinadahar, 
whose awful load oppressed the head of Sheshnag, was placed the castle of 
Bayana, resembling Kailas. The Dahima had three sons and two fair 
daughters : may his name be perpetuated throughout this iron age ! One 
daughter was married to the Lord of Mewat, the other to the Chauhan. 
With her he gave in dower eight beauteous damsels and sixty-three female 
slaves, one hundred chosen horses of the breed of Irak, two elephants, and 
ten shields, a pallet of silver for the bride, one hundred wooden images, one 
hundred chariots, and one thousand pieces of gold." The bard, on taking 
leave, says : " the Dahima lavished his gold, and filled his coffers with the 
praises of mankind. The Dahimi produced a jewel, a gem without price, 
the Prince Rainsi." 

The author here gives a fragment of the ruins of Bayana, the ancient 
abode of the Dahima. 

2 [Many names in the following list are not capable of identification, and 
their correct form is uncertain. Those of the mercantile tribes are largely 
groups confined to Rajputana.] 


Ladisakha, Badnora, Khicha, Gasora, Bahaohar, Jemo, Padmora, 
Maharia, Dhakarwal, Mangora, Goelwal, Mohorwal, Chitora, 
Kakalia, Bhareja, Andora, Sachora, Bhungrawal, Mandahala, 
Bramania, Bagria, Dindoria, Borwal, Serbia, Orwal, Nuphag, and 
Nagora. (One wanting.) 


Having thus taken a review of the tribes which at various 
times inhabited and still inhabit Hindustan, the subject must 
be concluded. 

In so extensive a field it was impossible to introduce all that 
could have been advanced on the distinctive marks in religion 
and manners ; but this deficiency will be remedied in the annals 
of the most prominent races yet ruling, by which we shall prevent 

The same religion governing the institutions of all tliese tribes 
operates to counteract that dissimilarity in manners, which would 
naturally be expected amidst so great a variety, from situation 
or climate ; although such causes do produce a material difference 
in external habit. Cross but the elevated range which divides 
upland Mewar from the low sandy region of Marwar, and the 
difference of costume and manners will strike the most casual 
observer. But these changes are only exterior and personal ; the 
mental character is less changed, because the same creed, the 
same religion (the principal former and reformer of manners), 
guides them all. 

Distinctions between the Rajput States. — We have the same 
mythology, the same theogony, the same festivals, though com- 
memorated with peculiar distinctions. There are niceties in 
thought, as in dress, which if possible to communicate would 
excite but little interest ; when the tie of a turban and the fold 
of a robe are, like Masonic symbols, distinguishing badges of 
tribes. But it is in their domestic circle that manners are best 
seen [122] ; where restraint is thrown aside, and no authority 
controls the freedom of expression. But does the European seek 
access to this sanctum of nationality ere he gives his debtor and 
creditor account of character, his balanced catalogue of virtues and 
vices ? He may, however, with the Rajput, whose independence 
of mind places him above restraint, and whose hospitality 
voi- I t, 


and love of character will alv/ays afford free communication to 
those who respect his opinions and his prejudices, and who are 
devoid of that overweening opinion of self, which imagines that 
nothing can be learned from such friendly intercourse. The 
personal dissimilarity accordingly arises from locale ; the mental 
similarity results from a grand fixed principle, which, whatever 
its intrinsic moral effect, whatever its incompatibility with the 
elevated notions we entertain, has preserved to these races, as 
nations, the enjoj^ment of their ancient habits to this distant 
period. May our boasted superiority in all that exalts man 
above his fellows, ensure to our Eastern empire like duration ; 
and may these notions of our own peculiarly favoured destiny 
operate to prevent us from laying prostrate, in our periodical 
ambitious visitations, these the most ancient relics of civilization 
on the face of the earth. For the dread of their amalgamation 
with our empire will prevail, though such a result would be 
opposed not only to their happiness, but to our own stability. 

Alliances with the British. — With our present system of alli- 
ances, so pregnant with evil from their origin, this fatal conse- 
quence (far from desired by the legislative authorities at home) 
must inevitably ensue. If the wit of man had been taxed to 
devise a series of treaties with a view to an ultimate rupture, 
these would be entitled to applause as specimens of diplomacy. 

There is a perpetual variation between the spirit and the letter 
of every treaty ; and while the internal independence of each 
State is the groundwork, it is frittered away and nullified by 
successive stipulations, and these positive and negative qualities 
continue mutually repelling each other, until it is apparent that 
independence cannot exist under such conditions. Wliere dis- 
cipline is lax, as with these feudal associations, and where each 
subordinate vassal is master of his own retainers, the article of 
military contingents alone would prove a source of contention. 
By leading to interference with each individual chieftain, it would 
render such aid worse than useless. But this is a minor con- 
sideration to the tributary pecuniary stipulation which, unsettled 
and undetermined, leaves a door open to a [123] system of espionage 
into their revenue accounts — a system not only disgusting, but 
contrary to treaty, which leaves ' internal administration' sacred. 
These openings to dispute, and the general laxity of their 
governments coming in contact with our regular system, present 


dangerous handles for ambition : and who so Wind as not to know 
that ambition to be distinguished must influence every viceregent 
in the East ? While deeds in arms and acquisition of territory 
outweigh the meek eclat of civil virtue, the periodical visitations 
to these kingdoms will ever be like the comet's, 

Foreboding change to princes. 

Our position in the East has been, and continues to be, one in 
which conquest forces herself upon us. We have yet the power, 
however late, to halt, and not anticipate her further orders to 
march. A contest for a mud-bank has carried our arms to the 
Aurea Chersonesus, the limit of Ptolemy's geography. With the 
Indus on the left, the Brahmaputra to the right, the Himalayan 
barrier towering like a giant to guard the Tatarian ascent, the 
ocean and our ships at our back, such is our colossal attitude ! 
But if misdirected ambition halts not at the Brahmaputra, but 
plunges in to gather laurels from the teak forest of Arakan, what 
surety have we for these Hindu States placed by treaty within 
the grasp of our control ? 

But the hope is cherished, that the same generosity which 
form.ed those ties that snatched the Rajputs from degradation 
and impending destruction, will maintain the pledge given in 
the fever of success, " that their mdependence should be sacred " ; 
that it will palliate faults we may not overlook, and perpetuate 
this oasis of ancient rule, in the desert of destructive revolution, 
of races whose virtues are their own, and whose vices are the 
grafts of tyranny, conquest, and religious intolerance.^ 

To make them known is one step to obtain for them, at least, 
the boon of sympathy ; for with the ephemeral poAver of our 
governors and the agents of government, is it to be expected that 
the rod will more softly fall when ignorance of their history pre- 
vails, and no kind association springs from a knowledge of their 
martial achievements and yet proud bearing, their generosity, 
courtesy, and extended hospitality ? These are Rajput virtues 
yet extant amidst all their revolutions, and which have survived 
ages of Muhammadan bigotry and power ; though to the honour 
of the virtuous and magnanimous few among the crowned heads 

^ [The present relations of the States to the Government of India justify 
these expectations.] 


of eight centuries, both Tatar and Mogul, there were some great 
souls [124] ; men of high worth, who appeared at intervals to 
redeem the oppression of a whole preceding dynasty. 

The high ground we assumed, and the lofty sentiments with 
which we introduced ourselves amongst the Rajputs, arrogating 
motives of purity, of disinterested benevolence, scarcely belonging 
to humanity, and to which their sacred writings alone yielded a 
parallel, gave such exalted notions of our right of exerting the 
attributes of divinity, justice, and mercy, that they expected 
little less than almighty wisdom in our acts ; but circumstances 
have throughout occurred in each individual State, to show we 
were mere mortals, and that the poet's moral ; 

'Tis distance lends enchantment to the view, 

was true in politics. Sorrow and distrust were the consequences 
— anger succeeded ; but the sense of obligation is still too power- 
ful to operate a stronger and less generous sentiment. These 
errors may yet be redeemed, and our Rajput allies yet be retained 
as useful friends : though they can only be so while in the en- 
joyment of perfect internal independence, and their ancient 

" No political institution can endure," observes the eloquent 
historian of the Middle Ages, " which does not rivet itself to the 
heart of men by ancient prejudices or acknowledged merit. The 
feudal compact had much of this character. In fulfilling the 
obligations of mutual assistance and fidelity by military service, 
the energies of friendship were awakened, and the ties of moral 
sympathy superadded to those of positive compact." 

We shall throw out one of the assumed causes which give 
stability to political institutions ; ' acknowledged merit,' which 
never belonged to the loose feucl^l compact of Rajwara ; but the 
absence of this strengthens the necessary substitute, ' ancient 
prejudices,' which supply many defects. 

Our anomalous and inconsistent interference in some cases, 
and our non-interference in others, operate alike to augment the 
dislocation induced by long predatory oppression in the various 
orders of society, instead of restoring that harmony and con- 
tinuity which had previously existed. The great danger, nay, 
the inevitable consequence of perseverance in this line of conduct, 
will be their reduction to the same degradation with our other 


allies, and their ultimate incorporation with our already too 
extended dominion [125]. 

It may be contended, that the scope and tenor of these alliances 
were not altogether unfitted for the period when they were formed, 
and our circumscribed knowledge ; but was it too late, when this 
knowledge was extended, to purify them from the dross which 
deteriorated the two grand principles of mutual benefit, on which 
all were grounded, viz. ' perfect internal independence ' to them, 
and ' acknowledged supremacy ' to the protecting power ? It 
will be said, that even these corner-stones of the grand political 
fabric are far from possessing those durable qualities which the 
contracting parties define, but that, on the contrary, they are 
the Ormuzd and Alirimanes, the good and evil principles of con- 
tention. But when we have superadded pecuniary engagements 
of indefinite extent, increasing in the ratio of their prosperity, 
and armed quotas or contingents of their troops, whose loose 
habits and discipline would ensure constant complaint, we may 
certainly take credit for having established a system which must 
compel that direct interference, which the broad principle of each 
treaty professes to check. 

The inevitable consequence is the perpetuation of that de- 
nationalising principle, so well understood by the Mahrattas, 
' divide et impera.' We are few ; to use an Oriental metaphor, 
our agents must ' use the eyes and ears of others.' That mutual 
dependence, which would again have arisen, our interference will 
completely nullify. Princes will find they can oppress their 
chiefs, chiefs will find channels by which their sovereign's com- 
mands may be rendered nugatory, and irresponsible ministers 
must have our support to raise these undefined tributary supplies ; 
and unanimity, confidence, and all the sentiments of gratitude 
which they owe, and acknowledge to be our due, will gradually 
fade with the national degradation. That our alliances have this 
tendency cannot be disputed. By their very nature they transfer 
the respect of every class of subjects from their immediate 
sovereign to the paramount authority and its subordinate agents. 
Who will dare to urge that a government, which camiot support 
its internal rule without restriction, can be national ? that with- 
out power unshackled and unrestrained by exterior council or 
espionage, it can maintain self-respect, the corner-stone of every 
virtue with States as with individuals ? This first of feelings 


these treaties utterly annihilate. Can we suppose such denational- 
ised allies are to be depended upon in emergencies ? or, if allowed 
to retain a spark of their ancient moral inheritance, that it [126] 
will not be kindled into a flame against us when opportunity 
offers, instead of lighting up the powerful feeling of gratitude 
which yet exists towards us in these warlike communities ? 

Like us they were the natural foes of that predatory system 
which so long disturbed our power, and our preservation and theirs 
were alike consulted in its destruction. WTien we sought their 
alliance, we spoke in the captivating accents of philanthropy ; 
we courted them to disunite from this Ahrimanes of political 
convulsion. The benevolent motives of the great mover of these 
alliances we dare not call in question, and his policy coincided 
with the soundest wisdom. But the treaties might have been 
revised, and the obnoxious parts which led to discord, abrogated, 
at the expense of a few paltry lacs of tribute and a portion of 
sovereign homage. It is not yet too late. True policy would 
enfranchise them altogether from our alliance ; but till then let 
them not feel their shackles in the galling restraint on each internal 
operation. Remove that millstone to national prosperity, the 
poignant feeling that every increased bushel of corn raised in 
their long-deserted fields must send its tithe to the British gran- 
aries. Let the national mind recover its wonted elasticity, and 
they wiU again attain their former celebrity. We have the power 
to advance this greatness, and make it and its result our own ; or, 
by a system unworthy of Britain, to retard and even quench it 

Never were their national characteristics so much endangered 
as in the seducing calm which folloAved the tempestuous agita- 
tions in which they had so long floated ; doubtful, to use their 
own figurative expression, whether ' the gilt of our friendship, 

•^ If Lord Hastings' philanthropy, which rejoiced in snatching these 
ancient States from the degradation of predatory warfare, expected that in 
four short years order should rise out of the chaos of a century, and " was 
prepared to visit with displeasure all symptoms of internal neglect, arising 
from supineness, indifference, or concealed ill-will " ; if he signified that 
" government would take upon itself the task of restoring order," and that 
" all changes " on this score " would be demanded and rigidly exacted " : 
in fine, that " such arrangements would be made as would deprive them 
of the power of longer abusing the spirit of hberal forbearance, the motives 
of which they were incapable of understanding or appreciating " ; what 
have they to hope from those without his sympathies ? 


or our arms,' were fraught with greater evil. The latter they 
could not withstand ; though it must never be lost sight of, that, 
like ancient Rome when her glory was fading, we use ' the arms 
of the barbarians ' to defend our conquests against them ! Is 
the mind ever stationary ? are virtue and high notions to be 
acquired from contact and example ? Is there no mind above 
tlie level of £10 monthly pay in all the native legions of the three 
presidencies of India ? no Odoacer, no Sivaji, [127] again to 
revive ? Is the book of knowledge and of truth, which we hold 
up, only to teach them submission and perpetuate their weak- 
ness ? Can we without fresh claims expect eternal gratitude, 
and must we not rationally look for reaction in some grand im- 
pulse, which, by furnishing a signal instance of the mutability 
of power, may afford a lesson for the benefit of posterity ? 

Is the mantle of protection, which we have thrown over these 
warlike races, likely to avert such a result ? It might certainly, 
if imbued with all those philanthropic feelings for which we took 
credit, act with soporific influence, and extinguish the embers of 
international animosity. ' The lion and the lamb were to drink 
from the same fountain ' ; they were led to expect the holy 
Satya Yug, when each man reposed under his own fig-tree, which 
neither strife nor envy dared approach. 

When so many nations are called upon, in a period of great 
calamity and danger, to make over to a foreigner, their opposite 
in everything, their superior in most, the control of their forces 
in time of war, the adjudication of their disputes in time of peace, 
and a share in the fruits of their renovating prosperity, what must 
be the result ; when each Rajput may hang up his lance in the 
haU, convert his sword to a ploughshare, and make a basket of 
his buckler ? What but the prostration of every virtue ? It 
commences with the basis of the Rajput's — the martial virtues ; 
extinguish these and they will soon cease to respect themselves. 
Sloth, low cunning and meanness will follow. Wliat nation ever 
maintained its character that devolved on the stranger the 
power of protection ! To be great, to be independent, its martial 
spirit must be cherished : happy if within the bounds of modera- 
tion. Led away by enthusiasm, the author experienced the 
danger of interference, when observing but one side of the picture 
— the brilliant lights which shone on their long days of darkness, 
not calculating the shade which would follow the sudden glare. 


On our cessation from every species of interference alone 
depends their independence or their amalgamation — a crisis 
fraught with danger to our overgrown rule. 

Let Alexander's speech to his veterans, tired oi conquest and 
refusing to cross the Hyphasis^ be applied, and let us not reckon 
too strongly on our empire of ojoinion : " Fame never represents 
matters truly as they are, but on the contrary magnifies every- 
thing. This is evident ; for our o^vn reputation and glory, though 
founded on solid truth, is yet more obliged to rumour than 
reality." ^ 

We may conclude with the Macedonian conqueror's reasons 
for showing the [128] Persians and his other foreign allies so 
much favour : " The possession of what we got by the sword is 
not very durable, but the obligation of good offices is eternal. 
If we have a mind to keep Asia, and not simply pass through it. 
our clemency must extend to them also, and their fidelity wUl 
make our empire everlasting. As for ourselves, we have more 
than we know what to do with, and it must be an insatiable, 
avaricious temper which desires to continue to fill what already 
runs over." ^ [129] 

^ Quintus Curtius, lib. ix. [ii. 6]. 
2 Ibid. Ub. viii. [viii. 27]. 



Feudalism in Rajasthan. — It is more than doubtful whether any 
code of civil or criminal jurisprudence ever existed in any of 
these principalities ; though it is certain that none is at this day 
discoverable in their archives. But there is a martial system 
peculiar to these Rajput States, so extensive in its operation as 
to embrace every object of society. This is so analogous to the 
ancient feudal system of Europe, that I have not hesitated to 
hazard a comparison between them, with reference to a period 
when the latter was yet imperfect. Long and attentive observa- 
tion enables me to give this outline of a system, of which there 
exists Uttle written evidence. Curiosity originally, and subse- 
quently a sense of public duty (lest I might be a party to injustice), 
co-operated in inducing me to make myself fully acquainted with 
the minutiae of this traditionary theory of government ; and 
incidents, apparently trivial in themselves, exposed parts of a 
widely - extended system, which, though now disjointed, still 
continue to regulate the actions of extensive communities, and 
lead to the inference, that at one period it must have attained a 
certain degree of perfection. 

Many years have elapsed since I first entertained these opinions, 
long before any connexion existed between these States and the 
British Government ; when their geography was little known to 
us, and their history still less so. At that period I frequently 
travelled amongst them for amusement, making these objects 
subservient thereto, and laying the result freely before my Govern- 



ment. I had [130] abundant sources of intelligence to guide me 
in forming my analogies ; Montesquieu, Hume, Millar, Gibbon ^ : 
but I sought only general resemblances and lineaments similar 
to those before me. A more perfect, because more familiar 
picture, has since appeared by an author,^ who has drawn aside 
the veil of mystery which covered the subject, owing to its being 
till then but imperfectly understood. I compared the features of 
Rajput society with the finished picture of this eloquent writer, 
and shall be satisfied with having substantiated the claim of these 
tribes to participation in a system, hitherto deemed to belong 
exclusively to Europe. I am aware of the danger of hypothesis, 
and shall advance nothing that I do not accompany by incon- 
testable proofs. 

The Tribal System. — The leading features of government 
amongst semi -barbarous hordes or civilized independent tribes 
must have a considerable resemblance to each other. In the 
same stages of society, the wants of men must everywhere be 
similar, and wUl produce the analogies which are observed to 
regulate Tatar hordes or German tribes, Caledonian clans, the 
Rajput Kula (race), or Jareja Bhayyad (brotherhood). All the 
countries of Europe participated in the system we denominate 
feudal ; and we can observe it, in various degrees of perfection 
or deterioration, from the mountains of Caucasus to the Indian 
Ocean. But it requires a persevering toil, and more discriminat- 
ing judgement than I possess, to recover all these relics of civiliza- 
tion : yet though time, and still more oppression, have veiled 
the ancient institutions of Mewar, the mystery may be penetrated, 
and will discover parts of a system worthy of being rescued from 

Influence of Muhammadans and Mahrattas. — Mahratta cunning, 
engrafted on Muhammadan intolerance, had greatly obscured 
tliese institutions. The nation itself was passing rapidly away : 
the remnant which was left had become a matter of calcula- 
tion, and their records and their laws partook of this general 
decay. The nation may recover ; the physical frame may be 
renewed ; but the morale of the society must be recast. In this 
chaos a casual observer sees nothing to attract notice ; the theory 
of government appears, without any of the dignity which now 
marks our regular system. Whatever does exist is attributed 
1 Miscellaneous Works, vol. iii. ^ Hallam's Middle Ages. 


to fortuitous causes — to nothing systematic : no fixed principle 
is discerned, and none is admitted ; it is deemed, a mechanism 
witliout a plan. Tliis opinion is hasty. Attention to distinctions, 
though often merely nominal [131], will aid us in discovering the 
outhnes of a picture which must at some period have been more 
finished ; when real power, unrestrained by foreign influence, 
upheld a system, the plan of which was original. It is in these 
remote regions, so little known to the Western world, and where 
original manners lie hidden under those of the conquerors, that 
we may search for the germs of the constitutions of European 
States.^ A contempt for all that is Asiatic too often marks our 
countrymen in the East : though at one period on record the 
taunt might have been reversed. 

In remarking the curious coincidence between the habits, 
notions, and governments of Europe in the Middle Ages, and those 
of Rajasthan, it is not absolutely necessary we should conclude 
that one system was borrowed from the other ; each may, in 
truth, be said to have the patriarchal form for its basis. I have 
sometimes been inclined to agree with the definition of Gibbon, 
who styles the system of our ancestors the offspring of chance 
and barbarism. " Le systeme feodal, assemblage monstriieux de 
tant de parties que le terns et I'hazard ont reunies, nous offre im 
objet tres complique : pour I'etudier il faut le decomposer." ^ 
This I shall attempt. 

The form, as before remarked, is truly patriarchal in these 

^ It is a liigli gratification to be su^jported by such authority as M. 8t. 
Martin, who, in his Discours sur VOrigine et VHistoire des Arsacides, thus 
speaks of the system of government termed feudal, which I contend exists 
amongst the Rajputs : " On pensc assez generalement que cette sorte de 
gouvernemeat qui dominait il y a quelques siecles, et qu'on appelle systeme 
feodal, etait particuliere a I'Europe, et que c'est dans les forets de la Germanie 
qu'il faut en chercher I'origine. Cependant, si au heu d'admettre les faits 
sans les discuter, comme il arrive trop souvent, on examinait un peu cette 
opinion, eile disparaitrait devant la critique, ou du moins elle se modifierait 
singuherement ; et Ton verrait que, si c'est des forets de la Germanie que 
nous avons tire le gouvernement feodal, il ii'en est certainement pas originaire. 
Si Ton veut comparer I'Europe, telle qu'eUe etait au xii" siecle, avec la 
monarchie fondee en Asie par les Arsacides trois siecles avant notre ere, 
partout on verra des institutions et des usages pareils. On y trouvera les 
memes dignites, et jusqu'aux memes titres, etc., etc. Boire, chasser, com- 
battre, faire et dcfaire des rois, c'etaient la les nobles occupations d'uu 
Parthe " {Journal Asiatique, vol. i. p. 65). It is nearly so with the Rajput. 

- Gibbon, Miscell. vol. iii. Du gouvernement feodal. 


States, where the greater portion of the vassal chiefs, from the 
highest of the sixteen peers to the holders of a charsa ^ of land, 
claim affinity in blood to the sovereign.^ 

The natural seeds are implanted in every soil, but the tree did 
not gain [132] maturity except in a favoured aspect. The jDcr- 
fection of the system in England is due to the Normans, who 
brought it from Scandinavia, whither it was probably conveyed 
by Odin and the Sacasenae, or by anterior migrations, from Asia : 
which would coincide with Richardson's hypothesis, who con- 
tends that it was introduced from Tatary. Although speculative 
reasoning forms no part of my plan, yet when I observe analogy 
on the subject in the customs of the ancient German tribes, the 
Franks or Gothic races, I shall venture to note them. Of one 
thing there is no doubt — knowledge must have accompanied the 
tide of migration from the east : and from higher Asia emerged 
in the Asi, the Chatti, and the Cimbric Lombard; who spread 
the system in Scandinavia, Friesland, and Italy. 

Origin of Feuds. — " It has been very common," says the 
enlightened historian of the Feudal System in the Middle Ages, 
" to seek for the origin of feuds, or at least for analogies to them, 
in the history of various countries ; but though it is of great 
importance to trace the similarity of customs in different parts of 
the world, we should guard against seeming analogies, which 
vanish away when they are closely observed. It is easy to find 
partial resemblances to the feudal system. The relation of patron 
and client in the republic of Rome has been deemed to resemble 
it, as well as the barbarians and veterans who held frontier lands 
on the tenure of defending them and the frontier ; but they were 

^ A ' skin or hyde.' Millar (chap. v. p. 85) defines a ' hyde of land,' 
the quantity which can be cultivated by a single plough. A charsa, ' skin 
or hyde ' of land, is as much as one man can water ; and what one can 
water is equal to what one i)lough can cultivate. If irrigation ever had 
existence by the founders of the system, we may suppose this the meaning 
of the term which designated a knighfs fee. It may have gone westward 
with emigration. [The English ' hide ' : '' the amount considered adequate 
for the supjDort of one free family with its dependants : at an early date 
defined as being as much land as could be tilled by one plough in a year," 
has no connexion with ' hide,' ' a skin.' It is O.E. Md, from hitv, hig, 
' household." ' Hide,' ' a skin,' is O.E. hyd {New English Diet, ssv.).] 

" Bapji, ' sire,' is the appellation of royalty, and, strange enough, 
whether to male or female ; while its offsets, which form a numerous branch 
of vassals, are called babas, ' the infants.' 


bound not to an individual, but to the state. Such a resemblance 
of fiefs may be found in the Zamindars of Hindustan and the 
Timariots of Turke}-. The clans of the Highlanders and Irish 
followed their chieftain into the field : but their tie was that of 
imagined kindred and birth, not the spontaneous compact of 
vassalage." ^ 

I give this at length to show, that if I still persist in deeming 
the Rajput system a pure relation of feuds, I have before my eyes 
the danger of seeming resemblances. But grants, deeds, charters, 
and traditions, copies of all of which will be found in the Appendix, 
will establish my opinions. I hope to prove that the tribes in the 
northern regions of Hindustan did possess the system, and that 
it was handed down, and still obtains, notwithstanding seven 
centuries of paramount sway of the Mogul and Pathan dynasties, 
altogether opposed to them except in this feature of government 
where there was an original similarity. In some of these States 
— ^those least affected by conquest — the system remained freer 
from innovation. It is, however, from INIewar chiefly that I shall 
deduce my examples, as its internal [133] rule was less influenced 
by foreign policy, even to the period at which the imperial power 
of Delhi Avas on the decline. 

Evidence from Mewar. — As in Europe, for a length of time, 
traditionary custom was the only regulator of the rights and 
tenures of this system, varying in each State, and not unfre- 
quently (in its minor details) in the different provinces of one 
State, according to their mode of acquisition and the description 
of occupants when required. It is from such circumstances that 
the variety of tenure and customarj^ law proceeds. To account 
for this variety, a knowledge of them is requisite ; nor is it until 
every part of the system is developed that it can be fully under- 
stood. The most trifling cause is discovered to be the parent of 
some important result. If ever these were embodied into a code 
(and we are justified in assuming such to have been the case), 
the varied revolutions which have swept away almost all relics 
of their history were not likely to spare these. ISIention is made 
of several princes of the house of Mewar who legislated for their 
country ; but precedents for every occurring case lie scattered 
in formulas, grants, and traditionary sayings. The inscriptions 
still existing on stone would alone, if collected, form a body of 
^ Hallam's Middle Ages, vol. i. ]i. 200. 


laws sufficient for an infant community ; and these were always 
first committed to writing, and registered ere the column was 
raised. The seven centuries of turmoil and disaster, during which 
these States were in continual strife with the foe, produced many 
princes of high intellect as w^ell as valour. Sanga Rana, and his 
antagonist. Sultan IJabur, v/ei'c revived in their no less celebrated 
grandsons, the great Akhar and Rana Partap : the son of the 
latter, Amra, the foe of Jahangir, was a character of whom the 
proudest nation might be vain. 

Evidence from Inscriptions.^ — The pen has recorded, and tradi- 
tion handed down, many isolated fragments of the genius of these 
Rajput princes, as statesmen and warriors, touching the political 
division, regulations of the aristocracy, and commercial and 
agricultural bodies. Sumptuary laws, even, which append to a 
feudal system, are to be traced in these inscriptions : the annul- 
ling of monopolies and exorbitant taxes ; the regulation of transit 
duties ; prohibition of profaning sacred days by labour ; im- 
inunities, privileges, and charters to trades, corporations, and 
towns ; such as would, in climes more favourable to liberty, have 
matured into a league, or obtained for these branches a voice in 
the coimcils of the State. My search for less perishable docu- 
ments than parchment when I found the cabinet of the prince 
contained them not, was unceasing ; but though the bigoted 
Muhammadan destroyed [134] most of the traces of civilization 
within his reach, perseverance was rewarded with a considerable 
number. They are at least matter of curiosity. They will 
evince that monopolies and restraints on commerce were well 
understood in Rajvt^ara, though the doctrines of political economy 
never gained footing there. The setting up oi these engraved 
tablets or pillars, called Seoras,^ is of the highest antiquity. 
Every subject commences with invoking the sun and moon as 
witnesses, and concludes with a denunciation of the severest 
penalties on those who break the spirit of the imperishable bond. 
Tablets of an historical nature I have of twelve and fourteen 
hundred years' antiquity, but of grants of land or privileges 
about one thousand years is the oldest. Time has destroyed 
many, but man more. They became more numerous during the 
last three centuries, when successful struggles against their foes 
produced new, privileges, granted in order to recall the scattered 
^ Sanskrit, Silla. 


inhabitants. Thus one contains an abolition of the monopoly of 
tobacco ; ^ another, the remission of tax on printed cloths, with 
permission to the country manufacturers to sell their goods free 
of duty at the neighbouring tov/ns. To a tliird, a mercantile 
city, the abolition of war contributions,^ and the establishment 
of its internal judicial authority. Nay, even where good manners 
alone are concerned, the lawgiver appears, and with an amusing 
simplicity : ^ " From the public feast none shall attempt to carry 
anything away." " None shall eat after sunset," shows that a 
Jain obtained the edict. To yoke the bullock or other animal for 
any work on the sacred Amavas,* is also declared pimishable. 
Others contain revocations of vexatious fees to officers of the 
crown ; "of beds and quilts ^ " ; " the seizure of the carts, imple- 
ments, or cattle of the husbandmen," ^ — the sole boon in our own 
Magna Charta demanded for the husbandman. These and several 
others, of which copies are annexed, need not be repeated. If 
even from such memoranda a sufficient number could be collected 
of each prince's reign up to the olden time, what more could we 
desire to enable us to judge of the genius of their princes, the 
wants and habits of the people, their acts and occupations ? 
The most ancient written customary law of France is a.d. 1088,^ 
at which time Mewar was in high [135] prosperity ; opposing, at 
the head of a league far more powerful than France could form 
for ages after, the progress of revolution and foreign conquest. 
Ignorance, sloth, and all the \aces which wait on and result from 
continual oppression in a perpetual struggle for existence of ages' 
duration, graduallj^ diminished the reverence of the inhabitants 
themselves for these relics of the wisdom of their forefathers. 
In latter years, they so far forgot the ennobling feeling and respect 
for ' the stone which told ' their once exalted condition, as to 
convert the materials of the temple in which many of these stood 
into places of abode. Thus many a valuable relic is built up in 
the castles of their barons, or buried in the rubbish of the fallen 

^ See Appendix, No. XII. 2 g^g Appendix, No. XIII. 

' See Appendix, No. XIV. 

* ' Full moon ' (See Appendix, No. XIII.). 

^ It is customary, when officers of the Government are detached on 
service, to exact from the towns where they are sent both bed and board. 

* Seized for pubhc service, and frequently to exact a composition in 
money. 7 Hallam, vol. i. p. 197. 


Books oJ Grants. — We have, however, the books of grants to the 
chiefs and vassals, and also the grand rent-roll of the country. 
These are of themselves valuable documents. Could we but 
obtain those of remoter periods, they would serve as a comment- 
ary on the history of the country, as each contains the detail of 
every estate, and the stipulated service, in horse and foot, to be 
performed for it. In later times, when turbulence and disaffec- 
tion went unpunished, it was useless to specify a stipulation of 
service that was nugatory ; and too often the grants contained 
but the names of towns and villages, and their value ; or if they 
had the more general terms of service, none of its details.^ From 
all these, however, a sufficiency of customary rules could easily 
be found to form the written law of fiefs in Rajasthan. In 
France, in the sixteenth century, the variety of these customs 
amounted to two hundred and eighty-five, of which only sixty ^ 
were of great importance. The number of consequence in Mewar 
which have come to my observation is considerable, and the most 
important will be given in the Appendix. Were the same plan 
pursued there as in that ordinance which produced the laws of 
Pays Coutumiers ^ of France, viz. ascertaining those of each 
district, the materials are ready. 

Such a collection would be amusing, particularly if the tradi- 
tionary were added to the engraved laws. They would often 
appear jejune, and might involve contradictions ; but wc should 
see the wants of the people ; and if ever our connexion (which God 
forbid !) should be drawn closer, we could then legislate without 
offending national customs or religious prejudices. Could this, 
by any instinctive [136] impulse or external stimulus, be effected 
by themselves, it would be the era of their emersion from long 
oppression, and might lead to better notions of government, and 
consequent happiness to them all. 

Noble Origin of the Rajput Race. — If we compare the antiquity 
and illustrious descent of the dynasties which have ruled, and 
some which continue to rule, the small sovereignties of Rajasthan, 
with many of celebrity in Europe, superiority will often attach 
to the Rajput. From the most remote periods we can trace 
nothing ignoble, nor any vestige of vassal origin. Reduced in 

^ Some of these, of old date, I have seen three feet in length. 

2 Hallam, vol. i. p. 199. 

' HallaTn notices these laws by this technical plirase. 


power, circumscribed in territory, compelled to yield much of 
their splendour and many of the dignities of birth, they have not 
abandoned an iota of the pride and high bearing arismg from a 
knowledge of their illustrious and regal descent. On this prin- 
ciple the various revolutions in the Rana's family never en- 
croached ; and the mighty Jahangir himself, the Emperor of the 
Moguls, became, like Caesar, the commentator on the history of 
the tribe of Sesodia.^ The potentate of the twenty-two Satrapies 
of Hind dwells with proud complacency on this Rajput king 
having made terms with him. He praises heaven, that what 
his immortal ancestor Babur, the founder of the Mogul dynasty, 
failed to do, the project in which Hmnayun had also failed, and 
in which the illustrious Akbar, his father, had but partial success, 
was reserved for him. It is pleasing to peruse in the comment- 
aries of these conquerors, Babur and Jahangir, their sentiments 
with regard to these princes. We have the evidence of Sir 
Thomas Roe, the ambassador of Elizabeth to Jahangir, as to the 
splendour of this race : it appears throughout their annals and 
those of their neighbours. 

The Rathors of Marwar. — The Rathors can boast a splendid 
pedigree ; and if we cannot trace its source with equal certainty 
to such a period of antiquity as the Rana's, we can, at all events, 
show the Rathor monarch wielding the sceptre at Kanauj, at the 
time the leader of an unknown tribe of the Franks was paving 
the way towards the foundation of the future kingdom of France. 
Unwieldy greatness caused the sudden fall of Kanauj in the 
twelfth century, of which the existing line of Marwar is a renov- 
ated scion .^ 

The Kachhwahas oJ Amber. — Amber is a branch of the once 
illustrious and ancient [137] Nishadha. now Narwar, Avhich pro- 
duced the ill-fated prince whose story ^ is so interesting. Revolu- 
tion and conquest compelled them to quit their ancestral abodes. 
Hindustan was then divided into no more than four great king- 
doms. By Arabian * travellers we have a confused picture of 

^ Sesodia is the last change of name which the Rana's race has under- 
gone. It was first Suryavansa, then Grahilot or Guhilot, Aharj'^a, and 
Sesodia. These changes arise from revolutions and local circumstances. 

2 [The Rathor dynasty of Kanauj is a myth (Smith, EHI, 385).] 

^ Nala and Damayanti. 

* Relations anciemtes des Voyageurs, par Renaudot. 


these States. But all the minor States, now existing in the west, 
arose about the period when the feudal system was approaching 
maturity in France and England. 

The others are less illustrious, being the descendants of the 
great vassals of their ancient kings. 

The Sesodias of Mewar. — Mewar exhibits a marked difference 
from all the other States in her policy and institutions. She was 
an old-established dynasty when these renovated scions were in 
embryo. We can trace the losses of Mewar, but with difficulty 
her acquisitions ; while it is easy to note the gradual aggrandise- 
ment of Marwar and Amber, and all the minor States. Marwar 
was composed of many petty States, whose ancient possessions 
formed an allodial vassalage under the new dynasty. A superior 
independence of the control of the prince arises from the peculiar- 
ity of the mode of acquisition ; that is, with rights similar to the 
allodial vassals of the European feudal system. 

Pride of Ancestry. — The poorest Rajput of this day retains all 
the pride of ancestry, often his sole inheritance ; he scorns to 
hold the plough, or to use his lance but on horseback. In these 
aristocratic ideas he is supported by his reception amongst his 
superiors, and the respect paid to him by his interiors. The 
honours and privileges, and the gradations of rank, amongst the 
vassals of the Rana's house, exhibit a highly artificial and refined 
state of society. Each of the superior rank is entitled to a banner, 
kettle-drums preceded by heralds and silver maces, with peculiar 
gifts and personal honours, in commemoration of some exploit 
of their ancestors. 

Armorial Bearings. — The martial Rajputs are not strangers 
to armorial bearings,^ now so indiscriminately used in Europe. 

^ It is generally admitted that armorial bearings were little known till 
the period of the Crusades, and that they belong to the east. The twelve 
tribes of Israel were distinguished by the animals on their banners, and 
the sacred writings frequently allude to the ' Lion of Judah.' The peacock 
was a favourite armorial emblem of the Rajput warrior ; it is the bird 
sacred to their Mars (Kumara), as it was to Juno, his mother, in the west. 
The feather of the peacock decorates the turban of the Rajput and the 
warrior of the Crusade, adopted from the Hindu through the Saracens. 
"Le paon a toujours ete I'embleme de la noblesse. Plusieurs chevaliers 
ornaient leurs casques des plumes de cet oiseau ; un grand nombre de 
families nobles le portaient dans leur blazon ou sur leur cimier ; quelques- 
uns n'en portaient que la qtieue " (Art. "Armoiric," Diet, de Vancien 


The great banner of Mewar exhibits a golden sun [1 38] on a crimson 
field ; those of the chiefs bear a dagger. Amber displays the 
panchranga, or five-coloured flag. The lion rampant on an 
argent field is extinct with the State of Chanderi.^ 

In Europe these customs were not introduced till the period 
of the Crusades, and were copied from the Saracens ; while the 
use of them amongst the Rajput tribes can be traced to a period 
anterior to the war of Troy. In the Mahabharat, or great war, 
twelve hundred years before Christ, we find the hero Bhishma 
exulting over his trophy, the banner of Arjuna, its field adorned 
with the figure of the Indian Hanuman.^ These emblems had a 
religious reference amongst the Hindus, and were taken from their 
mythology, the origin of all devices. 

The Tribal Palladium. — Every royal house has its palladium, 
which is frequently borne to battle at the saddle-bow of the 
prince. Rao Bhima Hara, of Kotah, lost his life and protecting 
deity together. The late celebrated Khichi ' leader, Jai Singh, 
never took the field without the god before him. ' Victory to 
Bajrang ' was his signal for the charge so dreaded by the Mahratta, 
and often has the deity been sprinkled with his blood and that of 
the foe. Their ancestors, who opposed Alexander, did the same, 
and carried the image of Hercules (Baldeva) at the head of their 

Banners. — The custom (says Arrian) of presenting banners as 
an emblem of sovereignty over vassals, also obtained amongst 
the tribes of the Indus when invaded by Alexander. When he 
conquered the Saka and tribes east of the Caspian, he divided 
the provinces amongst the princes of the ancient families, for 
which they paid homage, engaged to serve with a certain quota 
of troops, and received from his own hand a banner ; in all of 
which he followed the customs of the country. But in these we 
see only the outline of the system; we must descend to more 

^ I was the first European who traversed this wild country, in 1807, not 
without some hazard. It was then independent : about three years after 
it fell a prey to Sindhia. [Several ancient dynasties used a crest (lanchhana), 
and a banner (dhvaja) : see the list in BO, i. Part ii. 299.] 

2 The monkey-deity. [Known as Bajrang, Skt. vajranga, ' of powerful 

* The Khichis are a branch of the Chauhans, and Khiehiwara lies east of 

* [Quintus Curtius, viii. 14, 46 ; Arrian, Indika, viii.] 


modern days to observe it more minutely. A grand picture is 
drawn of the power of Mewar, when the first grand irruption of 
the Muhammadans occurred in the first century of their era ; 
when " a hundred ^ kings, its alUes and dependents, had their 
thrones raised in Chitor," for its defence and their own individu- 
ally [139], when a new religion, propagated by the sword of con- 
quest, came to enslave these realms. This invasion was by 
Sind and Makran ; for it was half a century later ere ' the light ' 
shone from the heights of Pamir ^ on the plains of the Jumna and 

From the commencement of this religious war in the moun- 
tains westward of the Indus, many ages elapsed ere the ' King of 
the Faith ' obtained a seat on the throne of Yudhishthira. Chand, 
the bard, has left us various valuable memorials of this period, 
applicable to the subject historically as well as to the immediate 
topic. Visaladeva, the monarch whose name appears on the 
pillar of victory at Delhi, led an army against the invader, in 
which, according to the bard, " the banners of eighty-four princes 
were assembled." The bard describes with great animation the 
summons sent for this magnificent feudal levy from the heart of 
Antarbedi,* to the shores of the western sea, and it coincides with 
the record of his victory, which most probably this very army 
obtained for him. But no finer picture of feudal manners exists 
than the history of Prithwiraja, contained in Chand's poems. 
It is surprising that this epic should have been allowed so long 
to sleep neglected : a thorough knowledge of it, and of others of 
the same character, would open many sources of new knowledge, 
and enable us to trace many curious and interesting coin- 

^ See Annals of Mewar, and note from D'AnviUe. 

^ The Pamir range is a grand branch of the Indian Caucasus. Chand, 
the bard, designates them as the " Parbat Pat Pamir," or Pamir Lord of 
Mountains. From Pahar and Pamir the Greeks may have compounded 
Paropanisos, in which was situated the most remote of the Alexandrias. [?] 

* The space between the grand rivers Ganges and Jumna, well known 
as the Duab. 

* Domestic habits and national manners are painted to the hfe, and no 
man can well understand the Rajput of yore who does not read these. 
Those were the days of chivalry and romance, when the assembled princes 
contended for the hand of the fair, who chose her own lord, and threw to 
the object of her choice, in full court, the barmala, or garland of marriage. 
Those were the days which the Rajput yet loves to talk of, when the glance 


In perusing these tales of the days that are past, we should be 
induced to conclude that the Kuriltai of the Tatars, the Chaugan 
of the Rajput, and the Champ de Mars of the Frank, had one 
common origin. 

Influence of Caste. — Caste has for ever prevented the inferior 
classes of society from being incorporated with this haughty 
noblesse. Only those of jjure blood in both lines can hold fiefs 
of the crown. The highest may marry the daughter of a Rajput, 
whose sole [140] possession is a ' skin of land ' : ^ the sovereign 
himself is not degraded by such alliance. There is no moral blot, 
and the operation of a law like the Salic would prevent any 
political evil resulting therefrom. Titles are granted, and even 
fiefs of office, to ministers and civil servants not Rajputs ; they 
are, however, but official, and never confer hereditary right. 
These official fiefs may have originally arisen, here and in Europe, 
from the same cause ; the want of a circulating medium to pay the 
offices. The Mantris - of Mewar prefer estates to' pecuniary 
stipend, which gives more consequence in every point of view. 
All the higher offices — as cup-bearer, butler, stewards of the 
household, wardrobe, kitchen, master of the horse — aU these are 
enumerated as ininisterialists ^ at the court of Charlemagne in 
the dark ages of Europe, and of whom we have the duplicates. 
These are what the author of the Middle Ages designates as 
" improper feuds..'' * In Mewar the prince's architect, painter, 
physician, bard, genealogist, heralds, and all the generation of 
the foster-brothers, hold lands. Offices are hereditary in this 
patriarchal government ; their services personal. The title 
even appends to the family, and if the chance of events deprive 
them of the substance, they are seldom left destitute. It is not 
uncommon to see three or four with the title of pardhan or 

of an eye weighed with a sceptre : when three things alone occupied him : 
his horse, his lance, and his mistress ; for she is but the third in his estima- 
tion, after all : to the two first he owed her. 
^ Charsa, a ' hide or skin ' [see p. 156 above]. 

* ' Ministers,' from Mantra, ' mystification ' [' a sacred text, spell ']. 

' It is probably of Teutonic origin, and akin to Mantri, which embraces 
all the ministers and councillors of loyalty (Hallam, p. 195). [?] 

* Hallam, p. 193. 

* One I know, in whose family the office has remained since the period 
of Prithvviraja, who transferred his ancestor to the service of the Rana's 


But before I proceed further in these desultory and general 
remarks, I shall commence the chief details of the system as 
described in times past, and, in part, still obtaining in the 
principality of the Rana of Mewar As its geography and 
distribution are fully related in their proper place, I must 
refer the reader to that for a preliminary understanding of its 
localities. >k. 

Estates of Chief and Fiscal Land. — The local disposition of the 
estates was admirably contrived. Bounded on three sides, the 
south, east, and west, by marauding barbarous tribes of Bhils, 
Mers, and Minas, the circumference of this circle was subdivided 
into estates for the chiefs, while the khalisa, or fiscal land, the 
best and richest, was in the heart of the country, and consequently 
well protected [141]. It appears doubtful whether the khalisa 
lands amounted to one-fourth of those distributed in grant to the 
chiefs. The value of the crown demesne as the nerve and sinew 
of sovereignty, was well known by the former heads of this house. 
To obtain any portion thereof was the reward of important ser- 
vices ; to have a grant of a few acres near the capital for a garden 
was deemed a high favour ; and a village in the amphitheatre or 
valley, in which the present capital is situated, was the nc plus 
ultra of recompense. But the lavish folly of the present prince, 
out of this tract, twenty-five miles in circumference, has not 
preserved a single village in his khalisa. By this distribution, 
and by the inroads of the wild tribes in the vicinity, or of Moguls 
and Mahrattas, the valour of the chiefs were kept in constant 

The country was partitioned into districts, each containing 
from fifty to one hundred towns and villages, though sometimes 
exceeding that proportion. The great number of Chaurasis ^ 
leads to the conclusion that portions to the amount of eighty- 
four had been the general subdivision. Many of these yet remain : 

house seven hundred years ago. He is not merely a nominal- hereditary 
minister, for his uncle actually held the office ; but in consequence of having 
favoured the views of a pretender to the crown, its active duties are not 
entrusted to any of the family. 

^ The numeral eighty-four. [In the ancient Hmdu kingdoms the full 
estate was a group of 84 villages, smaller units being called Byahsa, 42, 
or Ch ubisa, 24 (Baden-Powell, The Village Community, 198, and see a 
valuable article in EUiot, Supplemental Glossary , 178 ff.] 


as the ' Chaurasi ' of Jahazpur and of Kumbhalmer : tantaniouut 
to the old ' hundreds ' of onr Saxon ancestry. A circle of posts 
was distributed, within which the quotas of the chiefs attended, 
under ' the Faujdar of the Sima ' (vulgo Sim), or conmiander of 
the border. It was found expedient to appoint from court this 
lord of the frontier, always accompanied by a portion of the royal 
insignia, standard, kettle-drums, and heralds, and being genei'ally a 
civil officer, he united to his military olhce the administration of 
justice.^ The higher vassals never attended personally at these 
posts, but deputed a confidential branch of their family, with 
the quota required. For the government of the districts there 
were conjoined a civil and a military officer : the latter generally 
a vassal of the second rank. Their residence was the chief place 
of the district, commonly a stronghold. 

The division of the chiefs into distinct grades, shows a highly 
artificial state of society. 

First class. — -We have the Sixteen, whose estates were from 
hity thousand to one hundred thousand rupees and upwards, of 
yearly rent. These appear in the [142] presence only on special 
invitation, upon festivals and solemn ceremonies, and are the 
hereditary councillors of the crown.^ 

Second class, from five to fifty thousand rupees. Their duty 
is to be always in attendance. P>om these, chiefly, faujdars and 
military officers are selected.- 

Third class is that of Gol ^ holding lands chiefly under five 
thousand rupees, though by favour they may exceed this limit. 
They are generally the holders of separate villages and portions 
of land, and in former times they were the most useful class to the 
prince. They always attended on his person, and indeed formed 
his strength against any combination or opposition of the higher 

Fourth class. — The offsets of the younger branches of the 
Rana's own family, within a certain period, are called the babas, 
literally ' infants,' and have appanages bestowed on them. Of 

^ Now each chief claims the right of administering justice in his own 
domain, that is, in civil matters ; but in criminal cases they ought not 
without the special sanction of the crown. Justice, however, has long 
been left to work its own way, and the seK-constituted tribunals, the pan- 
chayats, sit in judgment in all cases where property is involved. 

^ See Appendix, No. XX. 


this class are Shahpura and Banera ; too powerful for subjects.* 
They hold on none of the terms of the great clans, but consider 
themselves at the disposal of the prince. These are more within 
the influence of the crown. Allowing adoption into these houses, 
except in the case of near kindred, is assuredly an innovation ; 
they ought to revert to the crown, failing immediate issue, as did 
the great estate of Bhainsrorgarh, two generations back. From 
these to the holder of a clutrsa, or hide of land, the peculiarity of 
tenure and duties of each will form a subject for discussion. 

Revenues and Rights of the Crown. — I need not here expatiate 
upon the variety of items which constitute the revenues of the 
prince, the details of which will appear in their proper place. 
The land-tax in the khalisa demesne is, of course, the chief source 
of supply ; the transit duties on commerce and trade, and those 
of the larger towns and cominercial marts, rank next. In former 
times more attention was paid to this important branch of in- 
come, and the produce was greater because less shackled. The 
liberality on the side of the crown was only equalled by the 
integrity of the merchant, and the extent to which it was carried 
would imply an almost Utopian degree of perfection in their 
mutual qualities of liberality and honesty ; the one, perhaps, 
generating the other. The remark of a merchant recently, on 
the vexatious train of duties and espionage attending their 
collection, is not merely figurative : " our ancestors tied their 
invoice to the horns of the oxen ^ at the first frontier post of 
customs, and no intermediate questions [143] were put till we 
passed to the opposite or sold our goods, when it was opened 
and payment made accordingly ; but now every town has its 
rights." It will be long ere this degree of confidence is restored 
on either side ; extensive demand on the one is met by fraud and 
evasion on the other, though at least one-half of these evils have 
already been subdued. 

Mines and Minerals. — The mines were very productive in 
former times, and yielded several lacs to the princes of Mewar.^ 

^ [They are heads of the Ranawat sub-tribe. The latter enjoys the right, 
on succession, of having a sword sent to him with full honours, on receipt 
of which he goes to Udaipur to be installed (Erskine ii. A. 92).] 

^ Oxen and carts are chieflj' used in the Tundas, or caravans, for trans- 
portation of goods in these countries ; camels further to the north. 

^ [On the mines of Mewar, see lA, i. 63 f.] 


The rich tin mines of Jawara produced at one time a considerable 
proportion of silver. Those of copper are abundant, as is also 
iron on the now alienated domain on the Chambal ; but lead least 
of aU.i 

The marble quarries also added to the revenue ; and where 
there is such a multiplicity of sources, none are considered too 
minute to be applied in these necessitous times. 

Barar. — Barar is an indefinite term for taxation, and is con- 
nected with the thing taxed : as ghanim-barar,^ ' war-tax ' ; gliar 
ginii-barar,^ ' house-tax ' ; hal-barar, ' plough-tax ' ; neota-barar, 
' marriage-tax ' ; and others, both of old and new standing. 
The war-tax was a kind of substitute for the regular mode of 
levying the rents on the produce of the soil ; whicii was rendered 
very difficult during the disturbed period, and did not accord 
with the wants of the prince. It is also a substitute in those 
mountainous regions, for the jarib,^ where the produce bears 
no proportion to the cultivated surface ; sometimes from poverty 
of soil, but often from the reverse, as in Kumbhalmer, where the 
choicest crops are produced on the cultivated terraces, and on the 
sides of its mountains, which abound with springs, yielding the 
richest canes and cottons, and where experiment has proved 
that four crops can be raised in the same patch of soil within the 

The offering on confirmation of estates (or fine on renewal) is 
now, though a very small, yet still one source of supply ; as is 
the annual and triennial payment of the quit-rents of the Bhumia 
chiefs. Fines in composition of offences may also be mentioned : 
and they might be larger, if more activity were introduced in the 
detection of offenders [144]. 

These governments are mild in the execution of the laws ; 

^ The privilege of coiniug is a reservation of royalty. No subject is 
allowed to coin gold or silver, though the Salumbar chief has on sufferance 
a copper currency. The mint was a considerable source of income, and 
may be again when confidence is restored and a new currency introduced. 
The Chitor rupee is now thirty-one per cent inferior to the old Bhilara 
standard, and there was one struck at the capital even worse, and very nearly 
as bad as the moneta nigra of Philip the Fair of France, who allowed his 
vassals the privilege of coining it. [For an account of the past and present 
coinage of Mewai; see W. W. Webb, Currencies of the Hindu States of Raj- 
puiana, 3 ff.] 

* Enemy. ^ Numbering of houses. 

* A measure of land [usually 55 English j^ards]. 


and a heavy fine lias more effect (especially on the hill tribes) 
than the execution of the offender, who fears death less than the 
loss of property. 

Khar-Lakar. — The composition for ' wood and forage ' afforded 
a considerable supply. When the princes of Mewar were oftener 
in the tented field than in the palace, combating for their pre- 
servation, it was the duty of every individual to store up wood 
and forage for the supply of the prince's army. What originated 
in necessity was converted into an abuse and annual demand. 
The towns also supplied a certain portion of provisions ; where 
the prince halted for the day these were levied on the connnunity ; 
a goat or sheep from the shepherd, milk and flour froin the farmer . 
The maintenance of these customs is observable in taxes, for the 
origin of which it is impossible to assign a reason without going 
into the history of the period ; they scarcely recollect the source 
of some of these themselves. They are akin to those known 
under the feudal tenures of France, arising from exactly the same 
causes, and commuted for money payments ; such as the droit 
de gisie et de chevauche.^ Many also originated in the perambula- 
tions of these princes to visit their domains ; ^ a black year in the 
calendar to the chief and the subject. When he honoured the 
chief by a visit, he had to present horses and arms, and to enter- 
tain his prince, in all which honours the cultivators and merchants 
had to share. The duties on the sale of spirits, opium, tobacco, 
and even to a share of the garden-stuff, affords also modes of 
supply [145].' 


Legislative Authority. — During the period still called " the good 
times of Mewar,' the prince, with the aid of his civil council, the 
four ministers of the crown and their deputies, promulgated all 
the legislative enactments in which the general rights and wants 
of the community were involved. In these the martial vassals 

^ Hallam, vol. i. p. 232. 

■^ Hume describes the necessity for our earlier kings inaking these tours 
to consume the produce, being in kind. So it is in Mewar ; but I fancy 
the supply was always too easily convertible into circulating medium to 
be the cause there. 

' See Appendix, No. X. 


or chiefs had no concern : a wise exclusion, comprehending also 
their immediate dependents, military, commercial, and agri- 
cultural. Even now, the little that is done in these matters is 
effected by the civil administration, though the Rajput Pardhans 
have been too apt to interfere in matters from which they ought 
always to be kept aloof, being ever more tenacious of tlieir own 
rights than solicitous for the welfare of the community. 

Panchayats. — The neglect in the legislation of late years was 
supplied by the self-constituted tribunals, the useful panchayats, 
of which enough has been said to render furtlicr illustration 
unnecessar^^ Besides the resident ruler of the district, who was 
also a judicial functionary, there was, as already stated, a special 
officer of the government in each frontier thana, or garrison post. 
He vmited the triple occupation of embodying the quotas, levying 
the transit duties, and administering justice, in which he was 
aided at the chabutra ^ or coiu-t, by assembling the Chauthias or 
assessors of justice. Each town and village has its chauthia, the 
members of which are elected by their felloM'-citizens, and remain 
as long as they conduct themselves imijartially in disentangling 
the intricacies of complaints preferred to them. 

They are the aids to the Nagarseth, or chief magistrate, an 
hereditary office in every large city in Rajasthan. Of this 
chauthia the Patel and Patwari * are generally members. TJie 
former of these, like the Dasaundhi of the Mahrattas, resembles 
in his duties the decanus of France and the tithing-man in England. 
The chauthia and panchayat of these districts are analogous to 
the assessors of [140] justice called scabi7ii ^ in France, who held 
the office by election or the concurrence of the people. But these 
are the special and fixed council of each town ; the general 
panchayats are formed from the respectable population at large, 
and were formerly from all classes of society. 

The chabutras, or terraces of justice, were always established 
in the khalisa, or crown demesne. It was deemed a humiliating 
intrusion if they sat within the bounds of a chief. To ' erect the 
flag ' within his limits, whether for the formation of defensive 
posts or the collection of duties, is deemed a gross breach of his 

^ Literally ' terrace,' or ' altar.' 
^ [Headman and accountant.] 

^ They were considered a sort of jury, bearing a close analogy to ■4;he 
judices selecti, who sat with the praetor in the tribunal of Rome (Hallam). 


privileged iadependenee, as to establish them within the walls of 
his residence would be deemed equal to sequestration. It often 
becomes necessary to see justice enforced on a chief or his de- 
pendent, but it begets eternal disputes and disobedience, tUl at 
length they are worried to compliance by rozina. 

Bozina. — When delay in these matters, or to the general 
conunands of the prince, is evinced, an officer or herald is deputed 
with a party of four, ten, or twenty horse or foot, to the hef of 
the chief, at whose residence they take up their abode ; and 
carrying, under the seal, a warrant to furnish them with specified 
daily {rozina) rations, they live at free quarters till he is quickened 
into compliance with the commands of the prince. This is the 
only accelerator of the slow movements of a Rajput chieftaia in 
these days, whether for his appearance at court or the performance 
of an act of justice. It is often carried to a harassing e±cess, and 
causes much complaint. 

In cases regarding the distribution of justice or the internal 
economy of the chief's estates, the government officers seldom 
interfere. But of their panchayats I will only remark, that their 
import amongst the vassals is very comprehensive ; and when 
they talk of the ' punch,' it means the ' collective wisdom.' In 
the reply to the remonstrance of the Deogarh vassals,^ the chief 
promises never to undertake any measure without their delibera- 
tion and sanction. 

On all grand occasions where the general peace or tranquillity 
of the government is threatened^ the chiefs form the councU of 
the sovereign. Such subjects are always first discussed in the 
domestic councUs of each chief ; so that when the [147] witenage- 
mot of Mewar was assembled, each had prepared himself by 
previous discussion, and was fortified by abundance of advice. 

To be excluded the council of the prince is to be in utter 
disgrace. These grand divans produce infinite speculation, and 
the ramifications which form the opinions are extensive. The 
council of each chief is, in fact, a miniature representation of the 
sovereign's. The greater sub-vassals, his civU pardhan, the 
mayor of the household, the purohit,^ the bard, and two or three 
of the most intelligent citizens, form the minor councils, and all 
are separately deliberating while the superior court is in discus- 
sion. Thus is collected the wisdom of the magnates of Rajwara. 
^ See Appendix, No. III. ^ Family priost. 


Military Service. — In Mewar, diiriiig the days of her glory and 
prosperity, fifteen thousand horse, bound by the ties of fidelity 
and service, followed their prince into the field, all supported by 
lands held by grant ; from the chief who headed five hundred of 
his own vassals, to the single horseman. 

Knight's Fee or Single Horsemen. — A knight's fee in these 
States varies. For each thousand rupees of annual rent, never 
less than two, and generally three horsemen were furnished ; and 
sometimes three horse and three foot soldiers, according to the 
exigencies of the times when the grant was conferred. The 
different grants ^ appended will show this variety, and furnish 
additional proof that this, and all similar systems of policy, must 
be much indebted to chance for the shape they ultimately take. 
The knight's fee, when William the Conqueror partitioned England 
into sixty thousand such portions, from each of which a soldier's 
service was due, was fixed at £20. Each portion furnished its 
soldier or paid escuage. The knight's fee of Mewar may be said 
to be two hundred and fifty rupees, or about £30. 

Limitations of Service. — In Europe, service was so restricted 
that the monarch had but a precarious authority. He could 
only calculate upon forty days' annual service from the tenant 
of a knight's fee. In Rajasthan it is very different : " at home 
and abroad, service shall be performed when demanded " ; such 
is the condition of the tenure. 

For state and show, a portion of the greater vassals ^ reside at 
the capital for [148] some months, when they have permission to 
retire to their estates, and are relieved by another portion. On 
the grand military festival the whole attend for a given time ; and 
when the prince took the field, the whole assembled at their own 
charge : but if hostilities carried them beyond the frontier they 
were allowed certain rations. 

Escuage or Scutage. — Escuage or scutage, the phrase in 
Europe to denote the amercement * for non-attendance, is also 
known and exemplified in deeds. Failure from disaffection, 
turbulence, or pride, brought a heavy fine ; the sequestration of 
the whole or part of the estate.* The princes of these States 

^ See Appendix, Nos. IV. V. and VI. 

^ See Appendix, No. XX. art. 6 ; the treaty between the chiefs and his 
vassals defining service. 

' Appendix, No. XVI. * Both of which I have witnessed. 


would willingly desire to see escuage more general. All have 
made this first attempt towards an approximation to a standing 
army ; but, though the chiefs would make compensation to get 
rid of some particular service, they are very reluctant to renounce 
lands, by which alone a fixed force could be maintained. The 
rapacity of the court would gladly fly to scutages, but in the 
present impoverished state of the fiefs, such if injudiciously levied 
would be almost equivalent to resumption ; but this measure is 
so full of difficulty as to be almost impracticable. 

Inefficiency of this Form of Government. — Throughout Rajas- 
than the character and welfare of the States depend on that of the 
sovereign : he is the mainspring of the system — the active power 
to set and keep in motion all these discordant materials ; if he 
relax, each part separates, and moves in a narrow sphere of its 
own. Yet will the impulse of one great mind put the machine 
in regular movement, which shall endure during two or three 
imbecile successors, if no fresh exterior force be applied to check 
it. It is a system full of defects ; yet we see them so often 
balanced by virtues, that Ave are alternately biassed by these 
counteracting qualities ; loyalty and patriotism, which combine 
a love of the institutions, religion, and manners of the country, 
are the counterpoise to systematic evil. In no country has the 
system ever proved efficient. It has been one of eternal excite- 
ment and irregular action ; inimical to order, and the repose 
deemed necessary after conflict for recruiting the national strength. 
The absence of an external foe was but the signal for disorders 
within, which increased to a terrific height in the feuds of the 
two great rival factions of Mewar, the clans of [149] Chondawat ^ 
and Saktawat,^ as the weakness of the prince augmented by the 
abstraction of his personal domain, and the diminution of the 
services of the third class of vassals (the Gol), the personal re- 
tainers of the crown ; but when these feuds broke out, even with 
the enemy at their gates, it required a prince of great nerve and 
talent to regulate them. Yet is there a redeeming quality in the 

' A clan called after Chonda, eldest son of an ancient Rana, who resigned 
his birthright. 

^ Sakta was the son of Rana Udai Singh, founder of Udayapura, or 
Udaipur. The feuds of these two clans, like those of the Annagnacs and 
Bourguignons, " qui couvrirent la France d'un crepe sanglant," have been 
the destruction of Mewar. It requires but a change of names and places, 
while reading the one, to understand perfectly the history of the other. 



system, which, imperfect as it is, could render such perilous 
circumstances but the impulse to a rivalry of heroism. 

Rivalry o£ the Chondawat and Saktawat Sub-clans. — When 
Jahangir had obtained possession of the palladium of Mewar, the 
ancient fortress of Chitor, and driven the prince into the wilds and 
mountains of the west, an opportunity offered to recover some 
frontier lands in the plains, and the Rana with all his chiefs was 
assembled for the purpose. But the Saktawats asserted an equal 
privilege with their rivals to form the vanguard ; ^ a right which 
their indisputable valour (perhaps superior to that of the other 
party) rendered not invalid. The Chondawats claimed it as an 
hereditary privilege, and the sword would have decided the 
matter but for the tact of the prince. " The harawal to the clan 
which first enters Untala," was a decision which the Saktawat 
leader quickly heard ; while the other could no longer plead his 
right, when such a gauntlet was thrown down for its maintenance. 

Untala is the frontier fortress in the plains, about eighteen 
miles east of the capital, and covering the road which leads from 
it to the more ancient one of Chitor. It is situated on a rising 
groimd, with a stream flowing beneath its walls, which are of 
solid masonry, lofty, and with round towers at intervals.^ In 
the centre was the governor's house, also fortified. One gate 
only gave admission to this castle. 

The clans, always rivals in power, now competitors in glory, 
moved off at the same time, some hours before daybreak — • 
LTntala the goal, the harawal the reward ! Animated with hope — 
a barbarous and cruel foe the object of their prowess — their wives 
and families spectators, on their return, of the meed of enterprise ; 
the bard [150], who sang the praise of each race at their outset, 
demanding of each materials for a new wreath, supplied every 
stimulus that a Rajput could have to exertion. 

The Saktawats made directly for the gateway, which they 
reached as the day broke, and took the foe unprepared ; but the 
walls were soon manned,, and the action commenced. The 
Chondawats, less skilled in topography, had traversed a swamp, 
which retarded them — but through which they dashed, fortun- 
ately meeting a guide in a shepherd of Untala. With more 
foresight than their opponents, they had brought ladders. The 

^ Harawal. 

^ It is now in ruins, but the towers and part of the walls are still standing. 


chief led the escalade, but a ball rolled him back amidst his 
vassals ; it was not his destiny to lead the harawal ! Each party 
was checked. The Saktawat depended on the elephant he rode, 
to gain admission by forcing the gate ; but its projecting spikes 
deterred the animal from applying its strength. His men were 
falling thick around him, when a shout from the other party 
made him dread their success. He descended from his seat, 
placed his body on the spikes, and commanded the driver, on 
pain of instant death, to propel the elephant against him. The 
gates gave way, and over the dead body of their chief his clan 
rushed to the combat ! But even this heroic surrender of his 
life failed to purchase the honour for his clan. The lifeless corpse 
of his rival was already in Untala, and this was the event 
announced by the shout which urged his sacrifice to honour and 
ambition. When the Chondawat chief fell, the next in rank and 
kin took the command. He was one of those arrogant, reckless 
Rajputs, who signalized themselves wherever there was danger, 
not only against men but tigers, and his common appellation 
was the Benda Thakur (' mad chief ') of Deogarh. When his 
leader fell, he rolled the body in his scarf ; then tying it on his 
back, scaled the wall, and with his lance having cleared the way 
before him he threw the dead body over the parapet of Untala, 
shouting, " The vanguard to the Chondawat ! we are first in ! " 
The shout was echoed by the clan, and the rampart was in their 
possession nearly at the moment of the entry of the Saktawats. 
The Moguls fell under their swords : the standard of Mewar was 
erected in the castle of Untala, but the leading of the vanguard 
remained with the Chondawats^ [151]. 

This is not the sole instance of such jealousies being converted 

^ An anecdote appended by my friend Anira (the bard of the Sangawats, 
a powerful division of the Chondawats, whose head is Deogarh, often alluded 
to, and who alone used to lead two thousand vassals into the field) was well 
attested. Two Mogul chiefs of note were deeply engaged in a game of chess 
when the tumult was reported to them. Feeling confident of success, they 
continued their game ; nor would they desist till the inner castle of this 
' donjon keep ' was taken, and they were surrounded by the Rajputs, when 
they cooUy begged they might be allowed to terminate their game. This 
the enemy granted ; but the loss of their chiefs had steeled their breasts 
against mercy, and they were afterwards put to death. [Compare the 
similar case of Ganga; Raja of Mysore, who was surprised, by the treachery 
of his ministers, while occupied in a game of chess (L. Rice, Mysore Gazeltecr 
(1897), i. 319.] 


into a generous and patriotic rivalry ; many others could be 
adduced throughout the greater principaUties, but especially 
amongst the brave Rathors of Marwar. 

It was a nice point to keep these clans poised against each 
other ; their feuds were not without utihty, and the tact of the 
prince frequently turned them to account. One party was certain 
to be enlisted on the side of the sovereign, and this alone counter- 
balanced the evil tendencies before described. To this day it 
has been a perpetual struggle for supremacy ; and the epithets 
of ' loyalist ' and ' traitor ' have been alternating between them 
for centuries, according to the portion they enjoyed of the 
prince's favour, and the talents and disposition of the heads of the 
clans to maintain their predominance at court. The Saktawats 
are weaker in numbers, but have the reputation of greater 
bravery and more genius than their rivals. I am inclined, on the 
whole, to assent to this opinion ; and the very consciousness of 
this reputation must be a powerful incentive to its preservation. 

When all these governments were founded and maintained on 
the same principle, a system of feuds, doubtless, answered very 
well ; but it cannot exist with a well-constituted monarchy 
Where individual will controls the energies of a nation, it must 
eventually lose its liberties. To preserve their power, the princes 
of Rajasthan surrendered a portion of theirs to the emperors of 
Delhi. They made a nominal surrender to him of their kingdoms 
receiving them back with a sanad, or grant, renewed on each 
lapse : thereby acknowledging him as lord paramount. They 
received, on these occasions, the khilat of honour and investiture, 
consisting of elephants, horses, arms, and jewels ; and to their 
hereditary title of ' prince ' was added by the emperor, one of 
dignity, mansab.^ Besides this acknowledgment of supremacy, 
they offered nazarana ^ and homage, especially on the festival 
of Nauroz (the new year), engaging to attend the royal presence 
when required, at the head of a stipulated number of their vassals. 
The emperor presented them with a royal standard, kettle-drums, 
and other insignia, which headed the array of each prince. Here 
we have all the chief incidents of a great feudal sovereignty. 
Whether the Tatar sovereigns borrowed these customs from their 

^ [' Office, prerogative.' For a full account of the Mansab system, see 
Irvine, Army of the Indian Moghuls, 3 ff.] 
^ Fine of relief. 


princely vassals, or brought them from the highlands of Asia, from 
the Oxus [152] and Jaxartes, whence, there is little doubt, many 
of these Sachha Rajputs originated, shall be elsewhere considered. 

Akbar's Policy towards the Rajputs. — The splendour of such an 
array, whether in the field or at the palace, can scarcely be con- 
ceived. Though Humayun had gained the services of some of 
the Rajput princes, their aid was uncertain. It was reserved for 
his son, the wise and magnanimous Akbar, to induce them to 
become at once the ornament and support of his throne. The 
power which he consolidated, and knew so well to wield, was 
irresistible ; while the beneficence of his disposition, and the 
wisdom of his policy, maintained what his might conquered. He 
felt that a constant exhibition of authority would not only be 
ineffectual but dangerous, and that the surest hold on their 
fealty and esteern would be the giving them a personal interest 
in the support of the monarchy. 

Alliances between Moguls and Rajputs. — Akbar determined to 
unite the pure Rajput blood to the scarcely less noble stream 
which flowed from Aghuz Khan, through .lenghiz, Timur, and 
Babur, to himself, calculating that they would more readily yield 
obedience to a prince who claimed kindred with them, than to 
one purely Tatar ; and that, at all events, it would gain the 
support of their immediate kin, and might in the end become 
general. In this supposition he did not err. We are less ac- 
quainted with the obstacles which opposed his first success than 
those he subsequently encountered ; one of which neither he nor 
his descendants ever overcame in the family of Mewar,'who could 
never be brought to submit to such alliance. 

Amber, the nearest to Delhi and the most exposed, though 
more open to temptation than to conquest, in its then contracted 
sphere, was the first to set the example.^ Its Raja Bhagwandas 
gave his daughter to Humayun ; ^ and subsequently this practice 
became so common, that some of the most celebrated emperors 
were the offspring of Rajput princesses. Of these, Salim, called 
after his accession, Jahangir ; his ill-fated son, Khusru ; Shah 

^ [There were earlier instances of alliances between Muhanimadan 
princes and Hindus. The mother of Firoz Shah, born a.d. 1309, was a 
Bhatti lady : Khizr Khan married Deval Devi, a Vaghela lady of Gujarat 
(EUiot-Dowson, iii. 271 f., 545; Elphinstone, 395).] 

^ [There is no evidence for this statement (Smith, AJchar, 58, 225).] 


Jahan ; ^ Kanibakhsh,^ the favourite of his father ; Aurangzeb, 
and his rebelHous son Akbar, whom his Rajput kin would have 
placed on the throne had his genius equalled their power, are 
the most prominent instances. Farruldisiyar, when the empire 
began to totter, furnislxed the last instance of a Mogul sove- 
reign [153] marrying a Hindu princess,' the daughter of Raja 
Ajit Singh, sovereign of INIarwar. 

These Rajput princes became the guardians of the minority 
of their imperial nephews, and had a direct stake in the empircj 
and in the augmentation of their estates. 

Rajputs in the Imperial Service. — Of the four hundred and 
sixteen Mansabdars, or militarj^ commanders of Akbar's empire, 
from leaders of two hundred to ten thousand men, forty-seven 
were Rajputs, and the aggregate of their quotas amounted to. 
fifty-three thousand horse : * exactly one-tenth of the united Man- 
sabdars of the empire, or five hundred and thirty thousand horse. ^ 
Of the forty-seven Rajput leaders, there were seventeen whose 
mansabs were from one thousand to five thousand liorse, and 
thirty from two hundred to one thousand. 

The princes of Amber, Marwar, Bikaner, Bundi, Jaisalmer, 
Bundelkhand, and even Shaikhawati, held mansabs of above 
one thousand ; but Amber only, being allied to the throne, had 
the dignity of five thousand. 

The Raja Udai Singh of Marwar, surnamed the Fat, chief of 

^ The son of the Princess Jodh Bai, whose magnificent tomb still excites 
admiration at Sikandra, near Agra. 

^ 'Gift of Love.' [Kambakhsh had a' Hindu wife, Kalyan Kumari, 
daughter of Amar Chand and sister of Sagat Singh, Zamindar of Manoharpur. 
Professor Jadunath Sarkar has been unable to trace a Hindu wife of Akbar, 
son of Aurangzeb.] 

^ To this very marriage we owe the origin of our power. When the 
nuptials were preparing, the emperor fell ill. A mission was at that time 
at Delhi from Surat, where we traded, of which Mr. Hamilton was the 
surgeon. He cured the king, and the marriage was completed. In the 
oriental style, he desired the doctor to name his reward ; but instead of 
asking anything for himself, he demanded a grant of land for a factory on 
the Hoogly for his employers. It was accorded, and this was the origin 
of the greatness of the British empire in the East. Such an act deserved 
at least a column ; but neither " storied urn nor animated bust " marks 
the spot where his remains are laid [C. R. Wilson, Early Annals of the 
English in Bengal, ii. 235, see p. 468 below]. 

" Abu-1 Fazl [Ain, i. 308 ff.]. 

^ The infantry, regulars, and mihtia, exceeded 4,000,000. 


the Rathors, held but the mansab of one thousand, while a scion 
of his house, Rae Singh of Bilvaner, had four thousand. This is 
to be accounted for by the dignity being thrust upon the head 
of that house. The independent princes of Chanderi, Karauh, 
Datia, with the tributary feudatories of the larger principalities, 
and members of the Shaikhawat federation, were enrolled on the 
other grades, fi-om four to seven hundred. Amongst these we 
find the founder of the Saktawat clan, who, quarrelling with his 
brother, Rana Partap of Mewar, gave his services to Akbar. In 
short it became general, and what originated in force or persua- 
sion, was soon coveted from interested motives ; and as nearly 
all the States submitted in [1.54] time to give queens to the empire, 
few were left to stigmatize this dereliction from Hindu principle. 

Akbar thus gained a double victory, securing the good opinions 
as well as the swords of these princes in his aid. A judicious 
perseverance would have rendered the throne of Timur immov- 
able, had not the tolerant principles and beneficence of Akbar, 
Jahangir, and Shah Jahan been lost sight of by the bigoted and 
bloodthirsty Aurangzeb ; who, although while he lived his com- 
manding genius wielded the destinies of this immense empire at 
pleasure, alienated the affections, by insulting the prejudices, 
of those who had aided in raising the empire to the height on 
which it stood. This affection withdrawn, and the wealoiess of 
Farrukhsiyar substituted for the strength of Aurangzeb, it fell 
and went rapidly to pieces. Predatory warfare and spohation 
rose on its ruins. The Rajput princes, with a short-sighted 
policy, at first connived at, and even secretly invited the tumult ; 
not calculating on its affecting their interests. Each looked to 
the return of ancient independence, and several reckoned on 
great accession of power. Old jealousies were not lessened by the 
part which each had played in the hour of ephemeral greatness ; 
and the prince of Mewar, who preserved his blood uncontamin- 
ated, though with loss of land, was at once an object of respect 
and envy to those who had forfeited the first pretensions ^ of a 
Rajput. It was the only ovation the Sesodia ^ had to boast for 
centuries of oppression and spoliation, whilst their neighbours 

1 See, in the Annals of Mewar, the letter of Rae Singh of Bikaner (who had 
been compelled to subfnit to this practice), on hearing that Rana Partap's 
reverses were likely to cause a similar result. It is a. noble production, and 
gives the character of both. 

^ The tribe to which the princes of Mewar belonged. 


were basking in court favour. The great increase of territory of 
these princes nearly equalled the power of Mewar, and the dignities 
thus acquired from the sons of Timur, they naturally wished 
should appear as distinguished as his ancient title. Hence, while 
one inscribed on his seal " The exalted in dignity, a prince amongst 
princes, and king of kiags," ^ the prince of Mewar preserved his 
royal simplicity in "Maharana Bhima Singh, son of Arsi." But 
this is digression. 

Results of Feudalism. — It would be difficult to say what would 
be the happiest form of government for these States without refer- 
ence to their neighbours. Their own feudal customs would seem 
to have worked well. The experiment of centuries has secured 
[155] to them political existence, while successive dynasties of 
Afghans and Moguls, during eight hundred years, have left but 
the wreck of splendid names. Were they to become more mon- 
archical, they would have everything to dread from vmchecked 
despotism, over which even the turbulence of their chiefs is a 
salutary control. 

Were they somewhat more advanced towards prosperity, the 
crown demesne redeemed from dissipation and sterility, and the 
chiefs enabled to bring their quotas into play for protection and 
police, recourse should never be had to bodies of mercenary 
troops, which practice, if persevered in, will inevitably change 
their present form of government. This has invariably been the 
result, in Europe as weU as Rajasthan, else why the dread of 
standing armies ? 

Employment of Mercenaries. — Escuage is an approximating 
step. When Charles VII. of France - raised his companies of 
ordnance, the basis of the first national standing army ever 
embodied in Europe, a tax called ' taiUe ' was imposed to pay 
them, and Guienne rebelled. Kotah is a melancholy instance of 
subversion of the ancient order of society. Mewar made the 
experiment from necessity sixty years ago, when rebellion and 
invasion conjoined ; and a body of Sindis were employed, which 
completed their disgust, and they fought with each other till 
almost mutually exterminated, and till all faith in their prince 
was lost. Jaipur had adopted this custom to a greater extent ; 
but it was an ill-paid band, neither respected at home nor feared 

^ Raj Rajeswara, the title of the prince of Marwar : the prince of Amber, 
Raj Rajindra. * Hallam, vol. i. p. 117. 


abroad. In Marwar the feudal compact was too strong to tolerate 
it, till Pathan predatory bands, prowling amidst the ruins of 
Mogul despotism, were called in to partake in each family broil ; 
the consequence was the weakening of all, and opening the door 
to a power stronger than any, to be the arbiter of their fate. 

General Duties of the Pattawat, or Vassal Chief of Rajasthan. — 
" The essential principle of a fief was a mutual contract of support 
and fidelity. Whatever obligations it laid upon the vassal of 
service to his lord, corresponding duties of protection were im- 
posed by it on the lord towards his vassal. If these were trans- 
gressed on either side, the one forfeited his land, the other his 
signiory or rights over it." ^ In this is comprehended the very 
foundation of feudal policy, because in its simplicity we recognize 
first principles involving mutual preservation. The best [156] 
commentary on this definition of simple truth will be the senti- 
ments of the Rajputs themselves in two papers : one containing 
the opinions of the chiefs of Marwar on the reciprocal duties of 
sovereign and vassal ; - the other, those of the sub-vassals of 
Deogarh, one of the largest fiefs in Rajasthan, of their rights, the 
infringement of them, and the remedy.^ 

If, at any former period in the history of Marwar, its prince 
had thus dared to act, his signiory and rights over it would not 
have been of great value ; his crown and life would both have 
been endangered by these turbulent and determined vassals. How 
much is comprehended in that manly, yet respectful sentence : 
" If he accepts our services, then he is our prince and leader ; 
if not, but our equal, and we again his brothers, claimants of and 
laying claim to the soil." In the remonstrance of the sub-vassals 
of Deogarh, we have the same sentiments on a reduced scale. 
In both we have the ties of blood and kindred, connected with 
and strengthening national policy. If a doubt could exist as to 
the principle of fiefs being similar in Rajasthan and in Europe, 
it might be set at rest by the important question long agitated by 
the feodal lawyers in Europe, " whether the vassal is bound to 
follow the standard of his lord against his own kindred or against 
his sovereign " : which in these States is illustrated by a simple 
and universal proof. If the question were put to a Rajput to 
whom his service is due, whether to his chief or his sovereign, the 

1 Hallam, vol. i. p. 173. * See Appendix, No. I. 

3 See Appendix, Noa. II. and III. 


reply would be, Raj ka malik ivuh, pat ^ ka malik yih : ' He is Lhe 
'Sovereign of the State, but this is my head' : an ambiguous phrase, 
but well understood to imply that Iiis own immediate chief is 
the only authority he regards. 

This will appear to militate against the right of remonstrance 
(as in the case of the vassals of Deogarh), for they look to the 
crown for protection against injustice ; they annihilate other 
rights by admitting appeal higher than this. Every class looks 
out for some resource against oppression. The sovereign is the 
last applied to on such occasions, with whom the sub-vassal has 
no bond of connexion. He can receive no favour, nor perform 
any service, but through his own immediate superior ; and pre- 
sumes not to question (in cases not personal to himself) the pro- 
priety of his chief's actions, adopting implicitly his feelings [157] 
and resentments. The daily familiar intercourse of life is far too 
engrossing to allow him to speculate, and with his lord he lives 
a patriot or dies a traitor. In proof of this, numerous instances 
could be given of whole clans devoting themselves to the chief 
against their sovereign ; ^ not from the ties of kindred, for many 
were aliens to blood ; but from the ties of duty, gratitude, and 
all that constitutes clannish attachment, superadded to feudal 
obligation. The sovereign, as before observed, has nothing to do 
with those vassals not holding directly from the crown ; and 
those who wish to stand well with their chiefs would be very slow 
in receiving any honours or favours from the general fountain- 
head. The Deogarh chief sent one of his sub- vassals to court 
on a mission ; his address and deportment gained him favour, and 
his consequence was increased by a seat in the presence of his 
sovereign. When he returned, he found this had lost him the 
favour of his chief, who was offended, and conceived a jealousy 
both of his prince and his servant. The distinction paid to the 
latter was, he said, subversive of liis proper authority, and the 
vassal incurred by his vanity the loss of estimation where alone 
it was of value. 

Obligations of a Vassal. — The attempt to define all the obliga- 
tions of a vassal would be endless : they involve all the duties of 
kindred in addition to those of obedience. To attend the court 

^ Pat means ' head,' ' chief.' 

^ The death of the chief of Nimaj, in the Annals of Marwar, and Sheogarh 
Feud, in the Personal Narrative, Vol. II. 


of his chief ; never to absent himself without leave ; to ride with 
him a-hunting ; to attend him at the court of his sovereign or to 
war, and even give himself as a hostage for his release ; these are 
some of the duties of a vassal. 


Feudal Incidents. — I shall now proceed to compare the more 
general obligations of vassals, known under the term of ' Feudal 
Incidents ' in Europe, and show their existence in Rajasthan. 
These were six in num.ber : 1. Reliefs ; 2. Fines of alienation ; 
3. Escheats ; 4. Aids ; 5. Wardship ; 6. Marriage [158]. 

Relief. — The first and most essential mark of a feudal relation 
exists in all its force and purity here : it is a perpetually recurring 
mark of the source of the grant, and the solemn renewal of the 
pledge which originally obtained it. In Mewar it is a virtual 
and bona fide surrender of the fief and renewal thereof. It is 
thus defined in European polity : "A relief ^ is a sum of money 
due from every one of full age taking a fief by descent." It was 
arbitrary, and the consequent exactions formed a ground of dis- 
content ; nor was the tax fixed till a comparatively recent period. 

By Magna Charta reliefs were settled at rates proportionate 
to the dignity of the holder." In France the relief was fixed by 
the customary laws at one year's revenue.' This last has long 
been the settled amount of nazarana, or fine of relief, in Mewar. 

^ " Plusieurs possesseurs de fiefs, ayant voulu en laisser perpetuellement 
la propriete a leurs descendans, prirent des arrangemens avec leur Seigneur ; 
et, outre ce qu'ils donnerent pour faire le marche, lis s'engagerent, eux et leur 
posterite, a abandonner pendant une annee, au Seigneur, la jouissance entiere 
du fief, chaque fois que le dit fief changcrait de main. C'est ce qui forma le 
droit de relief. Quand un gentilhomme avait deroge, il pouvait effaeer 
cotte tachc moycnnant finances, et ce qu'il payait s'appelait relief, il recevait 
pour quittance des lettres de relief ou de rehabilitation-" (Art. ' Refief, 
Diet, de Vane. Eegime). 

^ Namely, " the heir or heirs of an earl, for an entire earldom, one hundred 
pounds ; the heir or heirs of a baron, for an entire barony, one hundred 
marks ; the heir or heirs of a knight, for a whole knight's fee, one hundred 
shilhngs at most " (Art. III. Magna Charta). 

' " Le droit de rachat devoit se payer a chaque mutation d'heritier, et 
se paya meme d'abord en hgne directe. — La coutume la plus generale 
i'avait fixe a une annee du revenue " {L'Esprit des Loix, livre xxxi. chap, 


Fine paid on Succession. — On the demise of a cliief, the prince 
inuTiediately sends a party, termed the zabti (sequestrator), con- 
sisting of a civil olBcer and a few soldiers, who take possession of 
the State in the prince's name. The heir sends his prayer to 
court to be installed in the property, offering the proper relief. 
This paid, the chief is invited to repair to the presence, when he 
performs homage, and makes protestations of service and fealty ; 
he receives a fresh grant, and the inauguration terminates by the 
prince girding liim with a sword, in the old forms of chivalry. 
It is an imposing ceremony, performed in a full assembly of the 
court, and one of the few which has never been relinquished. 
The fine paid, and the brand buckled to his side, a steed, turban, 
plume, and dress of honour given to the chief, the investiture ^ 
is [159] complete ; the sequestrator returns to court, and the 
chief to his estate, to receive the vows and congratulations of 
his vassals.^ 

In this we plainly perceive the original power (whether exer- 
cised or not) of resumption. On this subject more will appear 
in treating of the duration of grants. The kharg bandhai, or 
' binding of the sword,' is also performed when a Rajput is fit to 
bear arms ; as amongst the ancient German tribes, when they 
put into the hands of the aspirant for fame a lance. Such are the 
substitutes for the toga virilis of the young Roman. The Rana 
himself is thus ordained a knight by the first of his vassals in 
dignity, the chief of Salumbar. 

Renunciation o£ Beliefs. — In the demoralization of all those 
States, some of the chiefs obtained renimciation of the fine of 

^ That symbolic species of investiture denominated ' improper investi- 
ture,' the delivery of a turf, stone, and wand, has its analogies amongst the 
mountaineers of the AravalU. The old baron of Badnor, when the Mer 
villages were reduced, was clamorous about his feudal rights over those wild 
people. It was but the point of honour. Erom one he had a hare, from 
another a bullock, and so low as a pair of sticks which they use on the 
festivals of the Hoh. These marks of vassalage come under the head of 
' petite serjanteri ' (petit serjeantry) in the feudal system of Europe (see 
Art. XLI. of Magna Charta). 

^ [" All Rajput Jagirdars, or holders of assigned lands, pay nazarana on 
the accession of a new Maharana, and on certain other occasions, while most 
of them pay a fine called Kaid [' imprisonment '] on succeeding to these 
estates. On the death of a Rajput Jagirdar, his estates immediately revert 
to the Darbar, and so remain until his son or successor is recognized by the 
Maharana, when the grant is renewed, and a fresh lease taken " (Erskine 
ii. A. 71).] 


relief, which was tantamount to making a grant in perpetuity, 
and annulling the most overt sign of paramount sovereignty. 
But these and many other important encroachments were made 
when little remained of the reality, or when it was obscured by 
a series of oppressions unexampled in any European State. 

It is in Mewar alone, I believe, of all Rajasthan, that these 
marks of fealty are observable to such an extent. But what 
is remarked elsewhere upon the fiefs being movable, will support 
the doctrine of resumption though it might not be practised : a 
prerogative may exist without its being exercised. 

Fine of Alienation. — Rajasthan never attained this refine- 
ment indicative of the dismemberment of the system ; so vicious 
and self-destructive a notion never had existence in these States. 
Alienation does not belong to a system of fiefs : the lord would 
never consent to it, but on very peculiar occasions. 

In Cutch, amongst the Jareja ^ tribes, sub-vassals may alienate 
their estates ; but this privilege is dependent on the mode of 
acquisition. Perhaps the only knowledge we have in Rajasthan 
of alienation requiring the sanction of the lord paramount, is in 
donations for pious uses : but this is partial. We see in the re- 
monstrance of the Deogarh vassals the opinion they entertained 
of their lord's alienation of their sub-fees to strangers, and without 
the Rana's consent ; which, with a similar train of conduct, pro- 
duced sequestration of his flef till they were reinducted [160]. 

Tenants of the Crown may Alienate. — The agricultural tenants, 
proprietors of land held of the crown, may alienate their rights 
upon a small fine, levied merely to mark the transaction. But 
the tenures of these non-combatants and the holders of fees are 
entirely distinct, and cannot here be entered on, further than to 
say that the agriculturist is, or was, the proprietor of the soil ; 
the chief, solely of the tax levied thereon. But in Europe the 
alienation of the feuduni paternum was not good without the 
consent of the kindred in the line of succession.^ This would 
involve sub-infeudation and frerage, which I shall touch on 
distinctly, many of the troubles of these countries arising there- 

^ Jareja is the title of the Rajput race in Cutch ; they are descendants 
of the Yadus, and claim from Krishna. In early ages they inhabited the 
tracts on the Indus and in Seistan [p. 102 above]. 

* Wright on Tenures, apud Hallam, vol. i. p. 185. 


Escheats and Forfeitures. — The flefs which v/ere only to descend 
in hneal succession reverted to the crown on failure of heirs, as 
they could not be bequeathed by will. This answers equally well 
for England as for Mewar. I have witnessed escheats of this 
kind, and foresee more, if the pernicious practice of unlimited 
adoption do not prevent the Rana from regaining lands, alienated 
by himself at periods of contention. Forfeitures for crimes 
must, of course, occur, and these are partial or entire, according 
to the delinquency. 

In Marwar, at this moment, nearly all the representatives of 
the great fiefs of that country are exiles from their homes : a 
distant branch of the same family, the prince of Idar, would have 
adopted a similar line of conduct but for a timely check from the 
hand of benevolence.^ 

There is, or rather was, a class of lands in Mewar appended to 
the crown, of which it bestowed life-rents on men of merit. These 
were termed Chhorutar, and were given and taken back, as the 
name implies ; in contradistinction to grants which, though origin- 
ating in good behaviour, not only continued for life but descended 
in perpetuity. Such places are still so marked in the rent-roll, 
but they are seldom applied to the proper purpose. 

Aids. — Aids, implying ' free gifts,' or ' benevolences,' as they 
were termed in a European code, are well known. The barar 
(war-tax) is well understood in Mewar, and is levied on many 
occasions for the necessities of the prince or the head of a clan. 
It is a curious fact, that the dasaundh, or ' tenth,' in Mewar, as in 
Europe, was the [161] stated sum to be levied in periods of emer- 
gency or danger. On the marriage of the daughters of the prince, 
a benevolence or contribution was always levied : this varied. 
A few years ago, when two daughters and a granddaughter were 
married to the princes of Jaisalmer, Bikaner, and Kishangarh, a 
schedule of one-sixth, to portion the three, was made out ; but 
it did not realize above an eighth. In this aid the civil officers 
of government contribute equally with the others. It is a point 
of honour with all to see their sovereign's daughters married, 
and for once the contribution merited the name of benevolence. 

^ The Hon. Mr. Elphinstone, Governor of Bombay. As we prevented the 
spoliation of Idar by the predatory powers, we are but right in seeing that 
the head does not become the spoliator himself, and make these brave men 
" wish any change but that which we have given them." 


But it is not levied solely from the coffers of the rich ; by the 
chiefs it is exacted of their tenantry of all classes, who, of course, 
wish such subjects of rejoicing to be of as rare occurrence as 

" These feudal aids are deserving of our notice as the com- 
mencement of taxation, of which they long answered the purpose, 
till the craving necessities and covetous policy of kings established 
for them more durable and onerous burthens." ^ 

The great chiefs, it may be assumed, were not backward, on 
like occasions, to follow such examples, but these gifts were more 
voluntary. Of the details of aids in France we find enumerated, 
" paying the relief to the suzerain on taking possession of his 
lands " ; ^ and by Magna Charta our barons could levy them on 
the following counts : to make the baron's eldest son a knight, 
to marry his eldest daughter, or to redeem his person from cap- 
tivity. The latter is also one occasion for the demand in all these 
covmtries. The chief is frequently made jDrisoner in their preda- 
tory invasions, and carried off as a hostage for the payment of a 
war contribution. Everything disposable is often got rid of on 
an occasion of this kind. Cceur de Lion would not have remained 
so long in the dungeons of Austria had his subjects been Rajputs. 
In Amber the most extensive benevolence, or barar,^ is on the 
marriage of the Rajkumar, or heir apparent. 

Wardship. — This does exist, to foster the infant vassal during 
minority ; but often terminating, as in the system of Europe, in 
the nefarious act of defrauding a helpless infant, to the pecuniary 
benefit of some court favourite. It is accordingly [1G2] here 
undertaken occasionally by the head of the clan ; but two strong- 
recent instances brought the dark ages, and the purchase of 
wardships for the purpose of spoliation, to mind. The first was 
in the Deogarh chief obtaining by bribe the entire management 
of the lands of Sangramgarh, on pretence of improving them for 
the infant, Nahar Singh, whose father was incapacitated by 
derangement. Nahar was a junior branch of the clan Sangawat, 
a subdivision of the Chondawat clan, both Sesodias of the Rana's 
blood. The object, at the time, was to unite them to Deogarh, 
though he pleaded duty as liead of the clan. His nomination of 
young Nahar as liis own heir gives a colouring of truth to his 

^ Hallara. ^ Ducange, apud Hallam. 

^ Barar is the generic name for taxation. 


intentions ; and he succeeded, though there were nearer of kin, 
who were set aside (at the wish of the vassals of Deogarh and 
witli the concurrence of the sovereign) as unfit to head them or 
serve him. 

Another instance of the danger of permitting wardships, 
particularly where the guardian is the superior in clanship and 
kindred, is exemplified iii the Kalyanpur estate in Mewar. That 
property had been derived from the crown only two generations 
back, and was of the annual value of ten thousand rupees. The 
mother having little interest at court, the Salumbar chief, by 
bribery and intrigue, upon paying a fine of about one year's rent, 
obtained possession — ostensibly to guard the infant's rights ; 
but the falsehood of this motive was soon apparent. There were 
duties to perform on holding it which were not thought of. It 
was a frontier post, and a place of rendezvous for the quotas to 
defend that border from the incursions of the wild tribes of the 
south-west. The Salumbar chief, being always deficient in the 
quota for his own estate, was not likely to be very zealous in his 
muster-roll for his ward's, and complaints were made which 
threatened a change. The chief of Chawand was talked of as 
one who would provide for the widow and minor, who could not 
perform the duties of defence. 

The sovereign himself often assumes the guardianship of 
minors ; but the mother is generally considered the most proper 
guardian for her infant son. All others may have interests of 
their own ; she can be actuated by his welfare alone. Custom, 
therefore, constitutes her the guardian ; and with the assistance 
of the elders of the family, she rears and educates the young chief 
till he is fit to be girded with the sword [103].^ 

The Faujdar, or military manager, who frequently regulates 
the household as weU as the subdivisions of the estate, is seldom 
of the kin or clan of the chief : a wise regulation, the omission of 
which has been known to produce, in these niaires dii palais on a 
small scale, the same results as will be described in the larger. 
This officer, and the civil functionary who transacts all the 
pecuniary concerns of the estate, with the mother and her family, 
are always considered to be the proper guardians of the minor. 
' Blood which could not inherit,' was the requisite for a guardian 

^ The charter of Henry I. promises the custody of heirs to the mother or 
next of kin (Hallam, vol. ii. p. 429). 


in Europe/ as here ; and when neglected, the results are in both 
cases the same. 

Marriage. — Refinement was too strong on the side of the 
Rajput to admit this incident, which, with that of wardship 
(both partial in Europe), illustrated the rapacity ot the feudal 
aristocracy. Every chief, before he marries, makes it known to 
his sovereign. It is a compliment which is expected, and is 
besides attended with some advantage, as the prince invariably 
confers presents of honour, according to the station of the 

No Rajput can marry in his own clan ; and the incident was 
originated in the Norman institutes, to prevent the vassal marry- 
ing out of his class, or amongst the enemies of his sovereign.^ 

Thus, setting aside marriage (which even in Europe was only 
partial and local) and alienation, four of the six chief incidents 
marking the feudal system are in force in Rajasthan, viz. relief, 
escheats, aids, and wardships. 

Duration of Grants. — T shall now endeavour to combine all the 
knowledge I possess with regard to the objects attained in granting 
lands, the nature and durability of these grants, whether for life 
and renewable, or in perpetuity. I speak of the rules as under- 
stood in Mewar. We ought not to expect much system in what 
was devoid of regularity, even according to the old principles of 
European feudal law, which, though now reduced to some fixed 
])rinciples, originated in, and was governed by, fortuitous cir- 
cumstances ; and after often changing its character, ended in 
despotism, oligarchy, or democracy. 

Classes of Landholders. — There are two classes of Rajput 
landholders in INIewar, though the one greatly exceeds the other 
in number. One is the Girasia Thakur, or lord ; the other the 
Bliumia. The Girasia chieftain is he who holds (giras) by grant 
(pafto) of the [164] prince, for which he performs service with 
specified quotas at home and abroad, renewable at every lapse, 
when all the ceremonies of resumption,^ the fine of relief,'* and the 
investiture take place. 

The Bhumia does not renew his grant, but holds on prescriptive 

1 Hallam, vol. i. p. 190. 

* [The nile of tribal exogamy, whatever may be its origin, is much more 
primitive than the author supposed (Sir J. G. Frazer, Totemism and Exogamy, 
i. 54 ff.).] ^ Zahii, 'sequestration.' * Nazarana. 


possession. He succeeds without any fine, but pays a small 
annual quit-rent, and can be called upon for local service in the 
district which he in.habits for a certain period of time. He is the 
counterpart of the allodial proprietor of the European system, 
and the real zamindar of these principalities. Both have the 
same signification ; from bhum and zamin, ' land ' : the latter 
is an exotic of Persian origin. 

Girasia. — Girasia is from giras, ' a subsistence ' ; literally and 
familiarly ' a mouthful.' Whether it may have a like origm with 
the Celtic word gwas,^ said to mean ' a servant,' ^ and whence the 
word vassal is derived, I shall leave to etymologists to decide, 
who may trace the resemblance to the girasia, the vassal chieftain 
of the Rajputs. All the chartularies or pattas ^ commence, 
" To . . . giras has been ordained." 

Whether Resumable. — It has always been a subject of doubt 
whether grants were resumable at pleasure, or without some 
delinquency imputable to the vassal. Their duration in Europe 
was, at least, the life of the possessor, when they reverted * to 
the fisc. The whole of the ceremonies in cases of such lapse are 
decisive on this point in Mewar. The right to resume, therefore, 
may be presumed to exist ; while the non-practice of it, the 
formalities of renewal being gone through, may be said to render 
the right a dead letter. But to prove its existence I need only 
mention, that so late as the reign of Rana Sangram/ the fiefs of 
Mewar were actually movable ; and little more than a century 
and a half has passed since this practice ceased. Thus a Rathor 
would shift, with family, chattels, and retainers, from the north 
into the wUds of Chappan ; ^ while the Saktawat relieved would 

1 It might not be unworthy of research to trace many words common to 
the Hindu and the Celt ; or to inquire whether the Kimbri, the Juts or 
Getae, the Sakasena, the Chatti of the Elbe and Cimbric Chersonese, and 
the ancient Britons, did not bring their terms with their bards and votes 
(the Bhats and Bardais) from the highland of Scythia east of the Caspian, 
which originated the nations common to both, improved beyond the Wolga 
and the Indus [?]. 

^ HaUam, vol. i. 155. [Welsh, Cornish givas, ' a servant.'] 

* Patta, a ' patent ' or ' grant ' ; Pattawat, ' holder of the fief or grant.' 

* Montesquieu, chaps, xxv., liv., xxxi. 

^ Ten generations ago. [At present an estate is not liable to confiscation 
save for some gross pohtical offence (Erskine ii. A. 71).] 

* The mountainous and woody region to the south-west, dividing Mewar 
from Gujarat. 


occupy the plains at the foot of the Aravalli ; ^ or a Chondawat 
would exchange his [165] abode on the banks of the Chambal 
with a Pramara or Chauhan from the table-mountain, the eastern 
boundary of Mewar.^ 

Since these exchanges were occurring, it is evident the fiefs 
(pattas) were not grants in perpetuity. This is just the state of 
the benefices in France at an early period, as described by Gibbon, 
following Montesquieu : " Les benefices etoient amovibles : bien- 
tot ils les rendirent perpetuels, et enfin hereditaires." ^ This is 
the precise gradation of fiefs in Mewar ; movable, perpetual, and 
then hereditary. The sons were occasionally permitted to suc- 
ceed their fathers ; * an indulgence which easily grew into a right, 
though the crown had the indubitable reversion. It is not, how- 
ever, impossible that these changes ^ were not of ancient authority, 
but arose from the policy of the times to prevent infidelity. 

We ought to have a high opinion of princes who could produce 
an effect so powerful on the minds of a proud and turbulent 
nobility. The son was heir to the title and power over the 
vassals' personals and movables, and to the allegiance of his 
father, but to nothing which could endanger that allegiance. 

A proper apportioning and mixture of the different clans was 
another good result to prevent their combinations in powerful 
families, which gave effect to rebellion, and has tended more than 
external causes to the ruin which the State of Mewar exhibits. 

^ The grand chain dividing the western from the central States of 

^ Such changes were triennial ; and, as I have heard the prince himself 
say, so interwoven with their customs was this rule tJiat it caused no dis- 
satisfaction ; but of this we may be allowed at least to doubt. It was a 
perfect check to the imbibing of local attachment ; and the prohibition 
against erecting forts for refuge or defiance, prevented its growth if acquired. 
It produced the object intended, obedience to the prince, and unity against 
the restless Mogul. Perhaps to these institutions it is owing that Mewar 
alone never was conquered by the kings during the protracted struggle of 
seven centuries ; though at length worried and worn out, her power expired 
with theirs, and predatory spohation completed her ruin. 

^ Gibbon, Misc. Works, vol. iii. p. 189 ; Sur le systeme feodal surtout en 

* Hallam, quoting Gregory of Tours ; the picture drawn in a.d. 595. 

' " Fiefs had partially become hereditary towards the end of the first 
race : in these days they had not the idea of an ' unah enable fief.' " Montes- 
quieu, vol. ii. p. 431. The historian of the Middle Ages doubts if ever they 
were resumable at pleasure, unless from delinquency. 


Nobility : Introduction o£ Foreign Stocks. — Throughout the 
various gradations of its nobility, it was the original policy to 
introduce some who were foreign in country and blood. Chiefs of 
the Rathor, Chauhan, Pramara, Solanki, and Bhatti tribes were 
intermingled. Of these several were lineal descendants of the 
most ancient races of the kings of Delhi and Anhilwara Patan ; ^ 
and from these, in order to preserve the purity of blood, the 
princes of Mewar took their wives, when the other princes of 
Hind assented to [166] the degradation of giving daughters in 
marriage to the emperors of Delhi. The princes of Mewar never 
yielded in this point, but preserved their ancient manners amidst 
all vicissitudes. In like manner did the nobles of the Rana's 
blood take daughters from the same tribes ; the interest of this 
foreign race was therefore strongly identified with the general 
welfare, and on all occasions of internal turmoil and rebellion 
they invariably supported their prince. But when these wise 
institutions were overlooked, when the great clans increased 
and congregated together, and the crown demesne was impover- 
ished by prodigality, rebellions were fostered by Mahratta 
rapacity, which were little known during the lengthened para- 
mount sway of the kings of Delhi. This foreign admixture 
will lead us to the discussion of the different kinds of grants : 
a difference, perhaps, more nominal than real, but exhibiting a 
distinction so wide as to imply grants resumable and irresum- 

Kala Pattas. — It is elsewhere related that two great clans, 
descendants of the Ranas Rae Mall and Udai Singh, and their 
numerous scions, forming subdivisions with separate titles or 
patronymics, compose the chief vassalage of this country. 

Exogamy. — Chondawat and Saktawat are the stock ; the 
former is subdivided into ten, the latter into about six clans. 
Rajputs never intermarry with their own kin : the prohibition 
has no limit ; it extends to the remotest degree. All these clans 
are resolvable into the generic term of ' the race ' or Kula Sesodia. 
A Sesodia man and woman cannot unite in wedlock — all these 
are therefore of the blood royal ; and the essayists on population 
would have had a fine field in these quarters a century ago, ere 
constant misery had thinned the coimtry, to trace the numerous 

^ The Nahlwara of D'Anville and the Arabian travellers of the eighth 
century, the capital of the Balhara kings. 



progeny of Chonda and Sakta in the Genesis ^ of Mewar. The 
Bhat's genealogies would still, to a certain extent, afford the same 

Descent gives a strength to the tenure of these tribes which 
the foreign nobles do not possess ; for although, from all that 
has been said, it will be evident that a right of reversion and 
resumption existed (though seldom exercised, and never but in 
cases of crime), yet the foreigner had not this strength in the soil, 
even though of twenty generations' duration. The epithet of 
kala patta, or ' black grant,' attaches to the foreign grant, and is 
admitted by the holder, from which the kinsman thinks himself 
exempt. It is virtually a grant resumable ; nor can the pos- 
sessors feel that security which the other widely affiliated aristo- 
cracies afford [167]. When, on a recent occasion, a revision of 
all the grants took place, the old ones being called in to be renewed 
under the sign-manual of the reigning prince, the minister himself 
visited the chief of Salumbar, the head of the Chondawats, at his 
residence at the capital, for this purpose. Having become 
possessed of several villages in the confusion of the times, a 
perusal of the grant would have been the means of detection ; 
and on being urged to send to his estate for it, he replied, pointing 
to the palace, " My grant is in the fovmdation of that edifice " : 
an answer worthy of a descendant of Chonda, then only just of 
age. The expression marks the spirit which animates this people, 
and recalls to mind the well-known reply of our own Earl Warenne, 
on the very same occasion, to the quo warranto of Edward : " By 
their swords my ancestors obtained this land, and by mine will I 
maintain it." 

Hence it may be pronounced that a grant of an estate is for 
the life of the holder, with inheritance for his offspring in lineal 
descent or adoption, with the sanction of the prince, and resum- 
able for crime or incapacity : ^ this reversion and power of 
resumption being marked by the usual ceremonies on each lapse 

^ Janam, ' birth ' ; es, ' lord ' or ' man.' [See p. 24 above.] 
^ " La loi des Lombards oppose les benefices a la propriete. Les his- 
toriens, les formules, les codes des differens peuples barbares, tons les monu- 
mens qui nous restent, sont unanimes. Enfin, ceux qui ont ecrit le livre dea 
fiefs, nous apprennent, que d'abord les Seigneurs purent les oter a leur 
volonte, qu'ensuite ils les assurerent pour un an, et apres les donnerenfc pour 
la vie " (L'Esprit des Loix, chap. xvi. livre 30). 


of the grantee, of sequestration (zabti), of relief (nazarano), of 
homage and investiture of the heir. Those estates held by 
foreign nobles differ not in tenure ; though, for the reasons 
specified, they have not the same grounds of security as the 
others, in whose welfare the whole body is mterested, feeling the 
case to be their own : and their interests, certainly, have not 
been so consulted since the rebellions of S. 1822,^ and subsequent 
years. Witness the Chauhans of Bedla and Kotharia (in the 
Udaipur valley), and the Pramar of the plateau of Mewar, all 
chiefs of the first rank. 

The difficulty and danger of resuming an old-established grant 
'n these countries are too great to be lightly risked. Though in 
all these estates there is a mixture of foreign Rajputs, yet the 
blood of the chief predominates ; and these must have a leader 
of their own, or be incorporated in the estates of the nearest of 
kin. This increase might not be desirable for the crown, but the 
sub-vassals cannot be turned [168] adrift ; a resumption therefore 
in these countries is widely felt, as it involves many. If crime or 
incapacity render it necessary, the prince inducts a new head of 
that blood ; and it is their pride, as well as the prince's interest, 
that a proper choice should be made. If, as has often occurred, 
the title be abolished, the sub-vassals retain their sub-infeuda- 
tions, and become attached to the crown. 

Many estates were obtained, during periods of external com- 
motion, by threats, combination, or the avarice of the prince — his 
short-sighted policy, or that of his ministers — which have been 
remedied in the late reorganization of Mewar ; where, by retro- 
grading half a century, and bringing matters as near as po'ssible 
to the period preceding civil dissension, they have advanced at 
least a century towards order. 

Bhumia, the Allodial Proprietor. — It is stated in the historical 
annals of this country that the ancient clans, prior to Sanga 
Rana,- had ceased, on the rising greatness of the subsequent new 
division of clans, to hold the higher grades of rank ; and had, in 
fact, merged into the general military landed proprietors of this 
country under the term bhumia, a most expressive and compre- 
hensive name, importing absolute identity with the soil : bhum 
meaning ' land,' and being far more expressive than the new- 

1 A.D. 1766. 
2 Contemporary and opponent of Sultan Babur. 


fangled word, unknown to Hindu India, of zamindar, the ' land- 
holder ' of Muhammadan growth. These Bhumias, the scions 
of the earliest princes, are to be met with in various parts of 
Mewar ; though only in those of high antiquity, where they were 
defended from oppression by the rocks and wilds in which they 
obtained a footing ; as in Kumbhalmer, the wilds of Chappan, 
or plains of Mandalgarh, long under the kings, and where their 
agricultural pursuits maintained them. 

Their clannish appellations, Kumbhawat, Lunawat, and 
Ranawat, distinctly show from what stem and when they branched 
off ; and as they ceased to be of sufficient importance to visit the 
court on the new and continually extending ramifications, they 
took to the plough. But while they disdained not to derive a 
subsistence from labouring as husbandmen, they never abandoned 
their arms ; and the Bhumia, amid the crags of the alpine Aravalli 
where he pastures his cattle or cultivates his fields, preserves the 
erect mien and proud spirit of his ancestors, with more tractability, 
and less arrogance and folly, than his more [169] courtly but now 
widely separated brethren, who often make a jest of his in- 
dustrious but less refined qualifications.^ Some of these yet 
possess entire villages, which are subject to the payment of a 
small quit-rent : they also constitute a local militia, to be called 
in by the governor of the district, but for which service they are 
entitled to rations or peti.^ These, the allodial ^ tenantry of our 

^ Many of them taking wives from the degraded but aboriginal races in 
their neighbouring retreats, have begot a mixed progeny, who, in describing 
themselves, unite the tribes of father and mother. 

^ Literally, ' a belly-full.' 

3 Allodial property is defined (Hallam, vol. i. p. 144) as " land which had 
descended by inheritance, subject to no burthen but pubUc defence. It 
passed to all the children equally ; in failure of children, to the nearest 
kindred." Thus it is strictly the Miras or Bhuni of the Rajputs : inheritance, 
patrimony. In Mewar it is divisible to a certain extent ; but in Cutch, to 
infinity : and is liable only to local defence. The holder of bhum calls it 
his Adyapi, i.e. of old, by prescriptive right ; not by written deed. Montes- 
quieu, describing the conversion of allodial estates into fiefs, says, "These 
lands were held by Romans or Franks (i.e. freemen) not the king's vassals," 
viz. lands exterior and anterior to the monarchy. We have Rathor, Solanki, 
and other tribes, now holding bhum in various districts, whose ancestors 
were conquered by the Sesodias, but left in possession of small portions 
insufficient to cause jealousy. Some of these may be said to have converted 

their lands into fiefs, as the Chauhan lord of , who served the Salumbar 



feudal system, form a considerable body in many districts, armed 
with matchlock, sword, and shield. In Mandalgarh, when their 
own interests and the prince's unite (though the rapacity of 
governors, pupils of the Mahratta and other predatory schools, 
have disgusted these independents), four thousand Bhumias 
could be collected. They held and maintained without support 
the important fortress of that district, during half a century of 
turmoil, for their prince. Mandalgarh is the largest district of 
Mewar, and in its three hundred and sixty towns and villages 
many specimens of ancient usage may be found. The Solanki 
held largely here in ancient days, and the descendant of the 
princes of Patau still retains his Bhum and title of Rao.^ 

Feudal Militia. — All this feudal militia pay a quit-rent to the 
crown, and perform local but limited service on the frontier 
garrison ; and upon invasion,^ when the Kher is called out, the 
whole are at the disposal of the prince on furnishing rations 
only. They assert that they ought not to pay this quit-rent and 
perform service also ; but this may be doubted, since the sum 
is so small. To elude it, they often performed service under 
some powerful chief, where faction or court interest [170] caused 
it to be winked at. To serve without a patta is the great object 
of ambition. Ma ka bhum, ' my land,' in their Doric tongue, is a 
favourite phrase.' 

^ Amidst ruins overgrown with forest, I discovered on two tables of stone 
the genealogical history of this branch, which was of considerable use in 
elucidating that of Anhilwara, and which corresponded so well with the 
genealogies of a decayed bard of the family, who travelled the country for a 
subsistence, that I feel assured they formerly made good use of these marble 
records. " See Appendix, Nos. XVI. and XVJI. 

* I was intimately acquainted with, and much esteemed, many of these 
Bhumia chiefs — from my friend Paharji (the rock), Ranawat of Amargarh, 
to the Kumbhawat of Sesoda on the highest point, lord of the jiass of the 
Aravalli ; and even the mountain hon, Dungar Singh who bore amongst us, 
from his old raids, the famiHar title of Roderic Dhu. In each situation I 
have had my tents filled with them ; and it was one of the greatest pleasures 
I ever experienced, after I had taken my leave of them, perhaps for ever, 
crossed the frontiers of Mewar, and encamped in the dreary pass between it 
and Marwar, to find that a body of them had been my guards during the 
night. This is one of the many pleasing recollections of the past. Fortu- 
nately for our happiness, the mind admits their preponderance over opposite 
feeUngs. I had much to do in aiding the restoration of their past condition ; 
leaving, I believe, as few traces of error in the mode as could be expected, 
where so many conflicting interests were to be reconciled. 


Circumstances have concurred to produce a resemblance even 
to the refined fiction of giving up their allodial property to have 
it conferred as a fief. But in candour it should be stated, that 
the only instances were caused by the desire of being revenged 
on the immediate superiors of the vassals. The Rathor chief of 
Dabla held of his superior, the Raja of Banera, three considerable 
places included in the grant of Banera. He paid homage, an 
annual quit-rent, was bound to attend him personally to court, 
and to furnish thirty-five horse in case of an invasion. During 
the troubles, though perfectly equal to their performance, he 
was remiss in all these duties. His chief, with returning peace, 
desired to enforce the return to ancient customs, and his rights 
so long withheld ; but the Rathor had ielt the sweets of entire 
independence, and refused to attend his smnmons. To the 
warrant he replied, " his head and Dabla were together " ; and 
he would neither pay the quit-rent nor attend his court. This 
refractory spirit was reported to the Rana ; and it ended in Dabla 
being added to the fisc, and the chief's holding the rest as a vassal 
of the Rana, but only to perform local service. There are many 
other petty free proprietors on the Banera estate, holding from 
small portions of land to sinall villages ; but the service is limited 
and local in order to swell the chief's miniature court. If they 
accompany him, he must find rations for them and their steeds. 

So cherished is this tenure of Bhum, that the greatest chiefs 
are always solicitous to obtain it, even in the villages wholly 
dependent on their authority : a decided proof of its durability 
above common grants. The various modes in which it is ac- 
quired, and the precise technicalities which distinguished its 
tenure, as well as the privileges attached to it, are fully developed 
in translations of different deeds on the subject [171].^ 

Rajas of Banera and Shahpura.— We have also, amongst the 
nobilitj'^ of Mewar, two who hold the independent title of prince 
or raja, one of whom is by far too powerful for a subject. These 
are the Rajas of Banera and Shahpura, both of the blood royal. 
The ancestor of the first was the twin-brother of Rana Jai Singh ; 
the other, a Ranawat, branched off from Rana Udai Singh. 

They have their grants renewed, and receive the khilat of 
investiture ; but they pay no relief, and are exempt from all 
but persona] attendance at their prince's court, and the local 
^ See Appendix. 


service of the district in which their estates are situated. They 
have hitherto paid but Httle attention to their duties, but this 
defect arose out of the times. These lands lying most exposed 
to the imperial headquarters at Ajmer, they were compelled to 
bend to circumstances, and the kings were glad to confer rank 
and honour on such near relations of the Rana's house. He 
bestowed on them the titles of Raja, and added to the Shahpura 
chief's patrimony a large estate in Ajmer, which he now holds 
direct of the British Government, on payment of an annual tribute. 

Form and Substance o£ Grant. — To give a proper idea of the 
variety of items forming these chartularies, I append several * 
which exhibit the rights, privileges, and honours, as well as the 
sources of income, while they also record the terms on which they 
are granted. Many royalties have been alienated in modern times 
by the thoughtless prodigality of the princes ; even the grand 
mark of vassalage, the fine of relief, has been forgiven to one or two 
individuals ; portions of transit duties, tolls on ferries, and other 
seignorial rights ; coining copper currency; exactions of every kind, 
from the levy of toll for night protection of merchandise and for the 
repairs of fortifications, to the share of the depredations of the com- 
mon robber, will sufficiently show the demoralization of the country. 

Division of Pattas, or Sub-infeudation. — Many years ago, when 
the similarity of the systems first struck my attention, I took 
one of the grants or pattas of a great vassal of Jaipur, and dis- 
sected it in all its minutiae, with the aid of a very competent 
authority who had resided as one of the managers of the chief. 
This document, in which the subdivision of the whole clan is 
detailed, materially aided me in developing the system [172]. 

The court and the household economy of a great chieftain is 
a miniature representation of the sovereign's : the same officers, 
from the pardhan, or minister, to the cup-bearer (paniyari), as 
well as the same domestic arrangements. He must have his 
sliish-mahall,- his hari-mahaU,^ and his mandir,* like his prince. 

1 See Appendix, Nos. IV., V., VI. 

^ Mirror apartments. [To meet the demand for the glass mosaics seen 
in the palaces of Rajputana, the Panjab, and Burma, the industry of blowing 
glass globes, silvered inside, came into existence. The globes are broken 
into fragments, and set in cement (in Burma in laquer), and used to decorate 
the walls (Watt, C'omm. Prod. 563, 717 f.). There is a Shish Mahall in the 
Agra Fort.] ^ Gardens on the terrace within the palace. 

* Private temple of worship. 


He enters the dari-sala, or carpet hall, the minstrel ^ preceding 
him rehearsing the praises of his family ; and he takes his seat 
on his throne, while the assembled retainers, marshalled in lines 
on the right and left, simultaneously exclaim, " Health to our 
chief ! " which salutation he returns by bowing to all as he passes 
them. When he is seated, at a given signal they all follow the 
example, and shield rattles against shield as they wedge into 
their places. 

We have neither the kiss nor individual oaths of fidelity 
administered. It is sufficient, when a chief succeeds to his patri- 
mony, that his ' aw ' ^ is proclaimed within his sim or boundary. 
Allegiance is as hereditary as the land : "I am your child ; my 
head and sword are yours, my service is at your command." 
It is a rare thing for a Rajput to betray his Thakur, while the 
instances of self-devotion for him are innumerable : many will 
be seen interspersed in these papers. Base desertion, to their 
honour be it said, is little known, and known only to be execrated. 
Fidelity to the chief, Swamidharma, is the climax of all the virtues. 
The Rajput is taught from his infancy, in the song of the bard, 
to regard it as the source of honour here, and of happiness here- 
after. The poet Chand abounds with episodes on the duty and 
beauty of fidelity ; nor does it require a very fervid imagination 
to picture the affections which such a life is calculated to promote, 
when the chief is possessed of the qualities to call them forth. 
At the chase his vassals attend him : in the covert of the forest, 
the ground their social board, they eat their repast together, 
from the venison or wild boar furnished by the sport of the day ; 
nor is the cup neglected. They are familiarly admitted at all 
times to his presence, and accompany him to the court of their 
mutual sovereign. In short, they are inseparable.' 

Their having retained so much of their ancient manners and 
customs, during [173] centuries of misery and oppression, is the 
best evidence that those customs were riveted to their very souls. 
The Rajput of character is a being of the most acute sensibility ; 

^ DhoU. 

^ An is the oath of allegiance. Three things in Mewar are royalties a 
subject cannot meddle with : 1, ^n, or oath of allegiance ; 2, Dan, or transit 
dues on commerce ; 3, Khan, or mines of the precious metals. 

^ I rather describe what they were, than what they are. Contentions and 
poverty have weakened their sympathies and affections ; but the mind of 
philanthropy must hope that they will again become what they have been. 


where honour is concerned, the most trivial omission is often 
ignorantly construed into an affront. 

Provision for Chief's Relations. — In all the large estates the 
chief must provide for his sons or brothers, according to his 
means and the number of immediate descendants. In an estate 
of sixty to eighty thousand rupees of annual rent, the second 
brother might have a village of three to Ave thousand of rent. 
This is his patrimony (bnpota) : he besides pushes his fortune 
at the court of his sovereign or abroad. Juniors share in propor- 
tion. These again subdivide, and have their little circle of 
dependents. Each new family is known by the name of the 
founder conjoined to that of his father and tribe : Man Megh- 
singhgot Saktawat ; that is, ' Man, family of Megh, tribe Sak- 
tawat.' The subdivisions descend to the lowest denomination. 

Charsa. — Charsa, a ' hide of land,' or al)out sufficient to 
furnish an equipped cavalier. It is a singular coincidence that 
the term for the lowest subdivision of land for military service 
should be the same amongst the Rajputs as in the English system. 
Besides being similar in name, it nearly corresponds in actual 
quantity. From the beginning of the Anglo-Saxon government 
the land was divided into hides, each comprehending what could 
be cultivated by a single plough.^ Four hides constituted one 
knight's fee,^ which is stated to be about forty acres. The Charsa 
may have from twenty-five to thirty bighas ; which are equal 
to about ten acres — the Saxon hide. 

For what these minor vassals held to be their rights on the 
great pattawats, the reader is again referred to the letter of protest 
of the inferior jjattawats of the Deogarh estate — it may aid 
his judgement ; and it is curious to observe how nearly the 
subject of their prayer to the sovereign corresponded with the 
edict of Conrad of Italy,' in the year 1037, which originated in 

^ Millar's Historical View of the English Government, p. 85. [See p. 156 

* Hume, History of England, Appendix II. vol. ii. p. 291. 

^ " 1. That no man should be deprived of his fief, whether held of the 
emperor or mesne lord, but by the laws of the empire and judgement of his 
peers. 2. That from such judgeinent the vassal might appeal to his sovereign. 
3. That fiefs should be inherited by sons and their children, or in their 
failure by brothers, provided they were feuda. paterna, such as had descended 
fi-om the father. 4. That the lord should not alienate the fief of his vassal 
without his consent.' 


disagreements between the great lords and their vassals on the 
subject of sub-infeudations [174]. 

The extent to which the subdivision before mentioned is carried 
in some of the Rajput States, is ruinous to the protection and 
general welfare of the country. It is pursued in some parts till 
there is actually nothing left sufficiently large to share, or to 
furnish subsistence for one individual : consequently a great 
deprivation of services to the State ensues. But this does not 
prevail so much in the larger principalities as in the isolated 
tributary Thakurats or lordships scattered over the country ; as 
amongst the Jarejas of Cutch, the tribes in Kathiawar, and 
the small independencies of Gujarat bordering on the greater 
western Rajput States. This error in policy requires to be 
checked by supreme authority, as it was in England by Magna 
Charta,^ when the barons of those days took such precautions 
to secure their own seignorial rights. 

Brotherhood. — -The system in these countries of minute sub- 
division of fiefs is termed bhayyad,^ or brotherhood, synonymous 
to the tenure by frerage of France, but styled only an approxi- 
mation to sub-infeudation.^ " Give me my bat (share)," says 
the Rajput, when he attains to man's estate, ' the bat of the 
bhayyad,' the portion of the frerage ; and thus they go on clipping 
and paring till all are impoverished. The ' customs ' of France * 
preserved the dignities of families and the indivisibility of a feudal 
homage, without exposing the younger sons of a gentleman to 
beggary and dependence. It would be a great national benefit 
if some means could be found to limit this subdivision, but it is 
an evil difficult of remedy. The divisibility of the Cutch and 
Kathiawar frerage, carried to the most destructive extent, is pro- 
ductive of litigation, crime, and misery. Where it has proper 
limits it is useful ; but though the idea of each rood supporting 
its man is very poetical, it does not and cannot answer in practice. 
Its limit in Mewar we would not undertake to assert, but the 
vassals are careful not to let it become too small ; they send the 
extra numbers to seek their fortunes abroad. In this custom* 
and the difficulty of finding daejas, or dowers, for their daughters, 

^ By the revised statute. Quia emptores, of Edw. I., which forbids it in 
excess, under penalty of forfeiture (Hallam, vo]. i. p. 184). 
^ Bhayyad, ' frerage.' 
3 Hallam, vol. i. p. 186. * Ibid. 


we have the two chief causes of infanticide amongst the Rajputs, 
which horrible practice was not always confined to the female. 

The author of the Middle Ages exemplifies ingeniously the 
advantages of sub-[175]infeudation, by the instance of two 
persons holding one knight's fee ; and as the lord was entitled 
to the service of one for forty days, he could commute it for the 
joint service of the two for twenty days each. He even erects 
as a maxim on it, that " whatever opposition was made to the 
rights of sub-infeudation or frerage, would indicate decay in the 
military character, the living principle of feudal tenure " ; ^ 
which remark may be just where proper limitation exists, before 
it reaches that extent when the impoverished vassal would descend 
to mend his shoes instead of liis shield. Primogeniture is the 
corner-stone of feudality, but this unrestricted sub-infeudation 
would soon destroy it." It is strong in these States ; its rights 
were first introduced by the Normans from Scandinavia. But 
more will appear on this subject and its technicalities, in the 
personal narrative of the author. 


Rakhwali. — I now proceed to another point of striking 
resemblance between the systems of the east and west, arising from 
the same causes — the unsettled state of society, and the deficiency 
of paramount protection. It is here called rakhwali,^ or ' pre- 
servation ' ; the salvamenta of Europe.* To a certain degree it 
always existed in these States ; but the interminable predatory 

^ Hallara, vol. i. p. 186. 

" ■' Le droit d'ainesse a cause, pendant I'existence du regime feodal, une 
multitude de guerres et de proces. Notre histoire nous presente, a chaque 
page, des cadets reduits a la mendicite, se Kvrant a toutes sortes de brigan- 
dages pour reparer les torts de la fortune ; des aines, refusant la legitime a 
leurs freres ; des cadets, assassinant leur aine pour lui succeder, etc." (see 
article, ' Droit d'ainesse,' Diet, de VAncien Regime). 

^ See Appendix, Nos. VII., VIII., and IX. 

* This is the ' sauvement ou vingtain ' of the French system : there it 
ceased with the cause. " Les guerres (feudal) cesserent avec le regime 
feodal, et les paysans n'eurent plus besoin de la protection du Seigneur ; on 
ne les for9a pas moins de reparer son chateau, et de lui payer le droit qui 
se nommait de sauvement ou vingtain " (Art. ' Chateau,' Diet, de VAncien 


warfare of the last half century increased it to so frightful an 
extent that superior authority was required to redeem the abuses 
it had occasioned. It originated in the necessity of protection ; 
and the modes of obtaining it, as well as the compensation [176] 
when obtained, were various. It often consisted of money or 
kind on the reaping of each harvest : sometimes in a multi- 
plicity of petty privileges and advantages, but the chief object 
was to obtain bhwn : and here we have one solution of the con- 
stituted bhumia,^ assimilating, as observed, to the allodial pro- 
prietor. Bhum thus obtained is irrevocable ; and in the eager 
anxiety for its acquisition we have another decided proof of 
every other kind of tenure being deemed resumable by the crown. 
It was not unfrequent that application for protection was 
made to the nearest chief by the tenants of the fisc ; a course 
eventually sanctioned by the Government, which could not refuse 
assent where it could not protect. Here, then, we revert to first 
principles ; and ' seignorial rights ' may be forfeited, when they 
cease to yield that which ought to have originated them, viz. 
benefit to the community. Personal service at stated periods, 
to aid in the agricultural ^ economy of the protector, was some- 
times stipulated, when the husbandmen were to find implements 
and cattle,* and to attend whenever ordered. The protected 
calls the chief ' patron ' ; and the condition may not unaptly be 
compared to that of personal commendation,* like salvamenta, 
founded on the disturbed state of society. But what originated 
thus was often continued and multiplied by avarice, and the 
spirit of rapine, which disgraced the Rajput of the last half 
century, though he had abundance of apologies for ' scouring 
the country.' But all salvamenta and other marks of vassalage, 
obtained during these times of desolation, were annulled in the 
settlement which took place between the Rana and his chiefs, 
in A.D. 1818^ [177]. 

^ The chief might lose his patta landsj^and he would then dwindle down 
into the bhumia proprietor, which title only lawless force could take from 
him. See Appendix, No. IX. 

^ See Appendix, No. X., Art. II. 

^ This species would come under the distinct term of Hydages due by 
soccage vassals, who in return for protection supply carriages and work 
(Hume, vol. ii. p. 308). 

* Hallam, vol. i. p. 169. 

^ In indulging my curiosity on this subject, 1 collected some hundred 


But the crown itself, by some singular proceeding, possesses, 
or did possess, according to the Patta Bahi, or Book of Grants, 
considerable salvnmenta right, especially in the districts between 
the new and ancient capitals, in sums of from twenty to one 
hundred rupees in separate villages. 

To such an extent has this rakhwali ^ been carried when pro- 
tection was desired, that whole communities have ventured their 
liberty, and become, if not slaves, yet nearly approaching the 
condition of slaves, to the protector. But no common visitation 
ever leads to an evil of this magnitude. I mention the fact merely 
to show that it does exist ; and we may infer that the chief, who 
has become the arbiter of the lives and fortunes of his followers, 
must have obtained this power by devoting all to their protection. 
The term thus originated, and probably now (with many others) 
written for the first time in English letters in this sense, is Basai. 

engagements, and many of a most singular nature. We see the chieftain 
stipulating for fees on marriages ; for a dish of the good fare at the wedding 
feast, which he transfers to a relation of his district if unable to attend him- 
self ; portions of fuel and provender ; and even wherewithal to fill the 
wassail cup in his days of merriment. The Rajput's rehgious notions are 
not of so strict a character as to prevent his even exacting his rakhwali dues 
from the churcli lands, and the threat of slaughtering the sacred flock of our 
Indian Apollo has been resorted to, to compel payment when withheld. 
Nay, by the chiefs it was imposed on things locomotive : on caravans, or 
Tandas of merchandise, wherever they halted for the day, rakhwali was 
demanded. Each petty chief through whose district or patch of territory 
they travelled, made a demand, till commerce was dreadfully shackled ; 
but it was the only way in which it could be secured. It was astonishing 
how commerce was carried on at all ; yet did the cloths of Dacca and the 
shawls of Kashmir pass through all such restraints, and were never more in 
request. Where there is demand no danger will deter enterprise ; and 
commerce flourished more when these predatory armies were rolUng like 
waves over the land, than during the succeeding halcyon days of pacification. 
^ The method by which the country is brought under this tax is as 
follows : " When the people are almost ruined by continual robberies and 
plunders, the leader of the band of thieves, or some friend of his, proposes 
that, for a sum of money annually paid, he will keep a number of men in 
arms to protect such a tract of ground, or as many parishes as submit to the 
contribution. When the terms are agreed upon he ceases to steal, and 
thereby the contributors are safe : if any one refuse to pay, he is immediately 
plundered. To colour all this villainy, those concerned in the robberies pay 
the tax with the rest ; and all the neighbourhood must comply or be undone. 
This is the case (among others), with the whole low country of the shire of 
Ross " (Extract from Lord Lovat's Memorial to George I. on the State of 
the Highlands of Scotland, in a.d. 1724). 


Basai, Slavery. — Slavery is to be found in successive stages of 
society of Europe, but we have no parallel in Rajwara (at least 
in name) to the agricultural serfs and villains of Europe ; nor is 
there any intermediate term denoting a species of slavery between 
the Gola ^ of the Hindu chief's household and the free Rajput 
but the singular one of basai, which must be explained, since it 
cannot be translated. This class approximates closely to the 
trihutarii and coloni, perhaps to the servi, of the Salic Franks, 
" who were cultivators of the earth, and subject to residence 
upon their master's estate, though not destitute of property or 
civil rights." ^ Precisely the condition of the cultivator in Haraoti 
who now tills for a taskmaster the fields he formerly owned, de- 
graded to the name of hali,^ a ploughman. 

" \Vlien small proprietors," saj^s Hallam, " lost their lands by 
mere rapine, we may believe their liberty was hardly less en- 
dangered." The hali of Haraoti knows the bitter truth of this 
inference, which applies to the subject immediately before us, 
[178] the basai. The portion of liberty the latter has parted 
with, was not originally lost through compulsion on the part of 
the protector, but from external violence, which made this 
desperate remedy necessary. Very different from the hali of 
Kotah, who is servile though without the title — a serf in con- 
dition but without the patrimony ; compelled to labour for 
subsistence on the land he once owned ; chained to it by the 
double tie of debt and strict police ; and if flight were practicable, 
the impossibility of bettering his condition from the anarchy 
around would render it unavailing. This is not the practice 
under the patriarchal native government, which, with all its 
faults, retains the old links of society, with its redeeming sym- 
pathies ; but springs from a maire du palais, who pursued an 
unfeeling and mistaken policy towards this class of society till 
of late years. Mistaken ambition was the origin of the evil ; he 
saw his error, and remedied it in time to prevent further inischief 
to the State. This octogenarian ruler, Zalim Singh of Kotah, 
is too much of a philosopher and politician to let passion over- 

^ In Persian ghuldm, literally ' slave ' ; evidently a word of the same 
origin with the Hindu gola. [The words have no connexion.] 

2 HaUam, vol. i. p. 217. 

^ From hal, ' a plough.' Syl is ' a plough ' in Saxon (Turner's Anglo- 
Saxons). The h and s are permutable throughout Rajwara. [The words 
have no connexion.] In Marwar, Salim Singh is pronounced Halim Hingh. 


come his interests and reputation ; and we owe to the greatest 
despot a State ever had the only regular charter which at present 
exists in Rajasthan, investing a corporate body with the election 
of their own magistrates and the making of their own laws, sub- 
ject only to confirmation ; with all the privileges which marked 
in the outset the foundation of the free cities of Europe, and that 
of boroughs in England. 

It is true that, in detached documents, we see the spirit of 
these institutions existing in Mewar, and it is as much a matter 
of speculation, whether this wise ruler promulgated this novelty 
as a trap for good opinions, or from policy and foresight alone : 
aware, when all around him was improving, from the shackles 
of restraint being cast aside, that his retention of them must be 
hurtful to himself. Liberality in this exigence answered the 
previous purpose of extortion. His system, even then, was good 
by comparison ; all around was rapine, save in the little oasis 
kept verdant by his skill, where he permitted no other oppression 
than his own. 

This charter is appended ^ as a curiosity in legislation, being 
given thirty years ago. Another, for the agriculturists' protec- 
tion, was set up in a.d. 1821. No human being prompted either ; 
though the latter is modelled from the proceedings in Mewar, 
and may have been intended, as before observed, to entrap 

In every district of Haraoti the stone was raised to record this 
ordinance [179]. 

Gola — Das (Slaves). — Famine in these regions is the great cause 
of loss of liberty : thousands were sold in the last great famine. 
The predatory system of the Pindaris and mountain tribes aided 
to keep it up. Here, as amongst the Franks, freedom is derived 
through the mother. The offspring of a goli ^ or dasi must be a 
slave. Hence the great number of golas in Rajput families, 
whose illegitimate offspring are still adorned in Mewar, as our 
Saxon slaves were of old, with a silver ring round the left ankle, 
instead of the neck. They are well treated, and are often amongst 
the best of the military retainers ; * but are generally esteemed in 
proportion to the quality of the mother, whether Rajputni, 
Muslim, or of the degraded tribes : they hold confidential places 

^ See Appendix, No. XI. * Female slave. 

* See Appendix, No. XIX. 


about the chiefs of whose blood they are. The great -grand father 
of the late chief of Deogarh used to appear at court with three 
hundred galas ^ on horseback in his train, the sons of Rajputs, 
each with a gold ring round his ankle : men whose lives were his 
own. This chief could then head two thousand retainers, his own 

Slavery due to Gambling. — Tacitus ^ describes the baneful 
effects of gambling amongst the German tribes, as involving 
personal liberty ; their becoming slaves, and being subsequently 
sold by the winner. The Rajput's passion for gaming, as re- 
marked in the history of the tribes, is strong ; and we can revert 
to periods long anterior to Tacitus, and perhaps before the woods 
of Germany were peopled with the worshippers of Tuisto, for the 
antiquity of this vice amongst the Rajput warriors, presenting a 
highly interesting picture of its pernicious effects. Yudhishthira 
having staked and lost the throne of India to Duryodhana, to 
recover it hazarded the beautiful and virtuous Draupadi. By 
the loaded dice of his foes she became the goli of the Kaurava, who, 
triumphing in his pride, would have unveiled her in public ; but 
the deity presiding over female modesty preserved her from the 
rude gaze of the assembled host ; the miraculous scarf lengthened 
as he withdrew it, till tired, he desisted at the instance of superior 
interposition. Yudhishthira, not satisfied with this, staked 
twelve years of his personal liberty, and became an exile from 
the haunts of Kalindi, a wanderer in the wilds skirting the distant 
ocean [180]. 

The illegitimate sons of the Rana are called das, literally 
' slave ' : they have no rank, though they are liberally provided 

^ The reader of Dow's translation of Ferishta [i. 134] may recollect that 
when Kutbu-d-din was left the viceroy of the conqueror he is made to say : 
" He gave the country to Gola the son of Pittu Rai." [" He delivered over 
the country to the Gola, or natural son, of Pithow Ray " (Briggs' trans, 
i. 128).] Dow mistakes this appellation of the natural brother of the last 
Hindu sovereign for a proper name. He is mentioned by the bard Ghand in 
his exploits of Prithwiraja. 

^ I have often received the most confidential messages, from chiefs of the 
highest rank, through these channels. [There are, at the present day, 
several bastard castes originally composed of the illegitimate children of men 
of rank, Rajputs, Brahmans, Mahajans, and others. These are now re- 
cruited from the descendants of such persons, and from recently born illegiti- 
mate children (Census Report, Rajputana, 1911, i. 2-i9f.).] 

^ Germania, xxiv. 


for. Basai signifies ' acquired slaveiy ' ; in contradistinction to 
gola, ' an hereditary slave.' The gola can only marry a goli : the 
lowest Rajput would refuse his daughter to a son of the Rana of 
this kind. The basai can redeem ^ his liberty : the gola has no 
wish to do so, because he could not improve his condition nor 
overcome his natural defects. To the basai nothing dishonour- 
able attaches : the class retain their employments and caste, and 
are confined to no occupation, but it must be exercised with the 
chief's sanction. Individuals reclaimed from captivity, in grati- 
tude have given up their liberty : communities, when this or 
greater evils threatened, have done the same for protection of 
their lives, religion, and honour. Instances exist of the popula- 
tion of towns being in this situation. The greater part of the 
inhabitants of the estate of BijoUi are the basai of its chief, who 
is of the Pramara tribe : they are his subjects ; the Rana, the 
paramount lord, has no sort of authority over them. Twelve 
generations have elapsed since his ancestor conducted this little 
colony into Mewar, and received the highest honours and a large 
estate on the plateau of its border, in a most interesting country.^ 
The only badge denoting the basai is a small tuft of hair on the 
crown of the head. The term interpreted has nothing harsh in 
it, meaning ' occupant, dweller, or settler.' The numerous towns 
in India called Basai have this origin : chiefs abandoning their 
ancient haunts, and settling * with all their retainers and chattels 
in new abodes. From this, the town of Basai near Tonk (Ram* 
pura), derived its name, when the Solanki prince was compelled 
to abandon his patrimonial lands in Gujarat ; his subjects of all 

^ The das or ' slave ' may hold a fief in Rajasthan, but he never can rise 
above the condition in which this defect of birth has placed him. " L'affran- 
chissement consistait a sortir de la classe des serfs, par Facquisition d'un 
fief, ou seulement d'un fonds. La necessite oil s'etaient trouves les seigneurs 
feodaux de vendre une partie do leurs terres, pour faire leurs equipages des 
croisades, avait rendu ces acquisitions communes ; mais le fief n'anobhssait 
qu'a la troisieme generation." Serfs who had twice or thrice been cham- 
pions, or saved the hves of their masters, were also liberated. " Un eveque 
d'Auxerre declara qu'il n'affranchirait gratuitement, qui que ce soit, s'il 
n'avait re^u quinze blessurea a son service " (see Article ' Affranchisse- 
ment,' Diet, de Vancien Regime). 

^ I could but indistinctly learn whether this migration, and the species 
of paternity here existing, arose from rescuing them from Tatar invaders, 
or from the calamity of famine. 

' Basna, ' to settle.' 


classes accompanjdng him voluntarily, in preference to sub- 
mitting to foreign rule. Probably the foundation of BijoUi was 
similar ; though only the name of Basai now attaches to the 
inhabitants. It is not uncommon [181], in the overflowing of 
gratitude, to be told, " You may sell me, I am your basai." ^ 

Private Feuds — Composition.— In a state of society such as 
these sketches delineate, where all depends on the personal 
character of the sovereign, , the field for the indulgence of the 
passions, and especially of that most incident to the uncontrollable 
habits of such races — revenge — must necessarily be great. Private 
feuds have tended, with the general distraction of the times, to 
desolate this country. Some account of their mode of prosecu- 
tion, and the incidents thence arising, cannot fail to throw addi- 
tional light on the manners of society, which during the last 
half-century were fast receding to a worse than semi-barbarous 
condition, and, aided by other powerful causes, might have 
ended in entire annihilation. The period was rapidly advancing, 
when this fair region of Mewar, the garden of Rajasthan, would 
have reverted to its primitive sterility. The tiger and the wild 
boar had already become inmates of the capital, and the bats 
flitted undisturbed in the palaces of her princes. The ante- 
courts, where the chieftains and their followers assembled to 
grace their prince's cavalcade, were overgrown with dank shrubs 
and grass, through which a mere footpath conducted the ' de- 
scendant of a hundred kings ' to the ruins of his capital. 

In these principalities the influence of revenge is universal. 
Not to prosecute a feud is tantamount to an acknowledgement of 
self-degradation ; and, as in all countries where the laws are 
insufficient to control individual actions or redress injuries, they 
have few scruples as to the mode of its gratification. Hence 

^ I had the happmess to be the means of releasing from captivity some 
young chiefs, who had been languishing in Mahratta fetters as hostages for 
the payment of a war contribution. One of them, a younger brother of the 
Purawat division, had a mother dying to see him ; but tliough he might 
have taken her house in the way, a strong feehng of honour and gratitude 
made him forgo this anxious visit : "I am your Rajput, your gola, your 
basai." He was soon sent off to his mother. Such little acts, minghng 
with pubhc duty, are a compensation for the many drawbacks of sohtude, 
gloom, and vexation, attending such situations. They are no sinecures or 
beds of roses— ease, comfort, and health, being all subordinate considera- 


feuds are entailed with the estates from generation to generation. 
To sheathe the sword till ' a feud is balanced ' (their own idio- 
matic expression), would be a blot never to be effaced from the 

In the Hindu word which designates a feud we have another 
of those striking coincidences in terms to which allusion has 
already been made : vair is ' a feud,' vairi, ' a foe.' The Saxon 
term for the composition of a feud, wergild, is familiar to every 
man. In some of these States the initial vowel is hard, and [182] 
pronounced bair. In Rajasthan, bair is more common than vair, 
but throughout the south-west vair only is used. In these we 
have the original Saxon word war,^ the French guer. The Rajput 
wergild is land or a daughter to wife. In points of honour the 
Rajput is centuries in advance of our Saxon forefathers, who had 
a legislative remedy for every bodily injury, when each finger 
and toe had its price.^ This might do very well when the injury 
was committed on a hind, but the Rajput must have blood for 
blood. The monarch must be powerful who can compel accept- 
ance of the compensation, or mund-kaii? 

The prosecution of a feud is only to be stopped by a process 
which is next to impracticable ; namely, by the party injured 
volunteering forgiveness, or the aggressor throwing himself as a 
suppliant unawares on the clemency of his foe within his own 
domains : a most trying situation for each to be placed in, yet 

^ Gilbert on Tenures, art. " Warranty," p. 169. [Wergild, wer, ' man,' 
gield, gieldan ; vair is Skt. vtra, ' hero ' ; O.E. wer, O.H.G. werran, ' to 
embroil,' Fr. guerre.] 

^ " The great toe took rank as it should be, and held to double the sum 
of the others, for which ten scyllinga was the value without the nail, which 
was thirty scealta to boot" (Turner's Anglo-Saxons, vol. ii. p. 133). 

^ Appendix, No. XVIII. The laws of composition were carried to a 
much greater extent amongst the Hindu nations than even amongst those 
of the Anglo-Saxons, who might have found in Manu all that was ever 
written on the subject, from the kiUing of a Brahman by design to the accid- 
ental murder of a dog. The Brahman is four times the value of the soldier, 
eight of the merchant, and sixteen times of the Sudra. " If a Brahman kill 
one of the soldier caste (without mahce), a bull and one thousand cows is the 
fine of expiation. If he slays a merchant, a bull and one hundred cows is the 
fine. If a Sudra or lowest class, ten white cows and a bull to the priest is 
the expiation " [Laivs, xi. 127 ff.]. Manu legislated also for the protection 
of the brute creation, and if the priest by chance kills a cat, a frog, a dog, 
a lizard, an owl, or a crow, he must drink nothing but milk for three days 
and nights, or walk four miles in the night. 


not unexampled, and revenge in such a case would entail infamy. 
It was reserved for these degenerate days to produce such an 

Amargarh-Shahpura Feud. — The Raja of Shahpura, one of 
the most powerful of the chiefs of Mewar, and of the Rasa's 
blood, had a feud with the Ranawat chief, the Bhumia proprietor 
of Amargarh. Ummeda,^ the chief of Shahpura, held two 
estates : one was the grant of the kings of Delhi, the other of his 
own sovereign, and each amounting to £10,000 ^ of annual rent, 
besides the duties on commerce. His estate in Mewar was in 
the district of Mandalgarh, where also lay his antagonist's ; their 
bounds were in common and some of the lands were intermixed : 
this led to disputes, threats, and blows, even in the towns of their 
fathers, between their husbandmen. The Bhumia Dilel was 
much less powerful ; he was lord of only ten villages, not yielding 
above £1200 a year ; but they were compact and well managed, 
and he was [183] popular amongst his brethren, whose swords 
he could always command. His castle was perched on a rock, 
and on the towers facing the west (the direction of Shahpura) 
were mounted some swivels : moreover a belt of forest surrounded 
it, through which only two or three roads were cut, so that surprise 
was impossible. Dilel had therefore little, to fear, though his 
antagonist could bring two thousand of his own followers against 
him. The feud burned and cooled alternately ; but the Raja's 
exposed villages enabled Dilel to revenge himself with much 
inferior means. He carried off the cattle, and sometimes the 
opulent subjects, of his foe, to his donjon-keep in Amargarh for 
ransom. Meanwhile the husbandmen of both suffered, and 
agriculture was neglected, till half the villages held by Ummeda 
in Mandalgarh became deserted. The Raja had merited this by 
his arrogance and attempts to humble Dilel, who had deserved 
more of the sympathies of his neighbours than his rival, whose 
tenants were tired of the payments of barchi-dohai.^ 

^ Ummeda, ' hope.' 

2 Together £20,000, eqvial to £100,000 of England, if the respective value 
of the necessaries of hfe be considered. 

^ Barchi is ' a lance.' In these marauding days, when there was a riever 
in every village, they saUied out to ' run the country,' either to stop the 
passenger on the highway or the inhabitant of the city. The lance at his 
breast, he would call out dohai, an invocation of aid. During harvest time 
barchi-dohai used to be exacted. 


Unmieda was eccentric, if the term be not too weak to char- 
acterize acts which, in more civih'zed regions, would have sub- 
jected him to coercion. He has taken his son and suspended him 
by the cincture to the pinnacle of his little chapel at Shahpura, 
and then called on the mother to come and witness the sight. 
He would make excursions alone on horseback or on a swift 
camel, and be missing for days. In one of these moods he and 
his foe Dilel encountered face to face within the bounds of Amar- 
garh. Dilel only saw a chief high in rank at his mercy. With 
courtesy he saluted him, invited him to his castle, entertained 
him, and pledged his health and forgiveness in the munawwar 
piyala : ^ they made merry, and in the cup agreed to extinguish 
the remembrance of the feud. 

Both had been summoned to the court of the sovereign. The 
Raja proposed that they should go together, and invited him to 
go by Shahpura. Dilel accordingly saddled his twenty steeds, 
moved out his equipage, and providing himself with fitting 
raiment, and funds to maintain him at the capital, accompanied 
the Raja to receive the return of his hospitality. They ate from 
the same platter,^ drank of the same cup and enjoyed the song 
and dance. They even went together to [184] their devotions, 
to swear before their deity what they had pledged in the cup — 
oblivion of the past. But scarcely had they crossed the threshold 
of the chapel, when the head of the chief of Amargarh was rolling 
on the pavement, and the deity and the altar were sprinkled with 
his blood ! To this atrocious and unheard-of breach of the laws 
of hospitality, the Raja added the baseness of the pilferer, seizing 
on the effects of his now lifeless foe. He is said, also, with all the 
barbarity and malignity of long-treasured revenge, to have 
kicked the head with his foot, apostrophising it in the pitiful 
language of resentment. The son of Dilel, armed for revenge, 
collected all his adherents, and confusion was again commencing 
its reign. To prevent this, the Rana compelled restitution of 
the horses and effects ; and five villages from the estate of the 
Raja were the mund-kati (wergild) or compensation to the son of 
Dilel. The rest of the estate of the murderer was eventually 
sequestrated by the crown. 

^ ' Cup of invitation.' {^Munawivar, Pers. ' bright, splendid.'] 
^ This is a favourite expression, and a mode of indicating great friend- 
ship : ' to eat of the same platter (thali), and drink of the same cup (piyala).' 


The feuds of Arja and Sheogarh are elsewhere detailed, and 
such statements could be multiplied. Avowal of error and 
demand of forgiveness, with the offer of a daughter in marriage, 
often stop the progress of a feud, and might answer better than 
appearing as a suppliant, which requires great delicacy of con- 
trivance.^ Border disputes ^ are most prolific in the production 
of feuds, and the Rajput lord-marchers have them entailed on 
them as regularly as their estates. The border chiefs of Jaisalmer 
and Bikaner carry this to such extent that it often involved both 
states in hostilities. The vair and its composition in Mandalgarh 
will, however, suffice for the present to exemplify these things. 

Rajput Pardhans or Premiers. — It would not be difficult, 
amongst the Majores Dornus Regiae of these principalities, to 
find parallels to the M aires du Palais of France. Imbecilitj^ in 
the chief, whether in the east or west, must have the same conse- 
quences ; and more than one State in India will present us with 
the joint appearance of the phantom and the substance of royalty. 
The details of [185] personal attendance at court will be found 
elsewhere. When not absent on frontier duties, or by permission 
at their estates, the chiefs resided with their families at the 
capital ; but a succession of attendants was always secured, to 
keep up its splendour and perform personal service at the palace. 
In Mewar, the privileges and exemptions of the higher class are 
such as to exhibit few of the marks of vassalage observable at 
other courts. Here it is only on occasion of particular festivals 
and solemnities that they ever join the prince's cavalcade, or 
attend at court. If full attendance is required, on the reception 
of ambassadors, or in discussing matters of general policy, when 

^ The Bundi feud with the Rana is still unappeased, since the predecessor 
of the former slew the Rana's father. It was an indefensible act, and the 
Bundi prince was most desirous to terminate it. He had no daughter to 
offer, and hinted a desire to accompany me incog, and thus gain admission 
to the presence of the Rana. The benevolence and generosity of this prince 
would have insured him success ; but it was a dehcate matter, and I feared 
some exposure from any arrogant hot-headed Rajput ere the scene could 
have been got up. The Raja Bishan Singh of Bundi is since dead [in 1828] ; 
a brave and frank Rajput ; he has left few worthier beliind. His son [Ram 
Siiigli, 1821-89], yet a minor, promises well. The protective alliance, which 
is to turn their swords into ploughshares, will prevent their becoming foes ; 
but they will remain sulky border-neighbours, to the fostering of disputes 
and the disquiet of the merchant and cultivator. 

^ Sim — Kankar. 


they have a right to hear and advise as the hereditary council 
(panchayai) of the State, they are summoned by an officer, with 
the prince'' s juhar,^ and his request. On grand festivals the great 
nakkaras, or kettle-drums, beat at three stated times ; the third 
is the signal for the chief to quit his abode and mount his steed. 
Amidst all these privileges, when it were almost difficult to 
distinguish between the prince and his great chiefs, there are 
occasions well understood by both, which render the superiority 
of the former apparent : one occurs in the formalities observed 
on a lapse ; another, when at court in personal service, the chief 
once a week mounts guard at the palace with his clan. On these 
occasions the vast distance between them is seen. When the 
chief arrives in the grand court of the palace with his retainers, he 
halts under the balcony till intimation is given to the prince, who 
from thence receives his obeisance and duty. This over, _he 
retires to the great darikhana, or hall of audience, appropriated 
for these ceremonies, where carpets are spread for him and his 
retainers. At meals the prince sends his compliments, requesting 
the chief's attendance at the rasora ^ or ' feasting hall,' where with 
other favoured chiefs he partakes of dinner with the prince. He 
sleeps in the hall of audience, and next morning with the same 
formalities takes his leave. Again, in the summons to the 
presence from their estates, instant obedience is requisite. But 
in this, attention to their rank is studiously shown by ruqa, 
written by the private secretary, with the sign-manual of the 
prince attached, and sealed with the private finger-ring. For 
the inferior grades, the usual seal of state entrusted to the minister 
is used. 

But these are general duties. In all these States some great 
court favourite [186], from his talents, character, or intrigue, 
holds the office of premier. His duties are proportioned to his 
wishes, or the extent of his talents and aml)ition ; but he does not 
interfere with the civil administration, which has its proper 
minister. They, however, act together. The Rajput premier 
is the military minister, with the political government of the 

' A salutation, only sent by a superior to an inferior. 

- The Idtchen is large enough for a fortress, and contains large eating 
halls. Food for seven hundred of the prince's court is daily dressed. This 
is not for any of the personal servants of the prince, or female establish- 
ments ; all these are separate. 


fiefs ; the civil minister is never of this caste. Local customs 
have given various appellations to this officer. At Udaipur he is 
called hhanjgarh ; at Jodhpur, pardhan ; at Jaipur (where they 
have engrafted the term used at the court of Delhi) miisahib ; at 
Kotah, kiladar, and diwan or regent. He becomes a most im- 
portant personage, as dispenser of the favours of the sovereign. 
Through him chiefly all requests are preferred, this being the 
surest channel to success. His influence, necessarily, gives him 
unbounded authority over the military classes, with unlimited 
power over the inferior officers of the State. With a powerful 
body of retainers always at his command, it is surprising we have 
not more frequently our ' mayors of Burgundy and Dagoberts,' ^ 
our ' Martels and Pei^ins,' in Rajasthan. 

We have our hereditary Rajput premiers in several of these 
States : but in all the laws of succession are so regulated that 
they could not usurp the throne of their prince, though they 
might his functions. 
— " When the treaty was formed between Mewar and the British 
Government, the ambassadors wished to introduce an article of 
guarantee of the office of pardhan to the family of the chief noble 
of the country, the Rawat of Salumbar. The fact was, as stated, 
that the dignity was hereditary in this family ; but though the 
acquisition was the result of an act of virtue, it had tended much 
towards the ruin of the country, and to the same cause are to be 
traced all its rebellions. 

The ambassador was one of the elders of the same clan, being 
the grand uncle of the hereditary pardhan. He had taken a most 
active share in the political events of the last thirty years, and had 
often controlled the councils of his prince during this period, 

^ Dagobert commended his wife and son Clovis to the trust of Ega, 
with whom she jointly held the care of the palace. On his death, with the 
aid of more powerful lords, she chose another mayor. He confirmed their 
grants for hfe. They made his situation hereditary ; but which could only 
have held good from the cfowd of imbeciles who succeeded Clovis, until 
the descendant of this mayor thrust out his children and seized the crown. 
This change is a natural consequence of unfitness ; and if we go back to the 
genealogies (called sacred) of the Hindus, we see there a succession of 
dynasties forced from their thrones by their ministers. Seven examples 
are given in the various dynasties of the race of Chandra. (See Genealogical 
Tables, No. II.) [The above is in some ways inaccurate, but it is unneces- 
sary to correct it, as it is not connected with the question of premiers in 
Rajputana : see EB, xvii. 938.] 


and actualij'^ held the post of premier himself when stipulating [187] 
for his minor relative. With the ascendancy he exercised over the 
prince, it may be inferred that he had no intention of renouncing 
it during his lifetime ; and as he was educating his adopted heir 
to all his notions of authority, and initiating him in the intrigues of 
office, the guaranteed dignity in the head of his family would have 
become a nonentity,^ and the Ranas would have been governed 
by the deputies of their mayors. From both those evils the times 
have relieved the prince. The crimes of Ajit had made his dis- 
missal from office a point of justice, but imbecility and folly will 
never be without ' mayors.' 

When a Rana of Udaijiur leaves the capital, the Salumbar 
chief is invested with the government of the city and charge of 
the palace during his absence. By his hands the sovereign is 
girt with the sword, and from him he receives the mark of inaugu- 
ration on his accession to the throne. He leads, by right, the 
van in battle ; and in case of the siege of the capital, his post is 
the surajpol," and the fortress which crowns it, in which this 
family had a handsome palace, which is now going fast to decay. 

It was the predecessor of the present chief of Salumbar who 
set up a pretender and the standard of rebellion ; but when 
foreign aid was brought in, he returned to his allegiance and the 
defence of the capital. Similar sentiments have often been 
awakened in patriotic breasts, when roused by the interference 
of foreigners in their internal disputes. The evil entailed on the 
State by these hereditary offices will appear in its annals. 

1 So many sudden deaths had occurred in this family, that the branch in 
question (Ajit Singh's) were strongly suspected of ' heaping these mortal 
murders on their crown,' to push their elders from their seats. The father 
of Padma, the present chief, is said to have been taken off by poison ; and 
Pahar Singh, one generation anterior, returning grievously wounded from 
the battle of Ujjain, in which the southrons first swept Mewar, was not per- 
mitted to recover. The mother of the present young chief of the Jhala 
tribe of the house of Gogunda, in the west, was afraid to trust him from her 
sight. She is a woman of great strength of mind and excellent character, 
but too indulgent to an only son. He is a fine bold youth, and, though 
impatient of control, may be managed. On horseback with his lance, in 
chase of the wild boar, a more resolute cavaher could not be seen. His 
mother, when he left the estate alone for court, which he seldom did without 
her accompanying him, never failed to send me a long letter, beseeching me 
to guard the welfare of her son. My house was lu's great resort : he delighted 
to pull over my books, or go fishing or riding with me. 

^ Surya, ' sun ' ; and pol, ' gate.' Poliya, ' a porter.' 


In Marwar the dignity is hereditary in the house of Awa ; but 
the last brave chief who held it became the victim of a revenge- 
ful and capricious sovereign/ [188] who was jealous of his ex- 
ploits ; and dying, he bequeathed a curse to his posterity who 
should again accept the office. It was accordingly transferred 
to the next in dignity, the house of Asop. The present chief, 
wisely distrusting the prince whose reign has been a series of 
turmoils, has kept aloof from court. When the office was jointly 
held by the chiefs of Nimaj and Pokaran, the tragic end of the 
former afforded a fine specimen of the prowess and heroism of 
the Rathor Rajput. In truth, these pardhans of Marwar have 
always been mill-stones round the necks of their princes ; an evil 
interwoven in their system when the partition of estates took 
place amidst the sons of Jodha in the infancy of this State. It 
was, no doubt, then deemed politic to unite to the interests of the 
crown so powerful a branch, which when combined could always 
control the rest ; but this gave too much equality. 

The Chief of Pokaran. — Deo Singh, the great-grandfather of the 
Pokaran chief alluded to, used to sleep in the great hall of the 
palace with five hundred of his clan around him. " The throne 
of Marwar is in the sheath of my dagger," was the repeated boast 
of this arrogant chieftain. It may be anticipated that either he 
or his sovereign would die a violent death. The lord of Pokaran 
was entrapped, and instant death commanded ; yet with the 
sword suspended over his head, his undaunted spirit was the 
same as when seated in the hall, and surrounded by his vassals. 
" Where, traitor, is now the sheath that holds the fortiuies of 
Marwar ? " said the prince. The taunt recoiled with bitterness 
when he loftily replied, " With my son at Pokaran I have left it." 
No tinae was given for further insult ; his head rolled at the steps 
of the palace ; but the dagger of Pokaran still haunts the imagina- 
tions of these princes, and many attempts have been made to get 
possessed of their stronghold on the edge of the desert.^ The 
narrow escape of the present chief will be related hereafter, with 
the sacrifice of his friend and coadjutor, the chief of Nimaj. 

^ " The cur can bite," the reply of this chief, either personally, or to the 
jjerson who reported that his sovereign so designated him, was never 

^ His son, Sabal Singh, followed in his footsteps, till an accidental cannon- 
shot reheved the terrors of the prince. 


Premiers in Kotah and Jaisalmer. — In Kotah and Jaisalmer 
the power of the ministers is supreme. We might describe their 
situation in the words of Montesquieu. " The Pepins kept their 
princes in a state of imprisonment in the palace, showing them 
once a year to the people. On this occasion they made such 
ordinances as were directed [189] by the mayor ; they also 
answered ambassadors, but the mayor framed the answer." ^ 

Like those of the Merovingian race, these puppets of royalty 
in the east are brought forth to the Champ de Mars once a year, 
at the grand military festival, the Dasahra. On this day, presents 
provided by the minister are distributed by the prince. Allow- 
ances for every branch of expenditure ? re fixed, nor has the prince 
the power to exceed them. But at Kotah there is nothing parsi- 
monious, though nothing superfluous. On the festival of the birtn 
of Krishna, and other similar feasts, the prince likewise appears 
abroad, attended by all the insignia of royalty. Elephants with 
standards precede ; lines of infantry and guns are drawn up ; 
while a numerous cavalcade surrounds his person. The son of the 
minister sometimes condescends to accompany his prince on 
horseback ; nor is there anything wanting to magnificence, but 
the power to control or alter any part of it. This failing, how 
humiliating to a proud mind, acquainted with the history of his 
ancestors and unbued with a portion of their spirit, to be thus 
muzzled, enchained, and rendered a mere pageant of state ! This 
chain would have been snapped, but that each link has become 
adamantine from the ties this ruler has formed with the British 
Government. He has well merited our protection ; though we 
never contemplated to what extent the maintenance of these ties 
would involve our own character. But this subject is connected 
with the history of an individual who yields to none of the many 
extraordinary men whom India has produced, and who required 
but a larger theatre to have drawn the attention of the world. 
His character will be further elucidated in the Annals of 
Haravati [190]. 

^ U Esprit des Loix, chap. vi. livre 31. 



Adoption. — The hereditary principle, which perpetuates in these 
States their virtues and their vices, is also the grand preservative 
of their political existence and national manners : it is an imperish- 
able principle, which resists time and innovation : it is this which 
made the laws of the Medes and Persians, as well as those of the 
Rajputs, unalterable. A chief of Mewar, like his sovereign, 
never dies : he disappears to be regenerated. ' Le roi est mart, 
mve le roi .' ' is a phrase, the precise virtue of which is there well 
understood. Neither the crown nor the greater fiefs are ever 
without heirs. Adoption is the preservative of honours and titles ; 
the great fiefs of Rajasthan can never become extinct.^ But, 
however valuable this privilege, which the law of custom has made 
a right, it is often carried to the most hurtful and foolish extent. 
They have allowed the limit which defined it to be effaced, and 
each family, of course, maintains a custom, so soothing to vanity, 
as the prospect of having their names revived in their descendants. 
This has resulted from the weakness of the prince and the misery 
of the times. Lands were bestowed liberally which yielded 
nothing to their master, who, in securing a nominal obedience 
and servitude, had as much as the times made them worth when 
given ; but with returning prosperity and old customs, these 
great errors have become too visible. Adoptions are often made 
during the life of the incumbent when without prospect of issue. 
The chief and his wife first agitate the subject in private ; it is 
then confided to the little council of the fief, and when propin- 
quity and merit unite, they at once petition the prince to confirm 
their wishes, which are generally acceded to. So many interests 
are to be consulted on this occasion, that the blind partiality of 
the chief to any particular object is always counterpoised by the 
elders of the clan, who jnust have a pride in seeing a proper Tha- 
kur ^ at their head, and who prefer the nearest of kin, to prevent 
the disputes which would be attendant on neglect in this 
point [191]. 

^ [The abandonment of the policy of escheat or lapse, and the recogni- 
tion of the right of adoption were announced by Lord Canning in 1869.] 
^ As in Deogarh. 


On sudden lapses, the wife is allowed the privilege, in eon- 
junction with those interested in the fief, of nomination, though 
the case is seldom left unprovided for : there is always a pre- 
sumptive heir to the smallest sub-infeudation of these estates. 
The wife of the deceased is the guardian of the minority of the 

The Case of Deogarh. — The chief of Deogarh, one of the sixteen 
Omras ^ of Mewar, died without issue. On his death-bed he 
recommended to his wife and chiefs Nahar Singh for their adop- 
tion. This was the son of the independent chieftain of Sangram- 
garh, already mentioned. There were nearer kin, some of the 
seventh and eighth degrees, and young Nahar was the eleventh. 
It was never contemplated that the three last gigantic ^ chieftains 
of Deogarh would die without issue, or the branches, now claim- 
ants from propinquity, would have been educated to suit the 
dignity ; but being brought up remote from court, they had been 
compelled to seek employment where obtainable, or to live on 
the few acres to which their distant claim of birth restricted 
them. Two of these, who had but the latter resource to fly to, 
had become mere boors ; and of two who had sought service 
abroad by arms, one was a cavalier in the retinue of the prince, 
and the other a hanger-on about court : both dissipated and 
unfitted, as the frerage asserted, ' to be the chieftains of two 
thousand Rajputs, the sons of one father.' ^ Much interest and 
intrigue were carried on for one of these, and he was supported 
by the young prince and a faction. Some of the senior Pattawats 
of Deogarh are men of the highest character, and often lamented 
the sombre qualities of their chief, which prevented the clan 
having that interest in the State to which its extent and rank 
entitled it. While these intrigues were in their infancy, they 
adopted a decided measure ; they brought home young Nahar 
from his father's residence, and ' bound round his head the 
turban of the deceased.' In his name the death of the late chief 
was announced. It was added, that he hoped to see his friends 

^ [Umara, plural of Anilr, ' a chief.'] 

^ Gokuldas, the last chief, was one of the finest men I ever beheld in 
feature and person. He was about six feet six, perfectly erect, and a 
Hercules in bulk. His father at twenty was much larger, and must have 
been nearly seven feet high. It is surprising how few of the chiefs of this 
family died a natural death. It has produced some noble Rajputs. 

' Ek bap ka beta. 


after the stated days of maiam or mourning ; and he performed 
all the duties of the son of Deogarh, and lighted the funeral pyre. 

When these proceedings were reported, the Rana was highly 
and justly incensed. The late chief had been one of the rebels 
of S. 1848 ; ^ and though pardon had been [192] granted, yet this 
revived all the recollection of the past, and he felt inclined to 
extinguish the name of Sangawat.^ 

In addition to the common sequestration, he sent an especial 
one with commands to collect the produce of the harvest then 
reaping, charging the sub-vassals with the design of overturning 
his lawful authority. They replied very submissively, and art- 
fully asserted that they had only given a son to Gokuldas, not an 
heir to Deogarh ; that the sovereign alone could do this, and that 
they trusted to his nominating one who would be an efificient 
leader of so many Rajputs in the service of the Rana. They 
urged the pretensions of young Nahar, at the same time leaving 
the decision to the sovereign. Their judicious reply was well 
supported by their ambassador at court, who was the bard of 
Deogarh, and had recently become, though ex officio, physician 
to the prince.^ The point was finallj' adjusted, and Nahar was 
brought to court, and invested with the sword by the hand of 
the sovereign, and he is now lord of Deogarh Madri, one of the 
richest and most powerful fiefs * of Mewar Madri was the 
ancient name of the estate ; and Sangramgarh, of which Nahar 
was the heir, was severed from it, but by some means had reverted 
to the crown, of which it now holds. The adoption of Nahar by 
Gokuldas leaves the paternal estate without an immediate heir ; 
and his actual father being mad, if more distant claims are not 
admitted, it is probable that Sangramgarh v*^ill eventually revert 
to the fisc. 

1 A.D. 1792. 2 That of the clan of Deogarh. 

' ApoUo [Krishna] is the patron both of physicians and poets ; and 
though my friend Amra does not disgrace him in either calling, it was his 
wit, rather than his medical degree, that maintained him at court. He said 
it was not fitting that the sovereign of the world should be served by clowns 
or opium-eaters ; and that young Nahar, when educated at court under the 
Rana's example, would do credit to the country : and what had full as 
much weight as any of the bard's arguments was, that the fine of relief on 
the Talwar bandhai (or girding on of the sword) of a lac of rupees, should 
be immediately forthcoming. 

* Patta. [About 30 miles south of Udaipur city.] 


Reflections.-^The sj^stem of feuds must have attained con- 
siderable maturity amongst the Rajputs, to have left such traces, 
notwithstanding the desolatioJi that has swe})t the land : but 
without circumspection these few remaining customs will become 
a dead letter. Unless we abstain from all internal interference, 
we must destroy the links which connect the prince and his 
vassals ; and, in lieu of a system decidedly imperfect, we should 
leave them none at all, or at least not a system of feuds, the only 
one they can comprehend. Our friendship has rescued them 
from exterior foes, and time will restore the rest. With the 
dignity and [193] establishments of their chiefs, ancient usages 
will revive ; and nazarana (relief), kharg bandhai (investiture), 
dasaundh (aids or benevolence, literally ' the tenth '), and other 
incidents, will cease to be mere ceremonies. The desire of every 
liberal mind, as well as the professed wish of the British Govern- 
ment, is to aid in their renovation, and this will be best effected 
by not meddling with what we but imperfectly understand.^ 

We have nothing to apprehend from the Rajput States if raised 
to their ancient prosperity. The closest attention to their history 
proves beyond contradiction that they were never capable of 
imiting, even for their own preservation : a breath, a scurrilous 
stanza of a bard, has severed their closest confederacies. No 
national head exists amongst them as amongst the Mahrattas ; 
and each chief being master of his own house and followers, they 
are individually too weak to cause us any alarm. 

No feudal government can be dangerous as a neighbour ; for 
defence it has in all countries been found defective ; and for 
aggression, totally inefficient. Let there exist between us the 
most perfect understanding and identity of mterests ; the foun- 
dation-step to which is to lessen or remit the galling, and to us 

^ Such interference, when inconsistent with past usage and the genius of 
the people, will defeat the very best intentions. On the grounds of poHcy 
and justice, it is ahke incumbent on the British Government to secure the 
maintenance of their present form of government, and not to repair, but to 
advise the repairs of the fabric, and to let their own artists alone be con- 
sulted. To employ ours would be like adding a Corinthian capital to a 
column of EUora, or replacing the mutilated statue of Baldeva with a limb 
from the Hercules Farnese. To have a chain of prosperous independent 
States on our ozaly exposed frontier, the north-west, attached to us from 
benefits, and the moral conviction that we do not seek their overthrow, 
must be a desirable pohcy. 


contemptible tribute, now exacted, enfranchise "^them from our 
espionage and agency, and either unlock them altogether from 
our dangerous embrace, or let the ties between us be such only 
as would ensure grand results : such as general commercial 
freedom and protection, with treaties of friendly alliance. Then, 
if a Tatar or a Russian invasion threatened our eastern empire, 
fifty thousand Rajputs would be no despicable allies.^ 

Rajput Loyalty and Patriotism. — Let us call to mind what they 
did when they fought for Aurangzeb : they are still unchanged, 
if we give them the proper stimulus. Gratitude, honour, and 
fidelity, are terms which at one time were the foundation of all 
the virtues of a Rajput. Of the theory of these sentiments he 
is still enamoured ; but, unfortunately, for his happiness, the 
times have left him but little scope for the practice [194] of them. 
Ask a Rajput which is the greatest of crimes ? he will reply, 
' gunchhor,^ ' forgetfulness of favours.'. This is his most powerful 
term for ingratitude. Gratitude with him embraces every 
obligation of life, and is inseparable from swamidharma, ' fidelity 
to his lord.' He who is wanting in these is not deemed fit to live, 
and is doomed to eternal pains in Pluto's ^ realm hereafter.^ 

"It was a powerful feeling," says an historian* who always 
identifies his own emotions with his subject, " which could make 
the bravest of men put up with slights and ill-treatment at the 
hand of their sovereign, or call forth all the energies of discon- 
tented exertion for one whom they never saw, and in whose char- 
acter there was nothing to esteem. Loyalty has scarcely less 
tendency to refine and elevate the heart than patriotism itself." 
That these sentiments were combined, the past history of the 
Rajputs will show ; ^ and to the strength of these ties do they 

^ [The author's prediction has been realized by recent events.] 
^ Yamaloka. 

* The gunchhor (ungrateful) and satchhor (violator of his faith) are con- 
signed, by the authority of the bard, to sixty-thousand years' residence in 
hell. Europeans, in all the pride of mastery, accuse the natives of want of 
gratitude, and say their language has no word for it. They can only know 
the namak-haram [' he that is false to his salt '] of the Ganges. Gunchhor 
is a compound of powerful import, as ingratitude and infidehty are the 
highest crimes. It means, literally, " abandoner (from chhorna, ' to quit ') 
of virtue (gun)." 

* Hallam, vol. i. p. 323. 

* Of the effects of loyalty and patriotism combined, we have splendid 
examples in Hindu history and tradition. A more striking instance could 


owe their political existence, which has outlived ages of strife. 
But for these, they would have been converts and vassals to the 
Tatars, who would still have been enthroned in Delhi. Neglect, 
oppression, and religious interference, sunk one of the greatest 
monarchies of the world ; ^ made Sivaji a hero, and converted the 
peaceful husbandmen of the Kistna and Godavari into a brave 
but rapacious soldier. 

We have abundant examples, and I trust need not exclaim with 
the wise minister of Akbar, " who so happj^ as to profit by them ? "- 

The Rajput, with all his turbulence, possesses in an eminent 
degTee both loyalty and patriotism ; and though he occasionally 
exhibits his refractory spirit to his [195] father and sovereign,^ 
we shall see of what he is capable when his country is threatened 
with dismemberment, from the history of Mewar, and the reign 
of Ajit Singh of Marwar. In this last we have one of the noblest 
examples history can afford of unbounded devotion. A prince, 
whom not a dozen of his subjects had ever seen, who had been 
concealed from the period of his birth throughout a tedious 
minority to avoid the snares of a tyrant,* by the mere magic of 
a name kept the discordant materials of a great feudal association 

scarcely be given than in the recent civil distractions at Kotab, where a 
mercenary army raised and maintained by the Regent, either openly or 
covertly declared against him, as did the whole feudal body to a man, the 
moment their yomig prince asserted his subverted claims, and in the cause 
of their rightful lord abandoned all consideration of self, their families and 
lands, and with their followers offered their lives to redeem his rights or 
perish in the attempt. No empty boast, as the conclusion testified. God 
forbid that we should have more such examples of Rajput devotion to their 
sense of fidehty to their lords ! 

^ See statement of its revenues during the last emperor, who had pre- 
served the empire of Delhi united. 

^ Abu-1 Fazl uses this expression when moralizing on the fall of Shihabu-d- 
din, king of Ghazni and first estabhshed monarch of India, slain by Prith- 
wiraja, the Hindu sovereign of Delhi [Ain, ii. 302]. [Muhammad Ghori, 
Shihabu-d-din, was murdered on the road to Ghazni by a fanatic of the 
Mulahidah sect, in March, a.d. 1206 (Tabakat-t-Ndsiri, in EUiot-Dowson 
ii. 297, 235). According to the less probable account of Ferishta (Briggs, 
i. 185), he was murdered at Rohtak by a gang of Gakkhars or rather Khok- 
hars (Rose, Glossary, ii. 275).] 

' The Rajput, who possesses but an acre of land, has the proud feeling 
of common origin with his sovereign, and in styling him bapji (sire), he 
thinks of liim as the common father or representative of the race. What 
a powerful incentive to action ! ■* Aurangzeb. 



in subjection, till, able to bear arms, he issued from his conceal- 
ment to head these devoted adherents, and reconquer what they 
had so long struggled to maintain. So glorious a contest, of 
twenty years' duration, requires but an historian to immortalize 
it. Unfortunately we have only the relation of isolated en- 
counters, which, though exhibiting a prodigality of blood and 
acts of high devotion, are deficient in those minor details which 
give unity and interest to the whole. 

Gallant Services to the Empire. — Let us take the Rajput char- 
acter from the royal historians themselves, from Akbar, Jahangir, 
Aurangzeb. The most brilliant conquests of these monarchs 
were by their Rajput allies ; though the little regard the latter 
had for opinion alienated the sympathies of a race, who when 
rightly managed, encountered at command the Afghan amidst 
the snows of Caucasus, or made the furthest Cheronese tributary 
to the empire. Assam, where the British arms were recently 
engaged, and for the issue of which such anxiety was manifested 
in the metropolis of Britain, was conquered by a Rajput prince,! 
whose descendant is now an ally of the British Government. 

But Englishmen in the east, as elsewhere, imdervalue every- 
thing not national. They have been accustomed to conquest, 
not reverses : though it is only by studying the character of those 
around them that the latter can be avoided and this superiority 
maintained. Superficial observers imagine that from lengthened 
predatory spoliation the energy of the Rajput has fled : an idea 
which is at once erroneous and dangerous. The vices now mani- 
fest from oppression will disappear [196] with the cause, and with 
reviving prosperity new feelings will be generated, and each 
national tie and custom be strengthened. The Rajput would 
glory in putting on his saffron robes ^ to fight for such a land, and 
for those who disinterestedly laboured to benefit it. 

' Raja Man of Jaipur, who took Arakan, Orissa, and Assam. Raja 
Jaswant Singh of Marwar retook Kabul for Aurangzeb, and was rewarded 
by poison. Raja Ram Singh Hara, of Kotah, made several important 
conquests ; and liis grandson, Raja Isari Singh, and his five brothers, were 
left on one field of battle. 

^ When a Rajput is determined to hold out to the last in fighting, he 
always puts on a robe dyed in saffron. [This was the common practice, 
saffron being the colour of the bridal robe (Malcolm, Memoir of Central 
India, 2nd ed. i. 358 ; Grant Duff, Hist, of the Mahrattas, 317 ; Forbes, 
Easmula, 408).] 


Let us, then, apply history to its proper use. We need not 
turn to ancient Rome for illustration of the dangers inseparable 
from wide dominion and extensive alhances. The twenty-two 
Satrapies of India, the greater part of which are now the appanage 
of Britain, exhibited, even a century ago, one of the most splendid 
monarchies history has made known, too extensive for the genius 
of any single individual effectually to control. Yet was it held 
together, till encroachment on their rights, and disregard to their 
habits and religious opinions, alienated the Rajputs, and excited 
the inhabitants of the south to rise against their Mogul oppressors. 
' Then was the throne of Aurangzeb at the mercy of a Brahman, 
and the grandson ^ of a cultivator in the province of Khandesh 
held the descendants of Timur pensioners on his bounty ' [197]. 

' Sindhia 




Literal Translations from Inscriptions and Original 
Documents, most of zvhich are in the Author's Possession 

No. I 

Translation of a Letter from the expatriated Chiefs ^ of Marwar to 
the Political Agent of the British Government, Western Rajput 

After compliments. 

We have sent to you a confidential person, who will relate what 
regards us. The Sarkar Company are sovereigns of Hindustan, 
and you know well all that regards our condition. Although 
there is nothing which respects either ourselves or our country 
hid from you, yet is there matter immediately concerning us 
which it is necessary to make known. 

Sri Maharaja and ourselves are of one stock, all Rathors. He 
is our head, we his servants : but now anger has seized him, and 
we are dispossessed of our country. Of the estates, our patri- 
mony and our dwelling, some have been made khalisa,^ and those 
who endeavour to keep aloof expect the same fate. Some under 
the most solemn pledge of security have been inveigled and 
suffered death, and others imprisoned. Mutasadis,^ officers of 

1 The names omitted to prevent any of them faUing a sacrifice to the 
blind fury of their prince. The brave chief of Nimaj has sold his life, but 
dearly. In vain do we look in the annals of Europe for such devotion and 
generous despair as marked his end, and that of his brave clan. He was a 
perfect gentleman in deportment, modest and mild, and head of a powerful 
clan. * Fiscal, that is, sequestrated 

^ Clerks, and inferior officers of government. 



state, men of the soil and those foreign to it, have been seized, 
and the most unheard-of deeds and cruelties inflicted, which we 
cannot even write. Such a spirit has possessed his mind as never 
was known to any former prince of Jodhpur. His forefathers 
have reigned for generations ; our forefathers were their ministers 
and advisers, and whatever was performed was by the collective 
wisdom of the coimcil of our chiefs. Before the face of his an- 
cestors, our own ancestors have slain and been slain ; and in per- 
forming services to the kings, ^ they made the State of Jodhpur 
what it is. Wherever Marwar was concerned, there our fathers 
were to be found, and v/ith their lives preserved the land. Some- 
times our head was a minor ; even then by the wisdom of our 
fathers and their services, the land was kept firm under our feet, 
and thus has it descended from generation to generation. Before 
his eyes (Raja Man's) we have performed good service : when 
at that perilous time the host of Jaipur ^ surrounded [198] Jodhpur 
on the field we attacked it ; our lives and fortimes were at stake, 
and God granted us success ; the witness is God Almighty. 
Now, men of no consideration are in our prince's presence ; hence 
this reverse. When our services are acceptable, then is he our lord ; 
when not, we are again his brothers and kindred, claimants and 
laying claim to the land. 

He desires to dispossess us ; but can we let ourselves be dispos- 
sessed ? The English are masters of all India. The chief of • 

sent his agent to Ajmer ; he was told to go to Delhi. Accord- 
ingly Thakur went there, but no path was pointed out. If 

the English chiefs will not hear us, who will ? Th# English allow 
no one's lands to be usurped, and our birthplace is Marwar — from 
Marwar we must have bread. A hundred thousand Rathors — 
where are they to go to ? From respect to the English alone 
have we been so long patient, and without acquainting your 
government of our intentions, you might afterwards find fault ; 
therefore wx make it known, and we thereby acquit ourselves to 
you. What we brought with us from Marwar we have consumed; 
and even what we could get on credit ; and now, when want 
must make us perish, we are ready and can do anything.^ 

The English are our rulers, our masters. Sri Man Singh has 
seized our lands ; by your government interposing these troubles 
may be settled, but without its guarantee and intervention we can 
have no confidence whatever. Let us have a reply to our petition. 

^ Alluding to the sovereigns of Delhi. In the magnificent feudal assem- 
blage at this gorgeous court, where seventy-six princes stood in the Divan 
(Diwan-i-Khass) each by a pillar covered with plates of silver, the Marwar 
prince had the right hand of all. I have an original letter from the great- 
grandfather of Raja Man to the Rana. elate with this honour. 

2 In 180G. 

^ The historian of the Middle Ages justly remarks, that " the most 
deadly hatred is that which men, exasperated by proscription and forfeitures, 
bear their country." 


We will wait it in patience ; but if we get none, the fault will not 
be ours, having given everywhere notice. Hunger will compel 
man to find a remedy. For such a length of time we have been 
silent from respect to your govermiient alone : our own Sarkar 
is deaf to complaint. But to what extreme shall we wait ? Let 
our hopes be attended to. Sambat 1878, Sawan sudi duj. 
(August 1821.) 

True Translation : 

(Signed) James Tod. 

No. II 

Remonstrance of the Sub-Vassals of Deogarh against their chief, 
Rawat Gokul Das. 

1. He respects not the privileges or customs established of old. 

2. To each Rajput's house a charas ^ or hide of land was 
attached : this he has resumed. 

3. Whoever bribes him is a true man : who does not, is a 

4. Ten or twelve villages established by his pattayats ^ he has 
resumed, and left their families to starve. 

5. From time immemorial sanctuary [saran) has been esteemed 
sacred : this he has abolished. 

6. On emergencies he would pledge his oath to his subjects 
(ryots), and afterwards plunder them. 

7. In old times, it was customary when the presence of his 
chiefs and kindred was required, to invite them by letter : a fine 
is now the warrant of summons : thus lessening their dignity. 

8. Such messengers, in former times, had a taka ^ for their 
ration (bhatta) ; now he imposes two rupees [199]. 

9. Formerly, when robberies occurred in the mountains within 
the limits of Deogarh, the loss was made good : now all complaint 
is useless, for his faujdar * receives a fourth of all such plunder. 
The Mers ^ range at liberty ; but before they never committed 
murder : now they slay as well as rob our kin ; nor is there any 
redress, and such plunder is even sold within the town of Deogarh. 

10. Without crime, he resumes the lands of his vassals for the 

' Hide or skin, from the vessel used in irrigation being made of leather. 

^ The vassals, or those holding fiefs (patta) of Deogarh. 

' A copper coin, equal to twopence. 

* Mihtary commander ; a kind of inferior maire du ]mlais, on every 
Rajput chieftain's estate, and who has the miUtary command of the vassals. 
Ele is seldom of the same family, but generally of another tribe. 

^ Mountaineers. 


sake of imposition of fines ; and after such are paid, he cuts down 
the green crops, with which he feeds his horses. 

11. The cultivators^ on the lands of tlie vassals he seizes by 
force, extorts fines, or sells their cattle to pay them. Thus cul- 
tivation is ruined and the inhabitants leave the country. 

12. From oppression the town magistrates - of Deogarh have 
fled to Raepur. He lays in watch to seize and extort money from 

13. When he summons his vassals for purposes of extortion 
and they escape his clutches, he seizes on their wives and families. 
Females, from a sense of honour, have on such occasions thrown 
themselves into wells. 

14. He interferes to I'ecover old debts, distraining the debtor 
of all he has in the world : half he receives. 

15. If any one have a good horse, by fair means or foul he 
contrives to get it. 

16. When Deogarh ivas established, at the same time zvere our 
allotments : as is his 2)atrimony, so is our patrimony.^ Thousands 
have been expended in establishing and improving them, yet our 
rank, privileges, and rights he equally disregards. 

17. From these villages, founded by our forefathers, he, at 
will, takes four or five skins of land and bestows them on 
foreigners ; and thus the ancient proprietors are reduced to 
poverty and ruin. 

18. From of old, all his Rajput kin had daily rations, or portions 
of grain : for four years these rights have been abolished. 

19. From ancient times the pattayats formed his council ; 
now he consults only foreigners. What has been the conse- 
quence ? the whole annual revenue derived from the mountains 
is lost. 

20. From the ancient Bhum ' of the Frerage ^ the mountaineers 
carry off the cattle, and instead of redeeming them, this faujdar 
sets the plunderers up to the trick of demanding rakhwali.* 

21. Money is justice, and there is none other : whoever has 
money may be heard. The bankers and merchants have gone 
abroad for protection, but he asks not where they are. 

22. When cattle are driven off to the hills, and we do ourselves 
justice and recover them, we are fined, and told that the moun- 
taineers have his pledge. Thus our dignity is lessened. Or if 

^ Of the Jat and other labouring tribes. ' 

* Chauthias. In everj'^ town there is an unpaid magistracy, of which 
the head is the Nagar Seth, or chief citizen, and the four Chauthias, tanta- 
mount to the Lord Mayor and Aldermen, who hold their courts and decide 
in all ci\nl cases. 

^ Here are the precise sentiments embodied in the remonstrances of the 
great feudal chiefs of Marwar to their prince ; see Appendix, No. I. 

* The old allodial allotments. 

* Bhayyad. 

* The salvainenta of our feudal writers ; the blackmail of the north. 


we seize one of these marauders, a party is sent to liberate him, 
for which the faujdar [200] receives a bribe. Then a feud ensues 
at the instigation of the Hberated Mer, and the unsupported 
Rajput is obhged to abandon his patrimony.^ There is neither 
protection nor support. The chief is supine, and so regardless 
of honour, that he tells us to take money to the hills and redeem 
our property. Since this faujdar had power, ' poison has been 
our fate.' Foreigners are all in all, and the home-bred are set 
aside. Deccanis and plunderers enjoy the lands of his brethren. 
Without fault, the chiefs are deprived of their lands, to bring 
which into order time and money have been lavished. Justice 
there is none. 

Our rights and privileges in his famUy are the same as his in 
the family of the Presence.^ Since you ' entered Mewar, lands 
long lost have been recovered. What crimes have we committed 
that at this day we should lose ours ? 

We are in great trouble.* 

No. Ill 

Maharaja Sri Gokuldas to the four ranks (char misl) of Pattayats 
of Deogarh, commanding. Peruse. 

Without crime no vassal shall have his estate or charsas dis- 
seized. Should any individual commit an offence, it shall be 
judged by the four ranks (char misl), my brethren, and then 
pxmished. Without consulting them on all occasions I shall 
never inflict punishment.^ To this I swear by Sri Nathji. No 
departure from this agreement shall ever occur. S. 1874 ; the 
6th Pus. 

1 ' Watan.' 2 tj^^ ^g^y^g,, 3 The Author. 

* With the articles of complaint of the vassals of Deogarh and the short 
extorted charter, to avoid future cause for such, we may contrast the 
following : " Pour avoir une idee du brigandage que les nobles exer^aient 
a I'epoque oil les premieres chartes f ureut accordees, il sufiit d'en lire quelques- 
unes, et Ton verra que le seigneur y disait : — ' Je promets de ne point 
voler, extorquer les biens et les meubles des habitans, de les dehvrer des 
totes ou rapines, et autres mauvaises coutumes, et de ne plus commettre 
envers eux d'exactions.' — En effet, dans ces terns malheureux, vivres, 
meubles, chevaux, voitures, dit le savant Abbe de Mably, tout etait enleve 
par I'insatiable et aveugle avidite des seigneurs " (Art. ' Chartres,' Diet, 
de VAncien Regime). 

^ This reply to the remonstrance of his vassals is perfectly similar in 
point to the 43rd article of Magna Charta. 

I ^'^<^'■x^^^^^f^it^'.:(^.K^rH w?!*^ 





To face page 232. 


No. IV 

Grant from Maharana Ari Singh, Prince of Mewar, to the Sindi 
Chief, Abdu-l Rahim Beg. 

Ramji ! ^ 
Ganeshji ! ^ Ekiingji ! ^ 

Sri Maharaja Dhiraj Maharana Ari Singh to Mirza Abdu-l 
Rahim Beg Adilbegot, commanding. 

Now some of our chiefs having rebelled and set up the impostor 
Ratna Singh, brought the [201] Deccani army and erected 
batteries against Udaipur, in which circumstances your services 
have been great and tended to the preservation of our sovereignty : 
therefore, in favour towards you, I have made this grant, which 
your children and children's children shall continue to enjoy. 
You will continue to serve faithfully ; and whoever of my race 
shall dispossess you or yours, on liim be Ekiingji and the sin of the 
slaughter of Chitor. 


1st. In estates, 200,000 rupees. 

2nd. In cash annually, 25,000. 

3rd. Lands outside the Debari gate, 10,000. 

4th. As a residence, the dwelling-house called Bharat Singh's. 

5th. A hundred bighas of land outside the city for a garden. 

6th. The town of Mithim in the valley, to supply wood and 

7th. To keep up the tomb of Ajmeri Beg, who fell in action, 
one hundred bighas of land. 

Privileges and Honours. 

8th. A seat in Darbar and rank in all respects equal to the 
chieftain of Sadri.^ 

9th. Your kettle-drums (Nakkara) to beat to the exterior gate, 
but with one stick only. 

10th. Amar Balaona,^ and a dress of honour on the Dasahra * 

1 Invocations to Ram, Ganesh (god of wisdom), and Eklinga, tlie patron- 
divinity of the Sesodia Guhilots. 

2 The first of the foreign vassals of the Rana's house. [Bari Sadri, about 
50 miles E.S.E. of Udaipur city, held by the senior noble of Mewar, a Rajput 
of the Jhala sub-sept, styled Raja of Sadri (Erskine ii. A. 93).] 

^ A horse furnished by the prince, always replaced when he dies, there- 
fore called Amar, or immortal. 

* The grand miUtary festival, when a muster is made of all the Rajput 


11th. Drums to beat to Aliar. All other privileges and rank 
like the house of Salumbar.^ Like that house, yours shall be 
from generation to generation ; therefore according to the valua- 
tion of your grant you will serve. 

12th. Your brothers or servants, whom you may dismiss, I 
shall not entertain or suffer my chief to entertain. 

13th. The Chamars ^ and Kirania * you may use at all times 
when alone, but never in the Presence. 

14th. Munawwar Beg, Anwar Beg, Chaman Beg, are permitted 
seats in front of the throne ; Amar Balaona, and honorary dresses 
on Dasahra, and seats for two or three other relatives who may 
be found worthy the honour. 

15th. Your agent (Vakil) shall remain at court with the privi- 
leges due to his rank. 

By command : 

Sah Moti Ram Bolia, 
S. 1826 (a.d. 1770) Bhadon (August) sudi 11 Somwar (Monday). 

No. V 

Grant of Vie Patta of Bhainsror to Rawai Lai Singh, one of the 
sixteen great vassals of Mewar. 

Maharaja Jagat Singh to Rawat Lai Singh Kesarisinghgot,* 

Now to you the whole Pargana of Bhainsror ^ is granted as 
Giras, viz. [202] : 

Town of Bhainsror . . . 3000 1500 

Fifty-two others (names uninterest- 
ing), besides one in the valley of 

the capital. Total value . . 62,000 31,000 « 

With two hundred and forty-eight horse and two hundred 
and forty-eight foot, good horse and good Rajputs, you will 
perform service. Of this, forty-eight horse and forty-eight foot 
are excused for the protection of your fort ; therefore with two 
hundred foot and two hundred horse you will serve when and 
wherever ordered. The first grant was given in Pus, S. 1798, 
when the income inserted was over-rated. Understanding this, the 
Presence (huzur) ordered sixty thousand of annual value to be 
attached to Bhainsror. 

^ The first of the home-chieftains. 
^ The tail of the wild ox, worn across the saddle-bow. 
^ An umbrella or shade against the sun ; from kiran, ' a ray.' 
* Clan (got) of Kesari Singh, one of the great branches of the Chondawats. 
^ On the left bank of the Chambal. 

' To explain these double rekhs, or estimates, one is the full value^ the 
other the deteriorated rate. 


No. VI 

Grant from Maharana Sangram Singh of Meivar to his Nephew, 
the Prince Madho Singh, heir-apparent to the principality of 

Sri Ramjayati 
{Victory to Rama). 
Sri Ganesh Prasad Sri Ekling Prasad 

(By favour of Ganesh). {By favour of Eklinga). 

^ ^ 

(See notes 1 and 2 below.) 

Maharaja Dhiraj Maharana Sri Sangram Singh, Adisatu, com- 
manding. To my nephew, Kunwar Madho Singhji, giras (a fief) 
has been granted, viz. : 

The fief {patta) of Rampura ; therefore, with one thousand 
horse and two thousand foot, you will perform service during six 
months annually ; and when foreign service is required, three 
thousand foot and three thousand horse. 

While the power of the Presence is maintained in these districts 
you will not be dispossessed. 

By command : 

Pancholi Raechand amd Mehta Mul Das. 

S, 1785 (a.d. 1729) ; Chait sudi 7th ; Mangalwar (Tuesday). 

Addressed in the Rana's own hand. 

To my nephew Madho Singh ^ [203]. My child, I have given 
you Rampura : while mine, you shall not be deprived of it. 

^ The bhala, or lance, is the sign-manual of the Salumbar chieftain, as 
hereditary premier of the state. 

^ Is a monogram forming the word Sahai, being the sign-manual of the 

' BJianaij is sister's son ; as Bhatija is brother's son. It will be seen in 
the Annals, that to support this prince to the succession of the Jaipur Gaddi, 
both Mewar and Jaipur were ruined, and the power of the Deccanis estab- 
hshed in both countries. 


No. VII 

Grant of Bhum Rakhwali (Salvamenta) from the village of Dongla 
to Maharaja Khushhal Singh. 

S. 1806 (a.d. 1750), the first of Saxvan {July). 
1st. A field of one hundred and fifty-one bighas, of which 
thirty-six are irrigated. 

2nd. One hundred and two bighas of waste and unirrigated, 
viz. : 

Six bighas cultivated by Govinda the oilman. 

Three, under Hira and Tara the oilmen. 

Seventeen cultivated by the mason Hansa, and I-al 

the oilman. 
Four bighas of waste and forest land {parti, aryana) 
which belonged to Govinda and 'Hira, etc., etc. ; 
and so on enumerating all the fields composing the 
above aggregate. 

Dues and Privileges 

Pieces of money . .12. 

Grain . . . .24 maunds. 

On the festivals of Rakhi, Diwali, and Holi, one 

copper coin from each house. 
Serana . . .at harvest. 

Shukri from the Brahmans. 
Transit duties for protection of merchandise, viz., a 

pice on every cart-load, and half a pice for each 

Two platters on every marriage feast. 


Grant of Bhum by the Inhabitants of Amli to Rawat Fateh 
Singh of Amet. S. 1814 (a.d. 17.58) 

The Ranawats Sawant Singh and Subhag Singh had Amli in 
grant ; but they were oppressive to the inhabitants, slew the 
Patels .lodha and Bhagi, and so ill-treated the Brahmans, that 
Kusal and Nathu sacrificed themselves on the pyre. The in- 
habitants demanded the protection of the Rana, and the pattayats 
were changed ; and now the inhabitants grant in rakhwali one 
hundred and twenty-five bighas as bhum to Fateh Singh ^ [204]. 

^ This is a proof of the value attached to bhum, when granted by the 
inhabitants, as the first act of the new proprietor though holding the whole 
town from the crown, was to obtain these few bighas as bhum. After 
having been sixty years in that family, Audi has been resumed by the 
crown : the bhum has remained with the chief. 


No. IX 

Grant of Bhum by the Inhabitants of the Town of Dongla to 
Maharaja Zoraivar Singh, of Bhindar. 

To Sri Maharaja Zorawar Singh, the Patels, traders, merchants, 
Brahmans, and united inhabitants of Dongla, make agreement. 

Formerly the ' runners ' in Dongla were numerous : to pre- 
serve us from whom we granted bhum to the IMaharaja. To wit : 

One well, that of Hira the oilman. 

One well, that of Dipa the oilman. 

One well, that of Dewa the oilman. 

In all, three wells, being forty-four bighas of irrigated (pixval), 
and one hundred and ninety-one bighas of unirrigated (mat) land. 
Also a field for juar. 

Customs or Dignities (Maryad) attached to the Bhum. 

1st. A dish (kansa) on every marriage. 

2nd. Six hundred rupees ready cash annually. 

3rd. All Bhumias, Girasias, the high roads, passes from raids 
and ' runners,' and all distiu-bances whatsoever, the Maharaja 
must settle. 

When the Maharaja is pleased to let the inhabitants of Dongla 
reinhabit their dwellings, then only can they return to them.^ 

Written by the accountant Kacchia, on the full moon of Jeth, 
S. 1858, and signed by all the traders, Brahmans, and towns- 

No. X 

Grant of Bhum by the Prince of Mewar to an inferior Vassal. 

Maharana Bhini Singh to Baba Ram Singh, commanding. 

Now a field of two htindred and twenty-five bighas in the city 
of Jahazpur, with the black orchard (sham bagh) and a farm-house 
(nohara) for cattle, has been granted you in bhum. 

Your forefathers recovered for me Jahazpur and served with 
fidelity ; on which account this bhum is renewed. Rest assured 
no molestation shall be offered, nor shall any pattayat interfere 
with you. 


One serana.^ 

Two halmas [205].' 

^ This shows how bhum was extorted in these periods of turbulence, and 
that this individual gift was as much to save them from the effects of the 
Maharaja's violence- as to gain protection from that of others. 

^ A seer on each inaund of produce. 

' The labour of two ploughs {hal). Halma is the personal service of the 


Offerings of coco-nuts on the Holi and Dasahra festivals. 

From every hundred bullock-loads ^ of merchandise, twelve 

From every hundred and twenty -five ass-loads, six annas. 

From each horse sold within Jahazpur, two annas. 

From each camel sold, one anna. 

From each oil-mill, one pula. 

From each ix'on mine (madri), a quarter rupee. 

From each distillation of spirits, a quarter rupee. 

From each goat slain, one pice. 

On births and marriages,^ five platters {kansa). 

The handful (inch) from every basket of greens. 

With every other privilege attached to blium. 

Irrigated land (piwal) . . .51 bighas. 

Unirrigated land [mal) . . .110 „ 

Mountain land (magra) . , . 40 ,, 

Meadow land {bira) . . . . 25 „ 

226 bighas. 
Asarh (June) S. 1853 (a.d. 1797). 

husbandman with his plough for such time as is specified. Halma is pre- 
cisely the detested corvee of the French regime. " Les corvees sont tout 
ouvrage ou service, soit de corps ou de charrois et betes, pendant le jour, 
qui est du a un seigneur. II y avait deux sortes de corvees : les reelles et 
/es personnelles, etc. Quelquefois le nombre des corvees etait fixe : mais, le 
plus souvent, elles etaient a volonte du seigneur, et c'est ce qu'on appelait 
corvees a ■merci" (Art. 'Corv6e,' Diet, de Vane. Regime). Almost all the 
exactions for the last century in Mewar may come under this latter denomina- 

^ A great variety of oppressive imposts were levied by the chiefs during 
these times of trouble, to the destruction of commerce and all facility of 
travelling. Everything was subject to tax, and a long train of vexatious 
dues exacted for " repairs of forts, boats at ferries, night-guards, guards of 
passes," and other appellations, all having much in common with the 
' Droit de Peage ' in France. " II n'y avait pas de ponts, de gues, de 
chaussees, d'ecluses, de defiles, de portes, etc., oil les feodaux ne fissent 
payer un droit a ceux que leurs atlaires ou leur commerce for9aient de 
voyager" {Diet, de Vane. Regime). 

^ The privileges of our Rajput chieftains on the marriages of their 
vassals and cultivating subjects are confined to the best dishes of the marriage 
feast or a pecuniary commutation. This is, however, though in a minor 
degree, one of the vexatious claims of feudality of the French system, known 
under the term norages, where the seigneur or his deputy presided, and 
had the right to be placed in front of the bride, " et de chanter a la fin du 
rejaas, une chanson guillerette." But they even carried their insolence 
further, and " pousserent leur mepris pour les villains (the agricultural 
classes of the Rajput system) jusqu'a exiger que leurs chiens eussent leur 
convert aupres de la mariee, et qu'on les laissat manger sur la table " (Art. 
' Nonages,' Diet, de Vane. Regime). 


No. XI 

Charter of Privileges and Immunities granted to the town of 
Jhalrapatan, engraved on a Pillar in that City. 

S. 1853 (a.d. 1797), corresponding with the Saka 1718, the sun 
being in the south, the season of cold, and the happy month of 
Kartika,"^ the enhghtened half of the month, being Monday the 
full moon. 

Maharaja Dhiraj Sri Ummed Singh Deo,^ the Faujdar ^ Raj 
Zalim Singh [206] and Kunwar Madho Singh, commanding. To 
all the inhabitants of Jhalrapatan, Patels,* Patwaris,^ Mahajans,* 
and to all the thirty-six castes, it is written. 

At this period entertain entire confidence, build and dwell. 

Within this abode all forced contributions and confiscations 
are for ever abolished. The taxes called Bhalamanusi,' Anni,* 
and Rekha Barar,* and likewise all Bhetbegar," shall cease. 

To this intent is this stone erected, to hold good from year to 
year, now and evermore. There shall be no violence in this 
territory. This is sworn by the cow to the Hindu and the hog to 
the Musalman : in the presence of Captain Dilel Khan, Chaudhari 
Sarup Chand, Patel Lalo, the Mahesri Patwari Balkishan, the 
architect Kalu Ram, and the stone-mason Balkishan. 

Parmo ^^ is for ever abolished. Whoever dwells and traffics 
within the town of Patau, one half of the transit duties usually 
levied in Haravati are remitted ; and all mapa (meter's) duties 
are for ever abolished. 

No. XII 

Abolitions, Immunities, Prohibitions, etc. etc. Inscription 
in the Temple of Lachhmi Narayan at Akola. 

In former times tobacco was sold in one market only. Rana 
Raj Singh commanded the monopoly to be abolished. S. 1645. 

Rana Jagat Singh prohibited the seizure of the cots and quilts 
by the officers of his government from the printers of Akola. 

^ December. ^ The Eaja of Kotah. 

' Commander of the forces and regent of Kotah. 

* Officers of the land revenue. ^ Land accountants. 

* The mercantile class. ' Literally ' good behaviour.' 
^ An agricultural tax. * Tax for registering. 

^^ This includes in one word the forced labour exacted from the working 
classes : the corvee, of the French system. 

^^ Grain thrown on the inlia,bitants at an arbitrary rate ; often resorted 
to at Kotah, where the regent is farmer general. 



Privileges and Immunities granted to the Printers of Calico 
and Inhabitants of the Town of Great Akola in Mewar. 

Maharana Bhiin Singh, commanding, to the inhabitants of 
Great Akola. 

Whereas the village has been abandoned from the assignments 
levied by the garrison of Mandalgarh, and it being demanded of 
its population how it could again be rendered prosperous, they 
unanimously replied : " Not to exact beyond the dues and 
contributions (dand dor) established of yore ; to erect the piUar 
promising never to exact above half the produce of the crops, or 
to molest the persons of those who thus paid their dues." 

The Presence agreed, and this pillar has been erected. May 
Eklinga look to him who breaks this command. The hog to the 
Musalman and the cow to the Hindu. 

Whatever contributions (dand) parmo,^ puli,^ heretofore levied 
shall be paid [207]. 

All crimes committed within the jurisdiction of Akola to be 
tried by its inhabitants, who will sit in justice on the offender 
and fine him according to his faults. 

On Amavas * no work shall be done at the well * or at the oil- 
mill, nor printer put his dye-pot on the fire.* 

Whoever breaks the foregoing, may the sin of the slaughter of 
Chi tor be upon him. 

This pillar was erected in the presence of Mehta Sardar Singh, 
Sanwal Das, the Chaudharis Bhopat Ram and Daulat Ram, and 
the assembled Panch of Akola. 

Written by the Chaudhari Bhopji, and engraved by the stone- 
cutter Rhima. 

S. 1856 (a.d. 1800) 

No. XIV 

Prohibition against Guests carrying away Provisions from the 
Public Feasts 

Sri Maharana Sangram Singh to the inhabitants of Marmi. 
On all feasts of rejoicing, as well as those on the ceremonies 

^ Grain, the property of the government, thrown on the inhabitants 
for purchase at an arbitrary valuation. 

2 The handful from each sheaf at harvest. 

^ A day sacred to the Hindu, being that which divides the month. 

* Meaning, they shall not irrigate the fields. 

* This part of the edict is evidently the instigation of the Jains, to 
prevent the destruction of life, though only that of insects. 

^ The cause of this sumptuary edict was a benevolent motive, and to 


for the dead, none shall carry away with them the remains of 
the feast. Whoever thus transgresses shall pay a fine to the 
crown of one hundred and one rupees. S. 1769 (a.d. 1713), Chait 
Sudi 7th. 

No. XV 

Maharana Sangram Singh to the merchants and bankers of 

The custom of furnishing quilts (sirak) ^ of which you complain 
is of ancient date. Now when the collectors of duties, their 
officers, or those of the land revenue stop at Bakrol, the merchants 
will furnish them with beds and quilts. All other servants will 
be supplied by the other inhabitants. 

Should the dam of the lake be in any way injured, whoever 
does not aid in its repair shall, as a punishment, feed one hundred 
and one Brahmans. Asarh 1715, or June a.d. 1659 [208]. 

No. XVI 

Warrant of the Chief of Bijolli to his Vassal, Gopaldas 

Maharaja Mandhata to Saktawat Gopaldas, be it known. 

At this time a daily fine of four rupees is in force against you. 

prevent the expenses on these occasions falUng too heavily on the poorer 
classes. It was customary for the women to carry away under their petti- 
coats (ghaghra) sufficient sweetmeats for several days' consumption. The 
great Jai Singh of Amber had an ordinance restricting the number of guests 
to fifty-one on these occasions, and prohibited to all but the four wealthy 
classes the use of sugar-candy : the others were confined to the use of 
molasses and brown sugar. To the lower vassals and the cultivators these 
feasts were limited to the coarser fare ; to juar flour, greens and oil. A 
dyer who on the Holi feasted his friends with sweetmeats of fine sugar and 
scattered about balls made of brown sugar, was fined five thousand rupees 
for setting so pernicious an example. The sadh, or marriage present, from 
the bridegroom to the bride's father, was limited to fifty-one rupees. The 
great sums previously paid on this score were preventives of matrimony. 
Many other wholesome regulations of a much more important kind, especially 
those for the suppression of infanticide, were instituted by this prince. 

^ ' Defence against the cold weather ' (si). This in the ancient French 
regime came under the denomination of " Albergie ou Hebergement, un 
droit royal. Par exemple, ce ne fut qu'apres le regne de Saint Louis, et 
moyennant finances, que les habitans de Paris et de Corbeil s'affranchirent, 
les premiers de fournir au roi et k sa suite de bons oreillers et d'excellens 
hts de plumes, tant qu'il sejournait dans leur ville, et les seconds de le 
regaler quand it passait par leur bourg." 



Eighty are now due ; Ganga Ram having petitioned in your 
favour, forty of this will be remitted. Give a written declaration 
to this effect — that with a specified quota you will take the field ; 
if not, you will stand the consequences. 

Viz. : One good horse and one matchlock, with appurtenances 
complete, to serve at home and abroad (des pardes), and to run 
the country ^ with the Kher. 

When the levy (kher) takes the field, Gopaldas must attend 
in person. Should he be from home, his retainers must attend, 
and they shall receive rations from the presence. Sawan sudi 
das (August 10) S. 1782. 


Maharaja Udaikaran to the Saktawat Shambhu Singh. Be 
it known. 

I had annexed Gura to the fisc, but now, from favour, restore 
it to you. Make it flourish, and serve me at home and abroad, 
with one horse, and one foot soldier. 

When abroad you shall receive rations (bhatta) as follows : 
Flour . . 3 lb. 

Pulse . . 4 ounces. 

Butter ighi) . 2 pice weight. 

Horses' feed . 4 seers at 22 takas each seer, of daily allow- 

^ The ' Daurayat ' or runners, the term applied to the bands who swept 
the country with their forays in those periods of general confusion, are 
analogous to the armed bands of the Middle Ages, who in a similar manner 
desolated Europe under the term routiers, tantamount to our rabars (on 
the road), the labars of the Pindaris in India. The Rajput Daurayat has 
as many epithets as the French routier, who were called escorcheurs, tard 
veneurs (of which class Gopaldas appears to have been), mille-diables, 
Ouilleries, eto. From the Crusades to the sixteenth century, the nobles 
of Europe, of whom these bands were composed (like our Rajputs), abandoned 
themselves to this sort of life ; who, to use the words of the historian, 
" prefererent la vie vagabonde a laquelle ils s'etoient accoutumes dans le 
camp, a retourner cultiver leurs champs. C'est alors que se formerent ces 
bandes qu'on vit parcourir le royaume et etendre sur toutes les provinces 
le fl^au de leurs incUnations destructives, repandre partout I'effroi, la misere, 
le deuil et le desespoir ; mettre les villes a contribution, piller et incendier 
les villages, egorger les laboureurs, et se livrer a des acces de cruaute qui 
font fremir " {Diet, de Vancien regime et des abus feodaux, art. ' Routier,' 
p. 422). 

We have this apology for the Rajput routiers, that the nobles of Europe 
had not ; they were driven to it by perpetual aggressions of invaders. I 
invariably found that the reformed routier was one of the best subjects : 
it secured him from indolence, the parent of all Rajput vices. 


If for defence of the fort you are required, you will attend with 
all your dependents, and bring your wife, family, and chattels ; 
for which, you will be exempted from two years of subsequent 
sei-vice. Asarh 14, S. 1834 [209]. 


Bhiim in Mundkati, or Compensation for Blood, to Jeth 
Singh Chondawat. 

The Patel's son went to bring home his wife with Jeth's Rajputs 
as a guard. The party was attacked, the guard killed, and there 
having been no redress for the murder, twenty-six bighas have 
been granted in mimdkati ^ (compensation). 

No. XIX 

Rawat Megh Singh to his natural brother, Jamna Das, a patta 
(fief) has been granted, viz. : 

The village of Rajpura, value . . . Rupees 401 

A garden of mogra flowers^ ... 11 

Rupees . . 412 

Serve at home and abroad with fidelity : contributions and 
aids pav according to custom, and as do the rest of the vassals. 
Jeth 14th, S. 1874 

No. XX 

Charter given by the Ttana of Mezvar. accepted and signed by all his 

Chiefs ; defining the duties of the contracting Parties. 

A.D. 1818. 

Siddh Sri Maharana Dhiraj, Maharana Bhim Singh, to all the 
nobles my brothers and kin. Rajas, Patels, Jhalas, Chauhans, 
Chondawats, Panwars, Sarangdeots, Saktawats, Rathors, Rana- 
wats, etc., etc. 

Now, since S. 1822 (a.d. 1776), during the reign of Sri Ari 
Singh ji,' when the troubles commenced, laying ancient usages 
aside, undue usurpations of the land have been made : therefore 

^ Mund, ' the head ' ; kati, ' cut.' 

^ [The double jasmine, Jasminum sambac.'] 

^ The rebelhon broke out during the reign of this prince. 


on this day, Baisakh badi 14th, S. 1874 (a.d. 1818), the Maharana 
assembling all his chiefs, lays down the path of duty in new 

1st. All lands belonging to the crown obtained since the 
troubles, and all lands seized by one chief from another, shall be 

2nd. All Rakhwali,^ Bhum, Lagat,^ established since the 
troubles, shall be renounced. 

3rd. Dhan,' Biswa,* the right of the crown alone, shall be 

4th. No chiefs shall commit thefts or violence within the 
boundaries of their estates. They shall entertain no Thugs,^ 
foreign thieves or thieves of the country, as Moghias,* Baoris,^ 
Thoris : ^ but those who shall adopt peaceful habits may remain ; 
but should any return to their old pursuits, their heads shall 
instantly be taken off. All property stolen shall be made good 
by the proprietor of the estate within the limits of which it is 
plundered [210]. 

5th. Home or foreign merchants, traders, Kafilas,^ Banjaras,' 
who enter the country, shall be protected. In no wise shall they 
be inolested or injured, and whoever breaks this ordinance, his 
estate shall be confiscated. 

6th. According to command, at home or abroad service must 
be performed. Four divisions (chaukis) shall be formed of the 
chiefs, and each division shall remain three months in attendance 
at court, when they shall be dismissed to their estates. Once a 
year, on the festival of the Dasahra,* all the chiefs shall assemble 
with their quotas ten days previous thereto, and twenty days 
subsequent they shall be dismissed to their estates. On urgent 
occasions, and whenever their services are required, they shall 
repair to the Presence. 

^ Salvamenta. ^ Dues. 

3 Transit dtity. * Ditto. 

^ Different descriptions of tliieves. [The Mogliias are settled principally 
in E. Mewar • if not identical with, they are closely allied to, the Baori 
(Luard, Ethnographic Survey, Central India, App. V. 17 ff.). Gen. C. 
Hervey {Some Records of Crime, i. 386 ff.) makes frequent references to 
dacoities committed by them from their headquarters, NImach. The Baori 
or Bawariya are a notorious criminal tribe (Rose, Glossary, ii. 70 ff. ; M. 
Kennedy, Notes on Criminal Classes in Bombay Presidency, 173 ff., 198 ft'.). 
The Thori in Marwar claim Rajput origin, and are connected with the Aheri, 
or nomad hunters {Census Report, Mdnvdr, 1891, ii. 194). According to 
Rose {op. cit. iii. 466) those in the Panjab are rather vagrants than actual 

^ Caravans of merchandise, whether on camels, bullocks, or in carts. 

' Caravans of bullocks, chiefly for the transport of grain and salt. 

" On this festival the muster of all the feudal retainers is taken by the 
Rana in person, and honorary dresses and dignities are bestowed. 


7th. Every Pattawat holding a separate patta from the 
Presence shall perform separate service. They shall not unite 
or serve under the greater Pattawats : and the sub-vassals of all 
such chiefs shall remain with and serve their immediate Pattawat.^ 

8th, The Maharana shall maintain the dignities due to each 
chief according to his degree. 

9th. The Ryots shall not be oppressed : thei'e shall be no new 
exactions or arbitrary fines. This is ordained. 

10th. What has been executed by Thakur Ajit Singh and 
sanctioned by the Rana, to this all shall agree.'^ 

11th. Whosoever shall depart from the foregoing, the Maharana 
shall punish. In doing so the fault will not be the Rana's. Wiio- 
ever fails, on him be the oath (an) of Eklinga and the Maharana. 

[Here follow the signatures of all the chieftains of rank in 
Mewar, which it is needless to insert] [211]. 

^ This article had become especially necessary, as the inferior cliiefs, 
particularly those of the third class, had amalgamated themselves with 
the head of their clans, to whom they had become more accountable than 
to their prince. 

- Thisalludestothetreaty which this chief had formed, as the ambassador 
of the Rana, with the British Government. 



We now proceed to the history of the States of Rajputana, 
and shall commence with the Annals of Mewar, and its princes. 

Titles of Mewar Chiefs : descent from the Sun. — These are 
styled Ranas, and are the elder branch of the Suryavansi, or 
' children of the sun.' Another patronymic is Raghuvansi, 
derived from a predecessor of Rama, the focal point of each scion 
of the solar race. To him, the conqueror of Lanka,^ the genea- 
logists endeavour to trace the solar lines. The titles of many of 
these claimants are disputed ; but the Hindu tribes yield unani- 
mous suffrage to the prince of Mewar as the legitimate heir to 
the throne of Rama, and style him Hindua Suraj, or ' Sun of the 
Hindus.' ^ He is universally allowed to be the first of the ' thirty- 
six royal tribes ' ; nor has a doubt ever been raised respecting 
his purity of descent. Many of these tribes ' have been swept 
away by time ; and the genealogist, who abhors a vacuum in his 
mystic page, fills up their place with others, mere scions of some 
ancient but forgotten stem. 

Stability of Mewar State. — With the exception of Jaisalmer, 
Mewar is the only dynasty of these races ' which has outlived 
eight centuries of foreign domination, in the same lands where 

^ Said to be Cfeylon ; an idea scouted by the Hindus, who transfer Lanka 
to a very distant regfon. [The latter is certainly not the common belief.] 

2 This descendant of one hundred kings shows himself in cloudy weather 
from the surya-gaukhra, or ' balcony of the sun.' 

3 See History of the Tribes. 



[212] conquest placed them. The Rana still possesses nearly the 
same extent of territory which his ancestors held when the con- 
queror from Ghazni first crossed the ' blue waters ' ^ of the Indus 
to invade India ; while the other families now ruling in the north- 
west of Rajasthan are the relics of ancient dynasties driven from 
their pristine seats of power, or their junior branches, who have 
erected their own fortunes. This circumstance adds to the 
dignity of the Ranas, and is the cause of the general homage 
which they receive, notwithstanding the diminution of their 
power. Though we cannot give the princes of Mewar an ancestor 
in the Persian Nushirwan, nor assert so confidently as Sir Thomas 
Roe his claims to descent from the celebrated Porus,^ the opponent 
of Alexander, we can carry him into the regions of antiquity 
more remote than the Persian, and which would satisfy the most 
fastidious in respect to ancestry. 

Origin of the Rajputs. — In every age and clime we observe the 
same eager desire after distinguished pedigree, proceeding from 
a feeling which, though often derided, is extremely natural. The 
Rajaputras are, however, scarcely satisfied with discriminating 
their ancestors from the herd of mankind. Some plume them- 
selves on a celestial origin, whilst others are content to be demi- 
celestial ; and those who cannot advance such lofty claims, 
rather than acknowledge the race to have originated in the 
ordinary course of nature, make their primeval parent of demoniac 
extraction ; accordingly, several of the dynasties who cannot 
obtain a niche amongst the children of the sim or moon, or trace 
their descent from some royal saint, are satisfied to be considered 
the offspring of some Titan {Daily a). These puerilities are of 
modern fabrication, in cases where family documents have been 
lost, or emigration has severed branches from the parent stock ;' 
who, increasing in power, but ignorant of their birth, have had 
recourse to fable to supply the void. Various authors, borrowing 
from the same source, have assigned the seat of Porus to the Rana's 

^ Nilab from nil, ' blue,' and ah, ' water ' ; hence the name of the Nile in 
Egypt and in India [?]. Sind, or Sindhu, appears to be a Scythian word : 
8in in the Tatar, t sin in Chinese, ' river.' [It is Sanskrit, meaning ' divider.'] 
Hence the inhabitants of its higher course termed it aba sin, ' parent stream ' ; 
and thus, very probably, Abyssinia was formed by"" the Arabians ; ' the 
country on the Nile,' or aba sin. [Abyssinia is ' land of the Habashi, or 

" See p. 47 above. 


family ; and coincidence of name has been the cause of the 
family being alternately elevated and depressed. Thus the 
incidental circumstance of the word Rhamnae being found in 
Ptolemy's geography, in countries bordering on Mewar, furnishes 
our ablest geographers ^ with a reason [213] for planting the 
family there in the second century ; while the commentators ^ 
on the geography of the Arabian travellers of the ninth and tenth 
centuries ' discover sufficient evidence in " the kingdom of Rahmi, 
always at war with the Balhara sovereign," to consider him (not- 
withstanding Rahmi is expressly stated " not to be much con- 
sidered for his birth or the antiquity of his kingdom ") as the 
prince of Chitor, celebrated in both these points. 

The translator of the Periplus of the Erythrean Sea, following 
D'Anville,* makes Ozene (Ujjain) the capital of a Porus,^ who sent 
an embassy to Augustus to regulate their commercial intercourse, 
and whom he asserts to be the ancestor of the Rana. But to 
show how guarded we should be in admitting verbal resemblance 
to decide such points, the title of Rana is of modern adoption, 
even so late as the twelfth century ; and was assumed in conse- 
quence of the victorious issue of a contest with the Parihara 
prince of Mandor, who bore the title of Rana, and who surrendered 
it with his life and capital to the prince of Mewar. The latter 
substituted it for the more ancient appellation of Rawal ; ^ but 
it was not till the thirteenth century that the novel distinction 
was generally recognized by neighbouring powers. Although we 

^ D'Anville and Rennell. [The Rhamnae have been identified with the 
Brahui of Baluchistan (McCrindle, Ptolemy, 159). Lassen places them on 
the Nerbudda.] 

2 Maurice and others. 

* Relations anciennes des voyageurs, par Renaudot. 

* D'Anville {Antiquites de I'Inde) quotes Nicolas of Damascus as his 
authority, who says the letter written by Porus, prince of Ozene, was in the 
Greek character. 

^ This Porus is a corruption of Puar, once the most powerful and con- 
spicuous tribe in India ; classically written Pramara, the dynasty which 
ruled at Ujjain for ages. [This is not certain (Smith, EHI, 60, note).] 

* Rawed, or Raul, is yet borne as a princely title by the Aharya prince of 
Dungarpur, and the Yadu prince of Jaisalmer, whose ancestors long ruled 
in the heart of Scjrthia. Raoul seems to have been titular to the Scandi- 
navian chiefs of Scythic" origin. The invader of Normandy was Raoul, 
corrupted to Rollon or Rollo. [The words, of course, have no connexion : 
Rawal, Skt. rajakula, ' royal family.'] 


cannot for a moment admit the Rahmi, or even the Rhamnae of 
Ozene, to be connected with this family, yet Ptolemy appears 
to have given the real ancestor in his Baleokouroi, the Balhara 
monarchs of the Arabian travellers, the Valabhiraes of Saurashtra, 
who were the ancestors of the princes of Mewar.^ 

Before we proceed, it is necessary to specify the sources whence 
materials were obtained for the Annals of Mewar, and to give some 
idea of the character they merit as historical data [214]. 

Sources of the History. — For many years previous to sojourn- 
ing at the court of Udaipur, sketches were obtained of the genea- 
logy of the family from the rolls of the bards. To these was added 
a chronological sketch, drawn up under the eye of Raja Jai Singh 
of Amber, with comments of some value by him, and which served 
as a ground-work. Free access was also granted to the Rana's 
library, and permission obtained to make copies of such MSS. as 
related to his history. The most important of these was the 
Khuman Raesa,^ which is evidently a modern work founded upon 
ancient materials, tracing the genealogy to Rama, and halting at 
conspicuous beacons in this long line of crowned heads, particu- 
larly about the period of the Muhammadan irruption in the tenth 
century, the sack of Chitor by Alau-d-din in the thirteenth 
century, and the wars of Rana Partap with Akbar, during whose 
reign the work appears to have been recast. 

The next in importance were the Rajvilas, in the Vraj Bhakha, 
by Man Kabeswara ; * and the Rajratnakar,* by Sudasheo Bhat : 
both written in the reign of Rana Raj Singh, the oj^ponent of 
Aurangzeb : also the Jaivilas, written in the reign of Jai Singh, 
son of Raj Singh. They all commence with the genealogies of the 

^ The Balhara kings, and their capital Nahrwala, or Anhilwara Patan, 
have given rise to much conjecture amongst the learned. We shall, before 
this work is closed, endeavour to condense what has been said by ancient 
and modern authorities on the subject ; and from manuscripts, ancient 
inscriptions, and the result of a personal visit to this ancient domain, to set 
the matter completely at rest. [See p. 122 above.] [" Hippokoura, the royal 
seat of Baleo Kouros " {Periplus, vlii. 83). Baleo Kouros has been identified 
with Vilivayakura, a name found on coins of the Andhra dynasty (BO, i. 
Part ii. 158 ; McCrindle, Ptolemy, 179).] 

^ Khuman is an ancient title of the earlier princes, and still used. It was 
borne by the son of Bappa, the founder, who retired to Transoxiana, and 
there ruled and died : the very country of the ancient Scythic Khomani. 

'^ Lord of rhyme. * Sea of gems. 


family, introductory to the military exploits of the princes whose 
names they bear. 

The Mamadevi Prasistha is a copy of the inscriptions ^ in the 
temple of ' the Mother of the Gods ' at Kumbhalmer. Genea- 
logical rolls of some antiquity were obtained from the widow of an 
ancient family bard, who had left neither children nor kindred to 
follow his profession. Another roll was procured from a priest 
of the Jains residing in Sandrai, in Marwar, whose ancestry had 
enjoyed from time immemorial the title of Guru, which they held 
at the period of the sack of Valabhipura in the fifth century, 
whence they emigrated simultaneously with the Rana's ancestors. 
Others were obtained from Jain priests at Jawad in Malwa. 
Historical documents possessed by several chiefs were readily 
furnished, and extracts were made from works, both Sanskrit 
and Persian, which incidentally mention the family. To these 
were added traditions or biographical anecdotes furnished in con- 
versation by the Rana, or men of intellect amongst his chiefs [215], 
ministers, or bards, and inscriptions calculated to reconcile dates ; 
in short, every corroborating circumstance was treasured up 
which could be obtained by incessant research during sixteen 
years. The Commentaries of Babur and Jahangir, the Institutes 
of Akbar, original grants, public and autograph letters of the 
emperors of Delhi and their ministers, were made to contribute 
more or less ; yet, numerous as are the authorities cited, the 
result may afford but little gratification to the general reader, 
partly owing to the unpopularity of the subject, partly to the 
inartificial mode of treating it. 

Kanaksen. — At least ten genealogical hsts, derived from the 
most opposite sources, agree in making Kanaksen the founder of 
this dynasty ; and assign his emigxation from the most northern 
of the provinces of India to the peninsula of Saurashtra in S. 201, 
or A.D. 145. We shall, therefore, make this the point of outset ; 
though it may be premised that Jai Singh, the royal historian 
and astronomer of Amber, connects the line with Sumitra (the 
fifty-sixth descendant from the deified Rama), who appears to 
have been the contemporary of Vikramaditya, a.c. 56. 

The country of which Ayodhya (now Oudh) was the capital, 
and Rama monarch, is termed, in the geographical writings of the 
Hindus, Kosala ; doubtless from the mother of Rama, whose 
^ Tiiese inscriptions will be described in the Personal Narrative. 


name was Kausalya.^ The first royal emigrant from tlie north 
is styled, in the Rana's archives, Kosala-putra, ' son of Kosala.' 

Titles of the Chiefs. — Rama had two sons, Lava and Kusa : 
from the former the Rana's family claim descent. He is stated 
to have built Lahore, the ancient Lohkot ; ^ and the branch from 
which the princes of Mewar are descended resided there until 
Kanaksen emigrated to Dwarka. The difficulty of tracing these 
races through a long period of years is greatly increased by the 
custom of changing the appellation of the tribe, from conquest, 
locality, or personal celebrity. Sen * seems to have been the 
martial termination for many generations : this was followed by 
Dit, or Aditya, a term for the ' sun.' The first change in the 
name of the tribe was on their expulsion from Saurashtra, when 
for the generic term of Suryavansi was substituted the particular 
appellation of Guhilot. This name was maintained till another 
event dispersed the family, and when they settled in [216] Ahar,* 
Aharya became the appellative of the branch. This continued 
till loss of territory and new acquisitions once more transferred 
the dynasty to Sesoda,* a temporary capital in the western moun- 
tains. The title of Ranawat, borne by all descendants of the 
blood royal since the eventful change which removed the seat of 
government from Chitor to Udaipur, might in time have super- 
seded that of Sesodia, if continued warfare had not checked the 
increase of population ; but the Guhilot branch of the Suryavansi 
still retain the name of Sesodia. 

Having premised thus much, we must retrograde to the darker 
ages, through which we shall endeavour to conduct this celebrated 
dynasty, though the clue sometimes nearly escapes from our 
hands in these labyrinths of antiquity.® When it is recollected 

^ [It is the other way : Kausalya took her name from Kosala.] 

^ [See p. 116 above.] 

' Sen, 'army'; kanak, 'gold.' [Kanaksen is entirely mythical. It 
has been suggested that the name is a reminiscence of the connexion of 
the great Kushan Emperor, Kanishka, with Gujarat and Kathiawar {BG, i. 
Part i. 101).] 

* Ahar, or Ar, is in the valley of the present capital, Udaipur. 

* The origin of this name is from the trivial occurrence of the expelled 
prince of Chitor having erected a town to commemorate the spot, where 
after an extraordinarily hard chase he killed a hare {sasu). 

* The wila fable which envelops or adorns the cradle of every illustrious 
family is not easily disentangled. The bards weave the web with skiU, and 
it cUngs like ivy round each modern branch, obscuring the aged stem, in 


to what violence this family has been subjected during the last 
eight centuries, often dispossessed of all but their native hills and 
compelled to live on their spontaneous produce, we could scarcely 
expect that historical records should be preserved. Chitor was 
thrice sacked and destroyed, and the existing records are formed 
from fragments, registers of births and marriages, or from the 
oral relations of the bards. 

Legend of Kanaksen. — By what route Kanaksen, the first 
emigrant of the solar race, found his way into Saurashtra from 
Lohkot, is uncertam : he, however, wrested dominion from a 
prince of the Pramara race, and founded Birnagara in the second 
century (a.d. 144). Four generations afterwards, Vijayasen. 
whom the prince of Amber calls Nushirwan, founded Vijayapur, 
supposed to be where Dholka now stands, at the head of the 
Saurashtra peninsula.^ Vidarba was also founded by him, the 
name of which was afterwards changed to Sihor. But the most 
celebrated was the capital, Valabhipura, which for years baffled 
all search, till it was revealed in its now humbled condition as 
Walai, ten miles west [217] of Bhaunagar. The existence of this 
city was confirmed by a celebrated Jain work, the Satrunjaya 
Mahatma.^ The want of satisfactory proof of the Rana's emigra- 
tion from thence was obviated by the most unexpected discovery 
of an inscription of the twelfth century, in a ruined temple on the 
tableland forming the eastern boundary of the Rana'? present 
territory, which appeals to the ' walls of Valabhi ' for the truth 
of the action it records. And a work written to commemorate 
the reign of Rana Raj Singh opens with these words : "In the 
west is Sorathdes,^ a country well known : the barbarians invaded 
it, and conquered Bal-ka-nath ; * all fell in the sack of Valab- 
hipura, except the daughter of the Pramara." And the Sandrai 

the time-worn branches of which monsters and demi-gods are perched, 
whose claims of affinity are held in high estimation by thesfe ' children of 
the sun,' who would deem it criminal to doubt that the loin-robe (dhoti) of 
their great founder, Bapa Rawal, was less than five hundred cubits in circum- 
ference, that his two-edged sword (khanda), the gift of the Hindu Proserpine, 
weighed an ounce less than sixty-four pounds, or that he was an inch under 
twenty feet in height. 

^ [Vijayapur has been doubtfully identified with Bijapur in the Alima- 
dabad district (BG, i. Part i. 110).] 

^ Presented to the Royal Asiatic Society of London. 

* Sorath or Saurashtra. * The ' lord of Bal.' 


roll thus commences : " When the city of Valabhi was sacked, 
the inhabitants fled and founded Bali, Sandrai, and Nadol in 
Mordar des." ^ These are towns yet of consequence, and in all 
the Jain religion is still naaintained, which was the chief worship 
of Valabhipura when sacked by the ' barbarian.' The records 
preserved by the Jains give s.b. 205 (a.d. 524) as the date of this 

The tract about Valabhipura and northward is termed Bal, 
probably from the tribe of Bala, which might have been the 
designation of the Rana's tribe prior to that of Grahilot ; and 
most probably Multan, and all these regions of the Kathi, Bala, 
etc., were dependent on Lohkot, whence emigrated Kanaksen ; 
thus strengthening the surmise of the Scythic descent of the 
Ranas, though now installed in the seat of Rama. The sun was 
the deity of this northern tribe, as of the Rana's ancestry, and 
the remains of numerous temples to this grand object of Scj'thic 
homage are still to be found scattered over the peninsula ; whence 
its name, Saurashtra, the coimtry of the Sauras, or Sun-worship- 
pers ; the Surastrene or Syrastrene of ancient geographers ; its 
inhabitants, the Suros (2t'/pwv) of Strabo.' 

Besides these cities, the MSS. give Gayni * as the last refuge 

^ Marwar. 

^ [The date of the fall of Valabhi is very uncertain (Smith, EH I, 315, 
note). It is said to* have been destroyed in the reign of Siladitya VI., 
the last of the dynasty, about a.d. 776 (Duff, Chronology of India, 31, 
G7, 308).] 

* [There is possibly a confusion with the Soras of Aehan (xv. 8) which 
has been identified by Caldwell {Dravidian Grammar, 17) with the ^Qpat 
of Ptolemy, and with the Chola kingdom of Southern India. Surashtra or 
Saurashtra, ' land of the Sus,' was afterwards Sanskritized into ' goodly 
country ' (Monier Williams, Skt. Diet. s.v. ; BG, i. Part i. 6).] 

* Gaini, or Gajni, is one of the ancient names of Cambay (the port of 
Valabhipura), the ruins of which are about three miles from the modern 
city. Other sources indicate that these princes held possessions in the 
southern continent of India, as well as in the Saurashtra peninsula. Tala- 
talpur Patau, on the Godavari, is mentioned, which tradition asserts to be 
the city of Deogir ; but which, after many years' research, I discovered in 
Saurashtra, it being one of the ancient names of Kandala. In after times, 
when succeeding dynasties held the title of Balakarae, though the capital 
was removed inland to Anhilwara Patau, they still held possession of the 
western shore, and Cambay continued the chief port. [For the identifica- 
tion of Gajni with Cambay see I A, iv. 147 ; BG, vi. 213 note. The site of 
Devagiri has been identified with Daulatabad (BG, i. Part ii. 136 ; Beal, 
Buddhist Records of the Western World, ii. 255, note).] 


of the famUy [218] when expelled Saurashtra. One of the poetic 
chronicles thus commences : " The barbarians had captured 
Gajni. The house of Siladitya was left desolate. In its defence 
his heroes fell ; of his seed but the name remained." 

Invaders of Saurashtra. — These invaders were Scythic, and 
in all probability a colony from the Parthian kingdom, which 
was established in sovereignty on the Indus in the second century, 
having their capital at Saminagara, where the ancient Yadu ruled 
for ages : the Minnagara ^ of Arrian, and the Mankir of the 
Arabian geographers. It was by this route, through the eastern 
portion of the valley of the Indus, that the various hordes of Getae 
or Jats, Huns, Kamari, Kathi, Makwahana, Bala and Aswaria, 
had peopled this peninsula, leaving traces still visible. The 
period is also remarkable when these and other Scythic hordes 
were simultaneously abandoning higher Asia for the cold regions 

^ The position of Minnagara has occupied the attention of geographers 
from D'Anville to Pottinger. Sind being conquered by Omar, general of 
the caUph Al-Mansur (Abbasi), the name of Minagara was changed to 
Mansura, " une ville celcbre sur le rivage droit du Sind ou Mehran." " Ptole- 
mee fait aussi mention de cette ville ; mais en la depla9ant," etc. D'Anville 
places it about 26°, but not so high as Ulug Beg, whose tables make it 26° 
40'. I have said elsewhere that I had little doubt that Minnagara, handed 
down to us by the author of the Periplus as the ^uerpoTroXis t^s ^Kvdias, was 
the Saminagara of the Yadu Jarejas, whose chronicles claim Seistan as their 
ancient possession, and in all probability was the stronghold {nagara) of 
Sambos, the opponent of Alexander. On every consideration, I am inchned 
to place it on the site of Sehwan. The learned Vincent, in his translation 
of the Peripbis, enters fully and with great judgment upon this point, citing 
every authority, Arrian, Ptolemy, Al-Biruni, Edrisi, D'Anville, and De la 
Rochette. He has a note (26, p. 386, vol. i.) which is conclusive, could he 
have applied it : " Al-Birun [equi-distant] between Debeil and Mansura." 
D'Anville also says : " de Mansora a la ville nommee Birun, la distance est 
indiquee de quinze parasanges dans Abulfeda," who fixes it, on the authority 
of Abu-Rehan (.surnamed Al-Biruni from his birthplace), at 26° 40'. The 
ancient name of Haidarabad, the present capital of Sind, was Nerun (^ j »*i ; ) 
or Nirun, and is almost equi-distant, as Abulfeda says, between Debal (Dewal 
or Tatta) and Mansura, Sehwan, or Minnagara, the latitude of which, accord- 
ing to my construction, is 26° 11'. Those who wish to pursue this may 
examine the Eclaircisfiemens sur la Carle de Vlnde, p. 37 et seq., and Dr. 
Vincent's estimable translation, p. 386. [The site of Minnagara, like those 
of all the cities in the delta of the Indus, owing to changes in the course of 
the river, is very uncertain. Jhajhpur or Mungrapur has been suggested 
(McCrindle, Ptolemy, 72, Periplus, 1086 f.). Nirun has been identified with 
Helai, a little below Jarak, on the high road from Tatta to Haidarabad 
(EHiot-Dowson i. 400).] 


of Europe and the warm plains of Hindustan. From the first to 
the sixth century of the Christian era, various records exist of 
tliese irruptions from the north. Gibbon, quoting De Guignes, 
mentions one in the second century, which fixed permanently in 
the Saurashtra peninsula ; and the latter, from original authorities, 
describes another of the Getae or Jats, styled by the Chinese 
Yueh-chi, in the north of India.^ But the authority directly in 
point is that of Cosmas, surnamed Indikopleustes, who was in 
India during the reign of Justinian, and that of the first monarch 
of the Chinese dynasty of Leam.^ Cosmas [219] had visited 
Kalyan, included in the Balhara kingdom ; and he mentions the 
Ephthalites, or White Huns, under their king Golas, as being 
established on the Indus at the very period of the invasion of 

Arrian, who resided in the second century at Barugaza 
(Broach), describes a Parthian sovereignty as extending from 
the Indus to the Nerbudda.* Their capital has already been 
mentioned, Minnagara. Whether these, the Abtelites * of Cosmas, 
were the Parthian dynasty of Arrian, or whether the Parthians 
were supplanted by the Huns, we must remain in ignorance, but 
to one or the other we must attribute the sack of Valabhipura. 

^ See History of the Tribes, p. 107, and translation of Inscription No. I. 
Vide Appendix. 

^ Considerable intercourse was carried on between the princes of India 
and China from the earliest periods ; but particularly during the dynasties 
of Sum, Leam and Tarn, from the fourth to the^eventh centuries, when the 
princes from Bengal and Malabar to the Panjab sent embassies to the Chinese 
monarchs. The dominions of these Hindu princes may yet be identified. 
[Cosmas flourished in the sixth century a.d., and never reached India proper 
{EB, vii. 214).] 

3 [GoUas was Mihiragula (Smith, EHI, 317).] 

* [Ibid. 230 f.] 

^ D'Herbelot (vol. i. p. 179) calls them the Haiathelah or Indoscythae, and 
says that they were apparently from Thibet, between India and China. 
De Guignes (tome i. p. 325) is offended with this explanation, and says : 
" Cette conjecture ne pent avoir lieu, les Euthehtes n'ayant jamais demeure 
dans le Thibet." A branch of the Huns, however, did most assuredly dwell 
in that quarter, though we wiU not positively assert that they were the 
AbteUtes. The Haihaya was a great branch of the Lunar race of Yayati, 
and appears early to have left India for the northern regions, and would 
afford a more plausible etymology for the Haiathelah than the Te-le, who 
dwelt on the waters {ab) of the Oxiis. This branch of the Hunnish race has 
also been termed Nephthalite, and fancied one of the lost tribes of Israel [?]. 


The legend of this event affords scope for speculation, both as 
regards the conquerors and the conquered, and gives at least a 
colour of truth to the reputed Persian ancestry of the Rana : a 
subject which will be distinctly considered. The solar orb, and 
its type, fire, were the chief objects of adoration of Siladitya of 
Valabhipura. Whether to these was added that of the lingam, 
the symbol of Balnath (the sun), the primary object of worship 
with his descendants, may be doubted. It was certainly con- 
lined to these, and the adoption of ' strange gods ' by the Sur- 
yavansi Guhilot is comparatively of modern invention.^ 

The Fountain oJ the Sun. — There was a fountain [Surya- 
kunda) ' sacred to the sun ' at Valabhipura, from which arose? 
at the summons of Siladitya (according to the legend) the seven- 
headed horse Saptasva, which draws the car of Surya, to bear 
him to battle. With such an auxiliary no foe could prevail ; 
but a wicked minister revealed to the enemy the secret of annulling 
this aid, by polluting the sacred foimtain with blood. This 
accomplished, in vain did the prince call on Saptasva to save 
him from the strange and barbarous foe : the charm was broken, 
and with it sunk the dynasty of Valabhi. Who the ' barbarian ' 
was that defiled with blood of kine [220] the fountain of the sun,^ 
whether Getae, Parthian, or Hun, we are left to conjecture. The 
Persian, though he venerated the bull, yet sacrificed him on the 

^ Ferishta, in the early part of his history [i. Introd. Ixviii f.], observes 
that, some centuries prior to Vikramaditya, the Hindus abandoned the 
simple religion of their ancestors, made idols, and worshipped the host of 
heaven, which faith they had from Kashmir, the foundry of magic super- 

* Divested of allegory, it means simply that the supply of water was 
rendered impure, and consequently useless to the Hindus, which compelled 
them to abandon their defences and meet death in the open field. Alau-d- 
din practised the same ruse against the celebrated Achal, the Khichi prince 
of Gagraun, which caused the surrender of this impregnable fortress. " It 
matters not," observes an historian whose name I do not recollect, " whether 
such things are true, it is sufficient that they were behoved. We may smile 
at the mention of the ghost, tlie evil genius of Brutus, appearing to him 
before the battle of PharsaUa ; yet it never would have been stated, had it 
not assimilated with the opinions and prejudices of the age." And we may 
deduce a simple moral from " the parent orb refusing the aid of his steed to 
his terrestrial offspring," viz. that he was deserted by the deity. Fountains 
sacred to the sun and other deities were common to the Persians, Scythians, 
and Hindus, and both the last offered steeds to him in sacrifice. Vide 
History of the Tribes, article ' Aswamedha,' p. 91. 



altar of Mithras ; ^ and though the ancient Guebre purifies with 
the urine ^ of the cow, he will not refuse to eat beef ; and the 
iniquity of Cambyses, who thrust his lance into the flank of the 
Egyptian Apis, is a proof that the bull was abstractedly no object 
of worship. It would be indulging a legitimate curiosity, could 
we bj^ any means discover how these ' strange ' tribes obtained 
a footing amongst the Hindu races ; for so late as seven centuries 
ago we find Getae, Huns, Kathi, Ariaspas, Dahae, definitively 
settled, and enumerated amongst the Chhattis rajkula. How 
much earlier the admission, no authority states ; but mention 
is made of several of them aiding in the defence of Chitor, on the 
first appearance of the faith of Islam upwards of eleven hundred 
years ago. 


The Refugee Queen. — Of the prince's family, the queen Push- 
pavati alone escaped the sack of Valabhi, as well as the funeral 
pyre, upon which, on the death of Siladitya, his other wives were 
sacrificed. She was a daughter of the Pramara prince of Chan- 
dravati [221], and had visited the shrine of the universal mother, 
Amba-Bhavani, in her native land, to deposit upon the altar of 
the goddess a votive offering consequent to her expectation of 
offspring. She was on her return, when the intelligence arrived 
which blasted all her future hopes, by depriving her of her lord, 
and robbing him, whom the goddess had just granted to her 
prayers, of a crown. Excessive grief closed her pilgrimage. 
Taking refuge in a cave in the mountains of Malia, she was de- 
livered of a son. Having confided the infant to a Brahmani of 
Birnagar named Kamlavati, enjoining her to educate the young 
prince as a Brahman, but to marry him to a Rajputni,^ she 

^ The Baldan, or sacrifice of the bull to Balnath, is on record, though now 
discontinued amongst the Hindus. [Baldan = balidana, ' a general offering 
to the gods.'] 

* Pinkerton, who is most happy to strengthen his aversion for the Celt, 
seizes on a passage in Strabo, who describes him as having recourse to the 
same mode of purification as the Guebre. Unconscious that it may have 
had a religious origin, he adduces it as a strong proof of the uncleanliness of 
their habits. 

^ [This corroborates Bhandarkar's theory that the Guhilots sprang from 
Nagar Brahmans.] 


mounted the funeral pile to join her lord. Kamlavati, the 
daughter of the priest of the temple, was herself a mother, and 
she performed the tender offices of one to the orphan prince, whom 
she designated Goha, or ' cave-born.' ^ The child was a source 
of perpetual uneasiness to its protectors : he associated with 
Rajput children, killing birds, hunting wild animals, and at the 
age of eleven was totally unmanageable : to use the words of the 
legend, " How should they hide the ray of the sun ? " 

The Legend O? Goha.— At this period Idar was governed by a 
chief of the savage race of Bhil ; his name, Mandalika.^ The 
young Goha frequented the forests in company with the Bhils, 
whose habits better assimilated with his daring nature than those 
of the Brahmans. He became a favourite with the Vanaputras, 
or ' children of the forest,' who resigned to him Idar with its 
woods and mountains. The fact is mentioned by Abu-1 Fazl,' 
and is still repeated by the bards, with a characteristic version of 
the incident, of which doubtless there were many. The Bhils 
having determined in sport to elect a king, the choice fell on 
Goha ; and one of the young savages, cutting his finger, applied 
the blood as the tika of sovereignty to his forehead. What was 
done in sport was confirmed by the old forest chief. The sequel 
fixes on Goha the stain of ingratitude, for he slew his benefactor, 
and no motive is assigned in the legend for the deed. Goha's 
name became the patronymic of his descendants, who were 
styled Guhilot, classically Grahilot, in time softened to Gehlot. 

We know very little concerning these early princes but that 
they dwelt in this mountainous region for eight generations ; 
when the Bhils, tired of a foreign rule, assailed Nagaditya, the 
eighth prince, while hunting, and deprived him of life and Idar. 
The descendants of Kamlavati (the Birnagar Brahmani), who 
retained the office of priest in the family, Avere again the pre- 
servers of the line of Valabhi. The infant Bappa, son of Naga- 
ditya [222], then only three years old, was conveyed to the fortress 
of Bhander,* where he was protected by a Bhil of Yadu descent. 

^ [This is a folk-etymology to explain the name Guhilot, probably derived 
from Guha or Guhasena (a.d. 559-67), the fourth and apparently the first 
great Valabhi monarch {BG. i. Part i. 85).] 

2 [Mandalika seems to mean ' ruler of a district ' (mandal), (Bayley, 
Dynasties of Gujarat, 183).] ^ [Ain, ii. 268.] 

* Fifteen miles south-west of Jharol, in the wildest region in India. [In 
Gwahor State, IQI, viii. 72.] 


Thence he was removed for greater security to the wilds of Parasar. 
Within its impervious recesses rose the three-peaked (trikuta) 
mountain, at whose base was the town of Nagindra,^ the abode 
of Brahmans, who performed the rites of the ' great god.' In this 
retreat passed the early years of Bappa, wandering through these 
Alpine valleys, amidst the groves of Bal and the shrines of the 
brazen calf. 

The most antique temples are to be seen in these spots — ^within 
the dark gorge of the mountain, or on its rugged summit — in the 
depths of the forest, and at the sources of streams, where sites of 
seclusion, beauty, and sublimity alternately exalt the mind's 
devotion. In these regions the creative power appears to have 
been the earliest, and at one time the sole, object of adoration, 
whose symbols, the serpent-wreathed phallus (lingam), and its 
companion, the bull, were held sacred even by the ' children of 
the forest.' In these silent retreats Mahadeva continued to rule 
triumphant, and the most brilliant festivities of Udaipur were 
those where his rites are celebrated in the nine days sacred to 
him, when the Jains and Vaishnavas mix with the most zealous 
of his votaries ; but the strange gods from the plains of the 
Yamvma and Ganges have withdrawn a portion of the zeal of the 
Guhilots from their patron divinity Eklinga, whose diwan," or 
viceregent, is the Rana. The temple of Eklinga, situated in one 
of the narrow defiles leading to the capital, is an immense struc- 
ture, though more sumptuous than elegant. It is built entirely 
of white marble, most elaborately carved and embellished ; but 
lying in the route of a bigoted foe, it has undergone many dilapi- 
dations. The brazen bull, placed under his own dome, facing the 
sanctuary of the phallus, is nearly of the natural size, in a recum- 
bent posture. It is cast (hollow)^of good shape, highly polished 
and without flaw, except where the hammer of the Tatar had 
opened a passage in the hollow flank in search of treasure^ [223]. 

The Marriage of Eappa. — Tradition has preserved numerous 

^ Or Nagda, still a place of religious r.esort, about ten miles north of 
Udaipur. Here I found several very old inscriptions relative to the family, 
which preserve the ancient denomination Gohil instead of Gehlot. One of 
these is about nine centuries old. [The ancient name was Nagahrida (Erskine 
ii. A. 106).] ^ Ekling-ka-Diwan is the common title of the Rana. 

* Amongst the many temples where the brazen calf forms part of the 
establishment of BaUcesar, there is one sacred to Nandi alone, at Nain in 
the valley. This lordly bull has his shrine attended as devoutly as was that 


details of Bappa's ^ infancy, which resembles the adventures of 
everj' hero or founder of a race. The young prince attended the 
sacred kine, an occupation which was honourable even to the 
' children of the sun,' and which they still pursue : possibly a 
remnant of their primitive Scythic habits. The pranks of the 
royal shepherd are the theme of many a tale. On the Jhal 
Jhulni, when swinging is the amusement of the youth of both 
sexes, the daughter of the Solanki chief of Nagda and the village 
maidens had gone to the groves to enjoy this festivity, but they 
were unprovided with ropes. Bappa happened to be at hand, 
and was called by the Rajput damsels to forward their sport. 
He promised to procure a rope if they would first have a game at 
marriage. One frolic was as good as another, and the scarf of 
the Solankini was miited to the garment of Bappa, the whole of 
the village lasses joining hands with his as the connecting link ; 
and thus they performed the mystical number of revolutions 
round an aged tree. This frolic caused his flight from Nagda, 
and originated his greatness, but at the same time burthened him 
with all these damsels ; and hence a heterogeneous issue, whose 
descendants still ascribe their origin to the prank of Bappa round 
the old mango-tree of Nagda. A suitable offer being shortly 
after made for the young Solankini's hand, the family priests of 
the bridegroom, whose duty it was, by his knowledge of palmistry, 
to investigate the fortunes of the bride, discovered that she was 
already married : intelligence which threw the family into the 
greatest consternation.^ Though Bappa's power over his brother 
shepherds was too strong to create any dread of disclosure as to 
his being the principal in this affair, yet was it too much to expect 
that a secret, in which no less than six hundred of the daughters 
of Eve were concerned, could long remain such ? Bappa's mode 
of swearing his companions to secrecy is preserved. Digging a 
small pit, and taking a pebble in his hand, " Swear," cried he, 

of Apis at Memphis ; nor will Eklinga yield to his brother Serapis. The 
changes of position of the Apis at Nain are received as indications of the 
fruitfuhiess of the seasons, though it is not apparent how such are contrived. 

^ Bappa is not a proper name, it signifies merely a ' child.' [This is wrong : 
it is the old Prakrit form of bap, ' father ' {I A, xv. 275 f. ; BQ, i. Part i. 
84).] He is frequently styled Saila, and in inscriptions Sailadlsa, ' the 
mountain lord.' 

2 [The legend imphes that Bapa, from association with Bhils, was regarded 
to be of doubtful origin.] 


" secrecy and obedience to me in good and in evil ; that you will 
reveal to me all that you hear, and failing, desire that the good 
deeds of your forefathers may, like this pebble (dropping it into 
the pit) fall mto the Washerman's well." ^ They took the oath. 
The Solanki chief, however, heard that [224] Bappa was the 
offender, who, receiving from his faithful scouts intimation of his 
danger, sought refuge in one of the retreats which abound in these 
mountains, and which in after-times proved the preservation of 
his race. The companions of Iiis flight were tv/o Bhils : one of 
Undri, in the valley of the present capital ; the other of Solanki 
descent, from Oghna Panarwa, in the western wilds. Their 
names, Baleo and Dewa, have been handed down with Bappa's ; 
and the former had the honour of drawing the tika of sovereignty 
with his own blood on the forehead of the prince, on the occasion 
of his taking the crown from the Mori.^ It is pleasing to trace, 
through a series of ages, the knowledge of a custom still ' honoured 
in the observance.' The descendants of Baleo of Oghna and the 
Undri Bhil still claim the privilege of performing the tika on the 
inauguration of the descendants of Bappa. 

Oghna Panarwa. — Oghna Panarwa is the sole spot in India which 
enjoys a state of natural freedom. Attached to no State, having 
no foreign communications, living under its own patriarchal head, 
its chief, with the title of Rana, whom one thousand hamlets 
scattered over the forest-crowned valleys obey, can, if requisite, 
appear at ' the head of five thousand bows.' He is a Bhumia Bhil 
of mixed blood, from the Solanki Rajput, on the old stock of pure 
{ujla) Bhils, the autochthones (if such there be of any country) 
of Mewar. Besides making the tika of blood from an incision 
in the thmnb, the Oglma chief takes the prince by the arm and 
seats hun on the throne, while the Undri Bhil holds the salver 
of spices and sacred grains of rice ^ used in making the tika. 

^ Deemed in the East the most impure of all receptacles. These wells 
are dug at the sides of streams, and give a supply of pure water filtering 
through the sand. 

^ [The right is said to have been enjoyed by the Bhils tiU the time of 
Rana Hamir Singh, who died a.d. 1364, and it was recognised in Dungarpur 
till fairly recent times (Erskine ii. A. 228). The Jats have the same right 
in Biltaner (Kose, Glossary, ii. 301) : Mers in Porbandar (Wilberforce-Bell, 
Hist, of Kathiawad, 53 : Kandhs in Kalahandi (Russell, Tribes and Castes 
Central Provinces, iii. 405, and c/. ii. 280).] 

* ilencc, perhaps, the name khushka for tika. [Khuskka, khushk, ' dry,' 


But the solemnity of being seated on the throne of Mewar is 
so expensive, that many of these rites have fallen into disuse. 
Jagat Singh was tlie last prince whose coronation was conducted 
with tlie ancient magnificence of this princely house. It cost 
the sum of ninety lakhs of rupees (£1,125,000), nearly one entire 
year's revenue of the State in the days of its prosperity, and which, 
taking into consideration the comparative value of money, would 
amount to upwards of four millions sterling ^ [225]. 

To resume the narrative : though the flight of Bappa and its 
cause are perfectly natural, we have another episode ; when the 
bard assuming a higher strain has recourse to celestial machinery 
for the denouement of this simple incident : but " an illustrious 
race must always be crowned with its projDer mythology." Bappa 
who was the founder of a line of a ' hundred kings,' feared as a 
monarch, adored as more than mortal, and, according to the 
legend, ' still living ' (charanjiva), deserves to have the source of 
his pre-eminent fortune disclosed, which, in Mewar, it were sacri- 
lege to doubt. Wliile he pastured the sacred kine in the valleys 
of Nagindra, the princely shepherd was suspected of appropriat- 
ing the milk of a favourite cow to his own use. He was distrusted 
and watched, and although indignant, the youth admitted that 
they had reason to suspect him, from the habitual dryness of the 
brown cow when she entered the pens at even.^ He watched, 
and traced her to a narrow dell, when he beheld the udder spon- 
taneously pouring its stores amidst the shrubs. Under a thicket 

is plain boiled rice without seasoning.] Grains of ground rice in curds is 
the material of the primitive tika, which the author has had applied to him 
by a lady in Gujargarh, one of the most savage spots in India, amidst the 
levee en masne, assembled hostilely against him, but separated amicably. 

^ Such the pride of these small kingdoms in days of yore, and such their 
resources, till reduced by constant oppression ! But their public works 
sjieak what they could do, and have done ; witness the stupendous work of 
marble, and its adjacent causeway, which dams the lake of Rajsamand at 
Kankrauli, and which cost upwards of a juillion. When the spectator 
views this expanse of water, this ' royal sea ' {rajsamand) on the borders 
of the plain ; the pillar of victory towering over the plains of Malwa, erected 
on the summit of Chitor by Rana Mokal ; their palaces and temples in this 
ancient abode ; the regal residence erected by the princes when ejected, 
must fill the observer with astonishment at the resources of tlie State. They 
are such as to explain the metaphor of my ancient friend Zahm Singh, who 
knew better than we the value of this country : " Every pinch of the soil 
of Mewar contains gold." 

^ Godhuli, the dust raised at the time when the cows come home. 


of cane a hermit was reposing in a state of abstraction, from which 
the impetuosity of the shepherd soon roused him. The mystery 
was revealed in the phalUc symbol of the ' great God,' which daily 
received the lacteal shower, and raised such doubts of the veracity 
of Bappa. 

No eye had hitherto penetrated into this natural sanctuary of 
the rites of the Hindu Creator, except the sages and hermits of 
ancient days (of whom this was the celebrated Harita),'^ whom 
this bounteous cow also fed. 

Bappa related to the sage all he knew of himself, received his 
blessing, and retired ; but he went daily to visit him, to wash his 
feet, carry milk to him, and gather such wild flowers as were 
acceptable offerings to the deity. In return he received lessons 
of morality, and was initiated into the mysterious rites of Siva : 
and at length he was invested with the triple cordon of faith 
{tin parwa zunnar) ^ by the hands of the sage, who became his 
spiritual guide, and bestowed on his pupil the title of [226] 
' Regent (Diwan) of Eklinga.' Bappa had proofs that his atten- 
tions to the saint and his devotions to Eklinga were acceptable, 
by a visit from his consort, ' the lion-born goddess.' From her 
hand he received the panoply of celestial fabrication, the work of 
Viswakarma (the Vulcan of Eastern mythology), which outvies 
all the arms ever forged for Greek or Trojan. The lance, bow, 
quiver, and arrows ; a shield and sword (more famed than 
Balisarda) * which the goddess girded on him with her own hand : 
the oath of fidelity and devotion was the ' relief ' of this celestial 
investiture. Thus initiated into the mysteries of ' the first ' 
{adi), admitted under the banners of Bhavani, Harita resolved 
to leave his pupil to his fortunes, and to quit the worship of the 
symbol for the presence of the deity in the mansions above. He 
informed Bappa of his design, and commanded him to be at the 
sacred spot early on the following morn ; but Bappa showed his 
materiality by oversleeping himself, and on reaching the spot the 
sage had already made some progress in his car, borne by the 

^ On this spot the celebrated temple of Eklinga was erected, and the 
present high priest traces sixty-six descents from Harita to himself. To 
him (through the Rana) I was indebted for the copy of the Sheo (Siva) 
Purana presented to the Royal Asiatic Society. 

* [Zunnar is an Arabic word, the Hindi janeo.] 

' [The sword stolen from Orlando by Brunello, given to Rogero (Ariosto, 
Orlando Fvrioso).] 


Apsaras, or celestial messengers. He cheeked his aerial ascent 
to give a last token of affection to his pupil ; and desiring him to 
reach up to receive his blessing, Bappa's stature was extended to 
twenty cubits ; but as he did not reach the car, he was com- 
manded to open his mouth, when the sage did what was recorded 
as performed, about the same period, by Muhammad, who spat 
into the mouth of his favourite nephew, Husain, the son of Ali. 
Bappa showed his disgust and aversion by blinking, and the pro- 
jected blessing fell on his foot, by which squeamishness he ob- 
tained only invulnerability by weapons instead of immortality. 
The saint was soon lost in the cerulean space. Thus marked as 
the favourite of heaven, and having learned from his mother that 
he was nephew to the Mori prince of Chitor, he ' disdained a 
shepherd's slothful life,' and with some companions from these 
wilds quitted his retreat, and for the first time emerged into the 
plains. But, as if the brand of Bhavani was insufficient, he met 
with another hermit in the forest of the Tiger Mount,"^ the famed 
Gorakiinath, who presented to him the double-edged sword, ^ 
which, with the proper incantation, could ' sever rocks.' With 
this he opened the road to fortune leading to the throne of 
Chitor [227]. 

Chitor was at this period held by the Mori prince of the Pramar 
race, the ancient lords of IMalwa, then paramount sovereigns of 
Hindustan : but whether this city was then the chief seat of 
power is not known. Various public works, reservoirs, and 
bastions, yet retain the name of this race. 

Bappa's connexion with the Mori ^ obtained hiin a good recep- 

^ The Nahra Magra, seven miles from the eastern pass leading to the 
capital, where the prince has a hunting seat surrounded bj' several others 
belonging to the nobles, but all going to decay. The tiger and wild boar 
now prowl unmolested, as none of the ' uuMcensed ' dare shoot in these royal 

^ They surmise that this is the individual blade which is yet annually 
worshipped by the sovereign and chiefs on its appropriate day, one of the 
nine sacred to the god of war ; a rite completely Scythic. I had this relation 
from the chief genealogists of the family, who gravely rejDeated the incanta- 
tion : " By the preceptor, Gorakhnath and the great god, EkUnga ; by 
Takshka the serpent, and the sage Harita ; by Bhavani (Pallas) etrike ! " 

* Bappa's mother v/as a Pramar, probably from Abu or Chandra vati, near 
to Idar J and consequently Bappa was nephew to every Pramar in existence. 
[The Morya or Maurya sub-clan of the Pramars still exists (Ce7isus Beport, 
Rajputana, 1911, i. 255. For traces of the Mauryas in W. India see BG, i. 
Part ii. 284, note.] 


tion ; he was enrolled amongst the sawants or leaders, and a 
suitable estate conferred upon him. The inscription of the Mori 
prince's reign, so often alluded to, affords a good idea of his power, 
and of the feudal manners of his court. He was surrounded by a 
numerous nobility, holding estates on the tenure of military 
service, but whom he had disgusted by his neglect, and whose 
jealousy he had provoked by the superior regard shown to Bappa. 
A foreign foe appearing at this time, instead of obeying the 
summons to attend, they threw up their grants, and tauntingly 
desired him to call on his favourite.^ 

Bappa undertook the conduct of the war, and the chiefs, though 
dispossessed of their estates, accompanied him from a feeling of 
shame. The foe was defeated and driven out of the coimtry ; but 
instead of returning to Chitor, Bappa continued his course to the 
ancient seat of his family, Gajni, expelled the ' barbarian ' called 
Salim, placed on the throne a chief of the Chaura tribe,^ and 
returned with the discontented nobles. Bappa, on this occasion, 
is said to have married the daughter of his enemy. The nobles 
quitted Chitor, leaving their defiance with their prince. In vain 
were the spiritual preceptor (Guru) and foster-brother (Dhabhai) 
sent as ambassadors : their only reply v^^as, that as they had 
' eaten his salt,' they would forbear their vengeance for twelve 
months. The noble deportment of Bappa won their esteem, and 
they transferred to him their service and homage. With the 
temptation of a crown, the gratitude of the Grahilot was given 
to the winds. On return they assaulted and carried Chitor, and, 
in the words of J-he chronicle, " Bappa took Chitor from the Mori 
and became himself tJie mor (crown) of the land " : he obtained 
by vmiversal consent the title of ' sun of the Hindus {Hindiia 
suraj), preceptor of princes (Raj Guru), and universal lord 
{Chakravartin) ' [228]. 

He had a numerous progeny, some of whom returned to their 
ancient seats in Saurashtra, whose descendants were powerful 
chieftains in that tract so late as Akbar's reign.* Five sons went 
to Marwar, and the ancient Gohils ' of the land of Kher,' expelled 

^ Wo are furnished with a catalogue of the tribes which served the Mori 
prince, which is extremely valuable, froni its acquainting us with the names 
of tribes no longer existing. 

' [iSee p. 121, above.] 

* See Aln, ii. 247, which speaks of fifty thousand [8000] Guhilots in Sorath. 


and driven to Gohilwal/ have lost sight of their ancestry, and 
by a singular fatality are in possession of the wreck of Valabhi- 
pura, ignorant of its history and their connexion with it, mixing 
with Arabs and following maruie and mercantile pursuits ; and 
the office of the bard having fallen into disrepute, they cannot 
trace their forefathers beyond Kherdhar.- 

The close of Bappa's career is the strangest part of the legend, 
and which it might be expected they would be solicitous to sup- 
press. Advanced in years, he abandoned his children and his 
comitry, carried his arms west to Khorasan, and there established 
himself, and married new wives from among the ' barbarians,' by 
whom he had a numerous offspring.' 

Bappa had reached the patriarchal age of one hundred when 
he died. An old volume of historical anecdotes, belonging to the 
chief of Delwara, states that he became an ascetic at the foot of 
Meru, where he was buried alive after having overcome all the 
kings of the west, as in Ispahan, Kandahar, Kashmir, Irak, Iran, 
Turan, and Kafiristan ; all of whose daughters he married, and 
by whom he had one hundred and thirty sons, called the Naus- 
shahra Pathans. Each of these founded a tribe, bearing the 
name of the mother. His Hindu children were ninety-eight in 
number, and were called Agni-upasi Surj'avansi, or ' simborn 
fire-worsiiippers.' The chronicles also record that (in like manner 
as did the subjects of the Bactrian king Menander, though from 
a different motive) the subjects of Bajipa quarrelled for the dis- 
posal of his remains. The Hindu wished the fire to consume 
them ; the ' barbarian ' to commit them to eartl; ; but on raising 
the pall while the dispute was raging, uinumerable flowers of 
the lotus were found in the place of the remains of mortality : 
these were conveyed and planted in the lake. This is precisely 
what is related of the end of the Persian Nushirwan * [229]. 

^ Pepara Guhilots. 

■■^ The ' land of Kher,' on the south-west frontier of Marw ar, near the 
Luni river. 

* The. reigning prince told the author that there was no doubt of Bappa 
having ended his days among ' the Turks ' : a term now apjjlied to all 
Muhammadans by the Hmdu, but at that time confined to the inhabitants 
of Turkistan, the Turushka of the Puranas, and the Takshak of early in- 

^ [Recent inquiries identify Bappa, whose name is merely a title, with 
either Mahendraji ii. or Kalbhoja, early chiefs of Mewar (Erskine ii. B. 8). It 


The Question of Dates. — Having thus briefly sketched the 
history of the founder of the Guhilot dynasty in Mewar, we must 
now endeavour to estabUsh the epoch of this important event in 
its annals. Although Bappa Rawal was nine generations after 
the sack of Valabhipura, the domestic annals give S. 191 (a.d. 
135) for his birth ; which the bards implicitly following, have 
vitiated the whole chronology. An important inscription ^ in a 
character little known, establishes the fact of the Mori dynasty 
being in possession of Chitor in S. 770 (a.d. 714). Now the annals 
of the Rana's house expressly state Bappa Rawal to be the nejDhew 
of the Mori prince of Chitor ; that at the age of fifteen he was 
enrolled amongst the chieftains of his uncle, and that the vassals 
(before alluded to), in revenge for the resumption of their grants 
by the Mori, dethroned him and elevated as their sovereign the 
youthful Bappa. Notwithstanding this apparently irreconcilable 
anachronism, the family traditions accord with the inscription, 
except in date. Amidst such contradictions the development of 
the truth seemed impossible. Another valuable inscription of 
S. 1024 (a.d. 968), though giving the genealogy from Bappa to 
Sakti Kumar and corroborating that, from Chitor, and which 
furnished convincing evidence, was not sanctioned by the prince 
or his chroniclers, who would admit nothing as valid that militated 
against their established era 191 for the birth of their founder. 
After six years' residence and unremitting search amid ruins, 
archives, inscriptions, traditions, and whatever could throw 
light upon this point, the author quitted Udaipur with all these 
doubts in his mind, for Saurashtra, to prosecute his inquiries in 
the pristine abodes of the race. Then it was that he was rewarded, 
beyond his most sanguine expectations, by the discovery of an 
inscription which reconciled these conflicting authorities and 
removed every difficulty. This marble, found in the celebrated 
temple of Somnath,^ made mention of a distinct era, viz. the 

has been suggested that his legend is mixed up with that of Bappa or Saila 
of Valabhi, the story of his retreat to Iran representing the latter being 
carried as a captive to Mansura on the fall of Valabhi or Gandhar {BG, i. 
Part i. 94, note 2). In any case, the Avhole story is mere legend, a tale like 
that of the mysterious disappearance of Romulus and other kings (Sir J. 
Frazcr, Lectures on the Early History of the Kingship, 269 ff.)- A similar tale 
is told of Rana Uda in later Mewar history.] 

^ Vide Appendix, Translation, No. II. ^ See Translation, No. III. 


Valabhi Samvat, as being used in Saurashtra ; which era was three 
hundred and seventy-five years subsequent to Vikramaditya.^ 

On the sack of Valabhi thirty thousand famihes abandoned 
this ' city of a hundred temples,' and led by their priests found a 
retreat for themselves and their faith [230] in Mordardes (Marwar), 
where they erected the towns of Sandrai and Bali, in which latter 
we recognise the name of the city whence they were expelled. The 
religion of Valabhi, and consequently of the colonists, was the 
Jain ; and it was by a priest descended from the survivors of 
this catastrophe, and still with their descendants inhabiting 
those towns, that these most important documents were fur- 
nished to the author. The Sandrai roll assigns the year 305 
(Valabhi era) for the destruction of Valabhi : another, also from 
Jain authority, gives 205 ; and as there were but nine princes 
from Vijayasen, the founder, to its fall, we can readily believe 
the first a numerical error. Therefore 205 + 375 = 580 S. Vikrama 
(a.d. 524), for the invasion of Saurashtra by ' the barbarians from 
the north,' and sack of Valabhipura. 

Now if from 770, the date of the Mori tablet, we deduct 580, 
there remains 190 ; justifying the pertinacity with which the 
chroniclers of Mewar adhered to the date given in their annals 
for the birth of Bappa, viz. 191 : though they were ignorant that 
this period was dated from the fiight from Valabhipura. 

Bappa, when he succeeded to the Mori prince, is said to have 
been fifteen years old ; and his birth being one year anterior to 
the Mori inscription of 770-{-14 = S.V. 784 (a.d. 728),^ is the period 
for the foundation of the Guhilot dynasty in Mewar : since which, 
during a space of eleven hundred years, fifty-nine princes lineally 
descended from Bappa have sat on the throne of Chitor. 

Though the bards and chroniclers will never forgive the temer- 
ity which thus curtails the antiquity of their founder, he is yet 
placed in the dawn of chivalry, when the Carlovingian dynasty 

1 [The Valabhi era begins in a.d. 318-19.] 

^ This will make Bappa's attainment of Chitor fifteen years posterior to 
Muhammad bin Kasim's invasion. I have observed generally a discrepancy 
of ten years between the Samvat and Hegira ; the Hegira reckoned from the 
sixteenth year of Muhammad's mission, and would if employed reconcile 
this difficulty. [The traditional dates are untrustworthy, being based on a 
confused reminiscence of Valabhi history (lA, xv. 275). A hst of the chiefs 
of Mewar, with the dates as far as can be ascertained, is given by Erskine 
(ii. B. 8 ff.).] 


was established in the west, and when Walid, whose bands 
planted ' the green standard ' on the Ebro, was ' commander of 
the" faithful.' 

From the deserted and now forgotten ' city of the sun,' Aitpur, 
the abode of wild beasts and savage Bhils. another memorial ^ of 
the princes of Me war was obtained. It relates to the prince 
Sakti Kumar. Its date is S. 1024 (a.d. 968), and it contains the 
names of fourteen of his ancestors in regular succession. Amongst 
these is Bappa, or Saila. When compared with the chronicles 
and [231] family archives, it was highly gratifying to find that, 
with the exception of one superfluous name and the transposition 
of others, they v/ere in perfect accordance. 

Hume says, " Poets, though they disfigure the most certain 
history by their fictions, and use strange liberties \dth truth, 
when they are the sole historians, as among the Britons, have 
commonly some foundation for their wildest exaggerations." 
The remark is applicable here ; for the names which had been 
mouldering for nine centuries, far from the abode of man, are the 
same they had worked into their poetical legends. It was at this 
exact epoch that the arms of Islam, for the first time, crossed 
the Indus. In the ninety-fifth year of the Hegira,^ Muhammad 
bin Kasim, the general of the Caliph Walid, conquered Sind, and 
penetrated (according to early Arabian authors) to the Ganges ; 
and although Elmacin mentions only Sind, yet other Hindu 
States were at this period convulsed from the same cause : witness 
the overthrow of Manikrae of Ajmer, in the middle of the eighth 
century, by a foe ' coming in ships,' Anjar specified as the point 
where they landed. If any doubt existed that it was Kasim who 
advanced to Chitor * and was defeated by Bappa, it was set at rest 
by finding at this time in Chitor ' Dahir,* the prince of Debil.' 

^ See Translation of Inscription, No. IV. 

2 A.D. 713, or S. 769 : the Inscription 770 of Man Mori, against whom 
came the ' barbarian.' 

^ I was informed by a friend, who had seen the papers of Captain Mac- 
murdo, that he had a notice of Kasim's having penetrated to Dungarpur. 
Had this gentleman Uved, he would have thrown much light on these 
Western antiquities. [Muhammad bin Kasim does not seem to have 
attacked Ajmer : the place was not founded till a.d. 1000 (Watson, Gazetteer, 
i. A. 9).] 

* By an orthographical error, the modern Hindu, ignorant of Debal, has 
written Delhi. But there was no lord of Delhi at this time : he is styled 
Dahir, Despat (lord) of Debal, from dea, ' a country,' and pat, ' the head.' 


Abii-1 Fazl ^ records, from Arabian authorities, that Dahir was lord 
of Sind, and resided at his capital, Debal, the first place captured 
by Kasim in 95. His miserable end, and the destruction of his 
house, are mentioned by the historian, and account for the son 
being found with the Mori prince of Chitor. 

Nine princes intervened between Bappa and Sakti Kumar, in 
two centuries (twenty-two years to each reign) : just the time 
which should elapse from the founder, who ' abandoned his 
country for Iran,' in S. 820, or a.d. 764. Having thus established 
four epochs in the earlier history of the family, viz. — 1 Kanaksen, 
A.D. 144 ; 2, Siladitya, and sack of Valabhi, a.d. 52 4 ; 3, Estab- 
lishment in Chitor and Mewar, a.d. 720 ; 4, Sakti Kumar, a.d. 
1068 ; ^ we may endeavour to relieve this narrative by the notices 
which regard their Persian descent [232]. 


Connexion of the Ranas with Persia. — Historic truth has, in all 
countries, been sacrificed to national vanity : to its gratification 
every obstacle is made to give way ; fictions become facts, and 
even rehgious prejudices vanish in this mirage of the imagination. 
\Vliat but this spurious zeal could for a moment induce any 
genuine Hindu to believe that, only twelve centuries ago, ' an 
eater of beef ' occupied the chair of Rama, and enjoyed by univer- 
sal acclaim the title of ' Sun of the Hindus ' ; or that the most 
ancient dynasty in the world could owe its existence to the last 
of the Sassanian kings : * that a slip from such a tree could be sur- 
reptitiously grafted on that majestic stem, which has flourished 
from the golden to the iron age, covering the land with its 
branches ? That there existed a marked affinity in religious 
rites between the Rana's family and the Guebres, or ancient 
Persians, is evident. With both, the chief object of adoration 
was the sun ; each bore the image of the orb on their banners. 
The chief day in the seven * was dedicated to the sun ; to it is 

1 Ain, ii. 344 f. 

^ [The dates are open to much question. It is known fro:n inscriptions 
that Sakti Kumar was alive in a.d. 977.] 

* Yezdegird died a.d. 651. 

* Surajwar, or Aditi/aivar, Sun-day ; and the other days of the week, 
from the other planets, which Western nations have taken froiH the East. 


sacred the chief gate of the city, the principal bastion of every 
fortress. But though the faith of Islam has driven away the fairy 
inhabitants from the fountains of Mithras, that of Surya has still 
its devotees on the summit of Chitor, as at Valabhi : and could 
we trace with accuracy their creeds to a distant age, we might 
discover them to be of one family, worshipping the sun at the 
fountains of the Oxus and Jaxartes. 

The darkest period of Indian history is during the six centuries 
following Vikramaditya, which are scarcely enlightened by a ray 
of knowledge : but India v/as imdergoing great changes, and 
foreign tribes were pouring in from the north. To this period, 
the sixth century, the genealogies of the Puranas are brought 
down, which expressly declare (adopting the prophetic spirit to 
conceal [233] the alterations and additions they then underwent) 
that at this time the genuine line of princes would be extinct, and 
that a mixed race would rule conjointly with foreign barbarians ; 
as the Turushka, the Mauna,^ the Yavan,^ the Gorind, and 

^ See History of the Tribes, pp. 123, 135, articles ' Takshak,' and ' Jhala,' 
or Makwahana, in all probability the Mauna of the Puranas [?]. 

^ The Yavan, or Greek princes, who apparently continued to rule within 
the Indus after the Christian era, were either the remains of the Bactrian 
dynasty or the independent kingdom of Demetrius or Apollodotus, who 
ruled in the Panjab, having as their capital Sagala, changed by Demetrius 
to Euthymedia. Bayer says, in his Hist. Reg. Bad., p. 84 : "I find from 
Claudius Ptolemy, that there was a city within the Hydaspes yet nearer the 
Indus, called Sagala, also Euthymedia ; but I scarcely doubt that Demetrius 
called it Euthydemia, from his father, after his death and that of Menander. 
Demetrius was deprived of his patrimony A.U.C. 562." [The site of Sagala 
is uncertain — Chiniot, Shahkot, Sialkot {IGI, ii. 80 f. ; McCrindle, Ptolemy, 
122 ff.).] 

On this ancient city, Sagala, I have already said much ; conjecturing 
it to be the Salbhanpura of the Yadus when driven from Zabulistan, and 
that of the Yuoh-chi or Yuti, who were fixed there from Central Asia in the 
fifth century, and if so early as the second century, when Ptolemy wrote, 
may have originated the change of Yuti-media, the ' Central Yuti.' The 
numerous medals which I possess, chiefly found within the probable hmits of 
the Greek kingdom of Sagala, either belong to these princes or the Parthian 
kings of Minnagara on the Indus. The legends are in Greek on one side, 
and in the Sassanian character on the reverse. Hitherto I have not de- 
ciphered the names of any but those of Apollodotus and Menander ; but 
the titles of ' Great King,' ' Saviour,' and other epithets adopted by the 
Arsacidae, are perfectly legible. The devices, however, all incline me to 
pronounce them Parthian. It would be curious to ascertain how these 
Greeks and Parthians gradually merged into the Hindu population [see 
IQI, ii. 1.37]. 


Garddhabin.^ Tliere is much of truth in this ; nor is it to be 
doubted that many of the Rajput tribes entered India from the 
north-west regions about this period. Gor and Gardhaba have 
the same signification ; the first is Persian ; the second its version 
in Hindi, meaning the ' wild ass,' an appellation of the Persian 
monarch Bahram, surnamed Gor from his partiality to hunting 
that animal. Various authorities state Bahramgor being in India 
in the fifth century, and his having there left progeny by a princess 
of Kanauj. A passage extracted by the author from an ancient 
Jain MS. indicates that " in S. 523 Raja Gardhabela, of Kakustha, 
or vSuryavansa, ruled in Valabhipura." It has been surmised 
that Gardhabela was the son of Bahramgor, a son of whom is 
stated to have obtained dominion at Patau ; which may be borne 
in mind when the authorities for the Persian extraction of the 
Rana's family are given.^ 

The Hindus, when conquered by the Muhammadans, naturally 
wished to gild the chains they could not break. To trace a 
common, though distant, origin with the conquerors was to 
remove some portion of the taint of dishonour which arose from 
giving their daughters in marriage to the Tatar emperors of Delhi ; 
and a degree of satisfaction was derived from assuming that the 
blood thus corrupted once flowed from a common fountain * [234]. 

^ [The list in the Vishnu Purana (474 f.) gives 7 Abhiras, 10 Garddhabas, 
16 Sakas, 14 Tusharas, 13 Mundas, 11 Maunas. On the impossibihty of 
reducing the Puranic accounts to order see Smith, EHI, 274.] 

2 [RawUnson [Seventh Oriental Monarchy, 298) regards the eastern 
adventure of Bahramgor, Varahran V., as mytliical. Sykes [Hist, of Persia, 
i. 470) thinks they can hardly be authentic, " but I do not reject it as entirely 
devoid of historical basis."] 

' The Hindu genealogist, in ignorance of the existence of Aghuz Khan, 
the Tatar patriarch, could not connect the chain of Chagatai with Chandra. 
The Brahman, better read, sixpplied the defect, and with his doctrine of the 
metempsychosis animated the material frame of the beneficent Akbar with 
the ' good genius ' of a Hindu ; and that of their mortal foe, Aurangzeb, 
with one of evil destiny, being that of Kalayavana, the foe of Krishna. 
They gravely assert that Akbar visited his ancient hermitage at the conflu- 
ence of the Ganges and Jumna, and excavated the implements of penance 
used by him in hds former shape, as one of the sages of ancient times ; while 
such is their aversion to Aurangzeb, that they declare the final avatar, Time 
(Kal), on his white steed, will appear in his person. The Jaisalmer annals 
affirm that the whole Turkish (Turushha) race of Chagatai are of Yadu stock ; 
while the Jam Jareja of Cutch traces his descent from the Persian Jamshid, 
contemporary with Solomon. These are curious claims, but the Rana's 
family v/ould consider such vanity criminal. 

VOT,. I T 


Further to develop these claims of Persian descent, we shall 
commence with an extract from the Upadesa Prasad, a collection 
of historic fragments in the Magadhi dialect. " In Gujardes 
(Gujarat) there are eighty-foiir cities. In one of these, Kaira, 
resided the Brahman Devaditya, the expounder of the Vedas. 
He had an only child, Subhaga (of good fortune) by name, at 
once a maiden and a widow. Having learned from her preceptor 
the solar incantation, incautiously repeating it, the sun appeared 
and embraced her, and she thence became pregnant.^ The 
affliction of her father was diminished when he discovered the 
parent ; nevertheless [as others might be less charitable] he sent 
her with a female attendant to Valabhipura, where she was de- 
livered of twins, male and female. When grown up the boy was 
sent to school ; but being eternally plagued about his mysterious 
birth, whence he received the nickname of Ghaibi (' concealed '), 
in a fit of irritation he one day threatened to kill his mother if she 
refused to disclose the author of his existence. At this moment 
the sun revealed himself : he gave the youth a pebble, with which 
it was sufficient to touch his companions in order to overcome 
them. Being carried before the Balhara prince, who menaced 
Ghaibi, the latter slew him with the pebble, and became himself 
sovereign of Saurashtra, taking the name of Siladitya ^ (from 
sila, ' a stone or pebble,' and adiiya, ' the sun ') : his sister was 
married to the Raja of Broach." Such is the literal translation 
of a fragment totally unconnected with the history of the Rana's 
family, though evidently bearing upon it. The father of Siladitya, 
according to the Sandrai roll and other authorities of that period, 
is Suraj (the sun) Rao, though two others make a Somaditya 
intervene^ [235]. 

^ [For legends of woinen impregnated by the sun see Frazer, Golden 
Bough, Part vii. vol. i. 74 ff.] 

^ This is probably the Siladitya of the Satrunjaya Mahatma, who re- 
paired the temple on Satrunjaya in S. 477 (a.d. 421). [A mere folk etymo- 
logy — Siladitya, from sil, ' to worship,' aditya, ' the sun.'] 

* In perusing this fragment we are struck by the similarity of production 
of these Hindu Hehadae and that of the celebrated Tatar dynasty from which 
Jenghiz Khan was descended. The Niruns, or ' children of light,' were from 
an amour of the sun with Alung Goa, from which Jenghiz was the ninth in 
descent. Authorities quoted by Petis do la Croix, in his Ufe of this con- 
queror, and Hkewise by Marjgny, in his History of the Saracens, afBrm 
Jenghiz Khan to be a descendant of Yazdegird, the last Sassanian prince. 
Jenghiz was an idolater, and hated the very name of Muhammadan [see 


Let us see what Abu-1 Fazl says of the descent of the Ranas 
from Niishirwan : " The chief of the State was formerly called 
Rawal, but for a long time past has been known as Rana. He is 
of the Ghelot clan, and pretends to descent from Noshirwan the 
Just. An ancestor of this family through the vicissitudes of 
fortune came to Berar and was distinguished as the chief of Narna- 
lah. About eight himdred years previous to the present time ^ 
Narnalah was taken by the enemy and many were slain. One 
Bapa, a child, was carried by his mother from this scene of desola- 
tion to Mewar, and found refuge with Rajah Mandalikh, a Bhil." - 

The work which has furnished all the knowledge which exists 
on the Persian ancestry of the Mewar princes is the Maasiru-l- 
Umara, or that (in the author's possession) founded on it, entitled 
Bisaiu-l-Ghanim, or 'Display of the Foe,' written in a.h. 1204^ 
[a.d. 1789]. The writer of this work styles himself Lachhmi 
Narayan Shafik Aurangabadi, or ' the rhymer of Aurangabad. 
He professes to give an accomit of Sivaji, the founder of the 
INIahratta empire ; for which purpose he goes deep into the lineage 
of the Ranas of Mewar, from whom Sivaji was descended,* quoting 

Howorth, Hist, of the Mongols, i. 37 ff.]. A courtier telling Aurangzeb of his 
celestial ancestry, gravely quoting the affair of the mother of the race of 
Timur with the sun, the bigoted monarch coarsely replied, " Mama qahba 
bud," which we will not translate. 

^ Akbar commenced his reign a.d. 1556, and had been forty years on the 
throne when the ' Institutes ' were composed by the x4bu-l Fazl. [The 
translation of Gladwin in the original text has been replaced by that of 
Jarrett, Ain, ii. 268.] 

2 Orme [Historical Fragments, Notes, p. xxii] was acquainted with this 
passage, and shows his knowledge of the Hindu character by observing 
that it was a strange pedigree to assign a Hindu prince, for Khusru, of the 
religion of Zoroaster, though compelled to many abstinences, was not re- 
strained from eating beef : and Anquetil du Perron says of the Parsis, their 
descendants, that they have refrained since their emigration from slaying 
the cow merely to please the Hindu. 

^ The cryptographic da,te is contained in the numerical value of the letters 
which compose the title : 
B. S. A. T. a. 1. G. N. A. E. M. ^ ^\^^^ *°*'^^ ^^ ""^^ ^l^J, either the 
2. 60. 1. 9. 1. 9. 1000. 50. 1. 10. 40. 1 "^^^^ '' ^^T^' "'^ ^ Efficient value 

I given to the numerals. 

* WiLford, who by his indefatigable research and knowledge of Sanskrit 
had accumulated extensive materials, unhappily deteriorated by a too 
credulous imagination, yet containing much valuable matter available to 
those sufficiently familiar with the subject to select with safety, has touched 
on this, and almost on every other point in the circle of Hindu antiquities. 


at length the Maasiru-l-Umara, from which the following is a 
literal translation : " It is well known that the Rajas of Udaipur 
are exalted over all the princes of Hind. Other Hindu princes, 
before they can succeed to the throne of their fathers, must 
receive the khushka, or tilak of regality and investiture, from 
them. This type of sovereignty is received with humility and 
veneration. The khushka of these princes is made with human 
blood : their title is Rana, and they deduce [236] their origin 
from Noshirwan-i-Adil (i.e. the Just), who conquered the countries 

of -,^ and many parts of Hindustan. During his lifetime his 

son Noshizad, whose mother was the daughter of Kaiser of Rum,^ 
quitted the ancient worship and embraced the ' faith ^ of the 
Christians,' and with numerous followers entered Hindustan. 
Thence he marched a great army towards Iran, against his father 
Noshirwan ; who despatched his general, Rambarzin,* with 

Ali Ibrahim, a learned native of Benares, was Wilford's authority for assert- 
ing the Rana's Persian descent, who stated to him that he had seen the 
original history, which was entitled, Origin of the Peishwas from the Ranas 
of Mewar. (Ibrahim must have meant the Satara princes, whose ministers 
were the Peshwas.) From this authority three distinct emigrations of the 
Guebres, or ancient Persians, are recorded, from Persia into Gujarat. The 
first in the time of Abu Bakr, a.d. 631 ; the second on the defeat of Yazde- 
gird, A.D. 651 ; and the tliird when the descendants of Abbas began to prevail, 
A.D. 749. Also that a son of Noshirwan landed near Surat with eighteen 
thousand of his subjects, from Laristan, and were well received by the prince 
of the country. Abu-1 Fazl confirms this account by saying, " the followers 
of Zoroaster, when they fled from Persia, settled in Surat," the contracted 
term for the peninsular of Saurashtra, as well as the city of this name 
[Ai7i, ii. 243]. 

^ The names are obhterated in the original. Ferishta [i. Introd. Ixxix] 
informs us that Ramdeo Rathor, sovereign of Kananj, was made tributary 
by Firoz ' Sassan ' ; and that Partap Chand, who usurped the tlvrone of 
Ramdeo, neglecting to pay this tribute, Noshirwan marched into India to 
recover it, and in his progress siibdued Kabul and the Panjab. From the 
striking coincidence of these original and decisive authorities, we may rest 
assured that they had recourse to ancient records, both of the Guebres and 
the Hindus, for the basis of their histories, which research may yet discover. 

2 Maurice, emperor of Byzantium. [Sykes {Hist, of Persia, ii. 495) calls 
the son of Nushirwan Nushishad, and mentions his rebellion against his 
father. There seems to be no evidence that Nushishad reached India : he 
was slain after he revolted (Malcolm, Hist. Persia, 2nd ed. i. 112 ff.).] 

^ Din-i-Tarsar. See Ebn Haukal, art. ' Serir,' or Russia ; whose king, 
a son of Bahram Chassin, whom he styles a Tersar or Christian, first possessed 
it about the end of the sixth century. 

* The Ve.rames of Western historians [Malcolm, op. cit. i. 113]. 


numerous forces to oppose him. An action ensued, in which 
Noshizad was slain ; but his issue remained in Hindustan, from 
zvhom are descended the Ranas of Udaipur. Nushirwan had a 
wife from the Khakhan ^ of China, by whom he had a son called 
Hormuz, declared heir to the throne shortly before his death. 
As according to the faith of the fire-worshippers - it is not custom- 
ary either to bury or to burn the dead, but to leave the corpse 
exposed to the rays of the sun, so it is said the body of Nushirwan 
has to this day suffered no decay, but is still fresh." 

I now come to the account of Yazd, " the son of Shahriyar, 
the son of Ivhusru Parves, the son of Hormuz, the son of Nush- 

" Yazd was the last king of Ajam. It is well known he fought 
many battles with the IMuhammadans. In the fifteenth year of 
the caliphat, Rustam, son of P^'erokh, a great chief, was slain in 
battle by Saad-bin-wakas, who commanded for Omar, which 
was the death-blow to the fortunes of the house of Sassan : so 
that a remnant of it did not remain in a.h. 31, when Iran was 
seized by the Muhammadans. This battle had lasted four days 
when Rustam Ferokzad was slain by the hand of Hilkal, the son 
of Al Kumna, at Saad's command [237] ; though Firdausi asserts 
by Saad himself. Thirty thousand Muslims were slain, and the 
same number of the men of Ajam. To count the spoils was a 
torment. During this year (the thirty-first), the sixteenth of the 
prophet,* the era of the Hegira was introduced. In a.h. 17 Abu 
Musa of Ashur seized Hormuz, the son of the uncle of Yazdegird, 
whom he sent with Yazdegird's daughter to Imam Husain, and 
another daughter to Abubakr. 

" Thus far have I * extracted from the history of the fire- 
worshippers. He who has a mind to examine these, let him do 
so. The people of the religion of Zardusht have a full knowledge 

^ Khakhan was the title of the kings of Chinese Tartary. It was held 
by the leader of the Huns, who at tliis period held power on the Caspian : 
it was also held by the Urus, Khuzr, Bulgar, Serir, all terms for Russia, 
before its Kaisar was cut down into Tzar, for the original of which, the kings 
of Rome, as of Russia, were indebted to the Sanskrit Kesar, a" lion ' [Lat. 
Caesar] {vide Ibn Haukal, art. ' Khozr '). 

^ Din-i-Majusi ; literally, ' faith of the Magi.' 

* Muhammad, born a.d. 578 ; the Hegira, or flight, a.d. 622. 

* It must be borne in mind that it is the author of tlie Maasiru-l-Umara, 
not the rhymer of Aurungabad, who is speaking. 


of all these events, with their dates ; for the pleasure of their 
lives is the obtaining accounts of antiquity and astronomical 
knowledge, and their books contain information of two and three 
thousand years. It is also told, that when the fortunes of Yazde- 
gird were on the wane, his family dispersed to different regions. 
The second daughter, Shahr Banu, was married to Imam IIusaLn,^ 
who, when he fell a martyr (shahid), an angel carried her to 
heaven. The third daughter, Banu, was seized by a plundering 
Arab and carried into the wilds of Chichik, thirty coss from 
Yazd. Praying to God for deliverance, she instantly disap- 
peared ; and the spot is still held sacred by the Parsis, and named 
' the secret abode of perfect purity.' Hither, on the twenty- 
sixth of the month Bahman, the Parsis yet repair to pass a month 
in pilgrimage, living in huts under indigenous vines skirting the 
rock, out of whose fissures water falls into a fountain below : but 
if the unclean approach the spring, it ceases to flow. 

" Of the eldest daughter of Yazdegird, Maha Banu, the Parsis 
have no accounts ; but the books of Hind give evidence to her 
arrival in that country, and that from her issue is the tribe Sesodia. 
But, at all events, this race is either of the seed of Nushishad, 
the son of Nushirwan, or of that of the daughter of Yazdegird." ^ 

Thus have we adduced, perhaps, all the points of evidence for 
the supposed Persian origin of the Rana's family. The period 
of the invasion of Saurashtra by Nushishad, who mounted the 
throne a.d. 531, corresponds well with the sack of Valabhi, a.d. 
521 [238]. The army he collected in Laristan to depose his father 
might have been from the Parthians, Getae, Huns, and other 
Scythic races then on the Indus, though it is unlikely, with such 
an object in view as the throne of Persia, that he would waste his 
strength in Saurashtra. Khusru Parvez, grandson of Nushirwan 

^ [This is the Persian tradition (Sykes, op. cit. ii. 44).] 
2 For the extract from " The Annals of Princes (Maasiru-l-Umara) " let 
us laud the memory of the rhymer of Aurungabad. An original copy, which 
1 in vain attempted to procure in India, is stated by Sir Wilham Ouseley 
to be in the British Museum. We owe that country a large debt, for we have 
robbed her of all her literary treasures, leaving them to sleep on the shelves 
of our pubhc institutions. [There is no real evidence of the Persian descent 
of the Ranas, and it has/been suggested that the story is based on the fire 
symbols on the coinage found in Kathiawar and Mewar, these, though in the 
main Indo-Scythic, betraying from about sixth century a more direct 
iSassanian influence (BG, i. Part i. 102). At the same time recent discoveries 
indicate Persian influence in N. India.] 


the great, and who assumed this title according to Firdausi, 
married Marian, the daughter of Maurice, the Greek emperor of 
Byzantium. She bore him Shirauah (tlie Siroes of the early 
Christian writers), who slew his father. It is dillicult to separate 
the actions of the two Nushirwans, and still more to say which 
of them merited the epithet of adil, or ' just.' 

According to the ' Tables ' in Moreri,^ Nusliishad, son of Khusru 
the Great, reigned from a.d. 531 to 591. This is opposed to the 
Maasiru-l-Umara, which asserts that he was slain during his 
rebellion. Siroes, son of lOiusru (the second Nushirwan) by liis 
wife Marian, alternately called the friend and foe of the Christians, 
did raise the standard of revolt, and met the fate attributed to 
Nushishad ; on which Yazdegird, his nephew, was proclaimed. 
The crown was intended for Shirauah's yoimger brother, which 
caused the revolt, during which the elder sought refuge in India. 
These revolutions in the Sassanian house were certainly simul- 
taneous with those which occurred in the Rana's, and no barrier 
existed to the political mtercourse at least between the princely 
worshippers of Surya and Mithras. It is, therefore, curious to 
speculate even on the possibility of such a pedigree to a family 
whose ancestry is lost in the mists of time ; and it becomes 
interesting when, from so many authentic sources, we can raise 
testimonies which would furnish, to one even untinctured with 
the love of hypothesis, grounds for giving ancestors to the Ranas 
in Maurice of Byzantium and Cyrus (Khusru) of Persia [239]. We 
have a singular support to these historic relics in a geographical 
fact, that places on the site of the ancient Valabhi a city called 
Byzantium, which almost affords conclusive proof that it must 
have been the son of Nushirwan who captured Valabhi and Gajni, 
and destroyed the family of Siladitya ; for it would be a legitimate 
occasion to name such conquest after the city where his Christian 
mother had had birth.- Whichever of the propositions we adopt 
at the command of the author of The Annals of Princes, namely, 
" that the Sesodia race is of the seed of Nushishad, son of Nushir- 
wan, or of that of Mahabanu, daughter of Yazdegird," we arrive 
at a singular and startling conclusion, viz. that the ' Hindua 

^ Vide Grand Dictionnaire Historique. 

'^ [Byzantium cannot have been a Greek colony, the name apparently 
representing Vijayanta, now Vijayadurga, the southern entrance of the 
Vaghotan River in Katnagiri (McCrindle, I'lolcmy, 47 ; BG, i. Part ii. 174 f.).] 


Suraj, descendant of a hundred kings,' the luidisputed possessor 
of the honours of Rama, the patriarch of the Solar race, is the 
issue of a Christian princess : that the chief prince amongst the 
nations of Hind can claim affinity with the emperors of ' the 
mistress of the world,' though at a tunc when her. glory had 
waned, and her crown had been transferred from the Tiber to the 

But though I deem it morally impossible that the Ranas should 
have their lineage from any male branch of the Persian house, I 
would not equally assert that Mahabanu, the fugitive daughter 
of Yazdegird, may not have foimd a husband, as well as sanctuary, 
with the prince of Saurashtra ; and she may be the Subhagna 
(mother of Siladitya), whose mysterious amour with the ' sun ' ^ 
compelled her to abandon her native city of Kaira. The son of 
Marian had been in Saurashtra, and it is therefore not unlikely 
that her grandchild should there seek protection in the reverses 
of her family. 

The Salic law is here in full force, and honours, though never 
acquired by the female, may be stained by her ; yet a daughter 
of the noble house of Sassan might be permitted to perpetuate 
the line of Rama without the reproach of taint.^ 

We shall now^ abandon this point to the reader, and take leave 

^ It will be recollected that the various authorities given state Raja 
Suraj (su7i), of Kakustha race, to be the father of Siladitya. Kakustha is a 
term used synonymously with Suryavansa, according to the Solar genea- 
logists. Those who may be inchned to the Persian descent may trace it from 
Kaikaus, a well-known epithet in the Persian dynasties. I am unacquainted 
with the etymology of Kakustha ; but it may possibly be from ka, ' of or 
belonging to,' Kusa (Cush), the second son of Rama [?]. I have already 
hinted that the Assyrian Medes might be descendants of Hyaspa, a branch 
of the Indu-Mede of the family of Yayati which bore the name of Kausika. 
[The reference in the text may be to Kakutstha, grandson of Ikshwaku, 
who is said to have taken his name because he stood on the hump (Kukuda) 
of Indra when he was turned into a bull (Wilson, Vishna Purana, 361).] 

^ " The moral consequence of a pedigree," says Hume, " is differently 
marked by the influence of law and custom. The male sex is deemed more 
noble than the female. The association of our ideas pursues the regular 
descent of honour and estates from father to son, and their wives, however 
essential, are considered only in the light of foreign auxiharies " {Essays, 
vol. ii. p. 192). Not unlike the Rajput axiom, though more coarsely ex- 
pressed ; " It is, who planted the tree, not where did it grow," that marks 
his idea of the comparative value of the side whence honours originate ; 
though purity of blood in both hnes is essential. 


of Yazdegird/ the last of the house of Sassan, in the words of the 
historian of Rome : " Avec lui, on voit perir pour jamais la gloire 
et I'empire des Perses. Les rochers du Mazendaran et les sables 
du Kerman, furent les seuls - asiles que les vainqueurs laisserent 
aux sectateurs de Zoroastre "' ' [240]. 


Samarsi, Samar Singh.— Having established Bappa on the throne 
of Chitor S. 784 (a.d. 728), we will proceed to glean from the annals, 
from the period of his departure for Iran, S. 820 (a.d. 764) to 
another halting point— the reign of Samarsi, S. 1249 (a.d. 1193) ; * 
an important epoch, not only in the history of Mewar, but to the 
whole Hindu race ; when the diadem of sovereignty was torn 
from the brow of the Hindu to adorn that of the Tatar. We 
shall not, however, overleap the four intervening centuries, though 
we may not be able to fill up the reigns of the eighteen princes * 
whose " banner at this time was a golden sun on a crimson field," * 
and several of whose names yet live recorded " with an iron pen 
on the rock " of their native abodes. 

An intermediate period, from Bappa to Samarsi, that of Sakti 
Kumar, is fixed by the Aitpur inscription in S. 1024 (a.d. 968) ; 

^ A new era had commenced, not of Yazdegird's accession, as is sup- 
posed, wliich would have been vain indeed, when the throne was tottering 
under him, but consequent to the completion of the grand cycle of 1440 
years. He was slain at Merv in a.d. 651, the 31st of the Hegira; on the 
eleventh year of which, or a.d. 632 (according to Moreri), he commenced his 

^ Gibbon was wrong. India afforded them an asylum, and their issue 
constitutes the most wealthy, the most respected, and the most enhghtened 
part of the native community of Bombay and the chief towns of that presid- 

^ Gibbon, Miscellaneous Works, ' Sur la Monarchic des Medes,' vol. iii. 

* [" We now know that Samar Singh was alive up to 1299, only four 
years before Alau-d-dln's siege of Chitor, and that in several inscriptions 
his dates are given as 1273, 1274, 1285, etc. . . . Instead of being the father 
of Karan Singh I., as stated by Tod, Samar Singh came eight genei-ations 
after him, and was the father of Ratan Singh I., who, according to Muham- 
madan historians, was the ruler of Chitor during the reign of Alau-d-dln, 
and the husband of Padmini " (Erskine ii. A. 14 f.)] 

^ See Genealogical Table. 

^ This, according to the roll, was the standard of Bappa. 


and from the more perishable yet excellent authority of an ancient 
Jain MS. the era of Allat, the ancestor of Sakti Kumar, was S. 922 
(a.d. 866), four generations anterior. From Bappa's departure 
for Iran, in a.d. 764, to the subversion of Hindu dominion in the 
reign of Samarsi, in a.d. 1193, we find recorded an intermediate 
Islamite invasion. This was during the reign of Khuman, 
between a.d. 812 and 836, which event forms the chief subject 
of the Khuman-Raesa, the most ancient of the poetic chronicles 
of Mewar [241]. 

As the history of India at this period is totally dark, we gladly 
take advantage of the lights thus afforded. By combining these 
facts with what is received as authentic, though scarcely less 
obscure or more exact than these native legends, we may furnish 
materials for the future historian. With this view, let us take 
a rapid sketch of the irruptions of the Arabians into India, from 
the rise of Islamism to the foundation of the Ghaznivid empire, 
which sealed the fate of the Hindus. The materials are but 
scanty. El-Makin, in his history of the Cahphs, passes over 
such intercourse almost without notice. Abu-1-Fazl, though not 
diffuse, is minute in what he does say, and we can confide in his 
veracity. Ferishta has a chapter devoted to this subject, which 
merits a better translation than yet exists.^ We shall, however, 
in the first place, touch on Bappa's descendants, till we arrive at 
the point proper for the introduction of the intended sketch. 

Of the twenty-four tribes of Guhilot, several issued from the 
founder, Bappa. Shortly after the conquest of Chitor, Bappa pro- 
ceeded to Saurashtra and married the daughter of Yusufgol, 
prince of the island of Bandardiva.^ With his bride he conveyed 

^ Amongst the passages which Dow [i. 37] has slurred over in his trans- 
lation is the interesting account of the origin of the Afghans ; who, when 
they first came in contact with those of the new faith, in a.h. 62, dwelt 
around the Koh-i-Sulaiman. Ferishta, quoting authority, says : " The 
Afghans were Copts, ruled by Pharaun, many of whom were converted to 
the laws and rehgion of Moses ; but others, who were stubborn in their 
worship to their gods, fled towards Hindustan, and took possession of the 
country adjoining the Koh-i-Sulaiman. They were visited by Kasim from 
Sind, and in the 143rd year of the Hegira had possessed themselves of the 
provinces of Kirman, Peshawar, and all within their bounds {si?ioran)," 
which Dow has converted into a province. The whole geographical descrip- 
tion of the Kohistan, the etymology of the term Rohilla, and other important 
matter, is omitted by him [see Briggs, trans, i. 6 f.]. 

* [The island Diu.] Yusufgol is stated to have held Chaul on the main- 

KHUMAN I. 283 

to Chitor the statue of Vyanmata, the tutelary goddess of her 
race, who still divides with Eklinga the devotion of the Guhilot 
princes. The temple in which he enshrined this islandic goddess 
yet stands on the summit of Chitor, with many other monuments 
assigned by tradition to Bappa. This princess bore him Aparajit, 
who from bemg born in Chitor was nominated successor to the 
throne, to the exclusion of his less fortunate elder brother, Asil 
(born of the daughter of the Kaba (Pramara) prince of Kalibao near 
Dwaraka), who, however, obtained possessions in Saurashtra, and 
founded a race called the Asila Guhilots,^ whose descendants were 
so numerous, even in Akbar's reign, as to [242] be supposed able to 
bring into the field fifty thousand men at arms. We have nothing 
important to record of the actions of Aparajit, who had two sons 
Kalbhoj - and Nandkumar. Kalbhoj succeeded Aparajit, and 
his warlike qualities are extolled in an inscription discovered 
by the author in the valley of Nagda. Nandkumar slew Bhimsen 
Dor (Doda), and possessed himself of Deogarh in the Deccan. 

Khuman I. — Ivhuman succeeded Kalbhoj . His name is remark- 
able in the history of Mewar. He came to the throne at the 

land. He was most probably the father of Vanaraja Chawara, the founder 
of Patan Anhilwara, whose ancestors, on the authority of the Kumarpal 
Charitra, were princes of Bandardiva, held by the Portuguese since the 
time of Albuquerque, who changed its name to Deo. [But Yusufgol, if he 
existed, must have been a Musahnan. Vanaraja Chawara was son of 
Jayasekhara, said to have been slain in battle, a.d. 696, leaving his wife 
pregnant (BG, i. Part i. 150 f.). Yusufgol does not appear in the local 

^ The ancient roll from which this is taken mentions Asil giving his name 
to a fortress, called Asilgarh. His son, Bijai Pal, was slain in attempting to 
wrest Khambayat (Cambay) from Sangram Dabhi. One of his wives, from 
a violent death, was prematurely deUvered of a boy, called Setu ; and as, 
in such cases, the Hindu supposes the deceased to become a discontented 
spirit {churail), Churaila became the name of the tribe. Bija, the twelfth 
from Asil, obtained Sonal from liis maternal uncle, Khengar Dabhi, prince 
of Girnar, but was slain by Jai Singh Deo, prince of Surat. From these 
names compounded, Dabi and Churaila, we may have the Dabisalima of 
Mahmud. [The Asil Guhilots are now included in the Mers of the Kathiawar 
coast ; their numbers are exaggerated in the text (Ain, ii. 247 ; BG, ix. 
Parti. 126).] [See p. 266 above.] 

^ Also called Kama. He it was who excavated the Boraila lake, and 
erected the grand temple of EkUnga on the site of the hermitage of 
Harita, v/hose descendant, the present officiating priest, reckons sixty- 
six descents, while the princes of Mewar amount to seventy-two in the same 


beginning of the ninth century, when Chitor was assailed by 
another formidable invasion of Muhammadans. The chief object 
of the Khuman Raesa is to celebrate the defence made on this 
occasion, and the value of this Raesa consists in the catalogue of 
the princes who aided in defending this bulwark of the Hindu 
faith. The bard, in an animated strain, makes his sovereign on 
this occasion successfully defend the ' crimson standard ' of 
Mewar, treat with contempt the demand for tribute, and after 
a violent assault, in which the ' barbarian ' is driven back, follow 
and discomfit him in the plan, carrying back the hostile leader, 
Mahmud, captive. With this event, which introduces the name 
of Mahmud two centuries before the conqueror of Ghazni, we will 
pause, and resume the promised sketch of the intercourse of Arabia 
and Hindustan at this period. 

The MuhammadaA Invasion, a.d. 644-55. — The first intimation 
of the Moslems attempting the invasion of India is during the 
caliphat of Omar, who built the port of Bassorah at the mouth of 
the Tigris, chiefly to secure the trade of Gujarat and Sind ; into 
which latter coimtry a powerful army penetrated under Abul 
Aas,^ who was killed in battle at Aror. The Caliph Osman, 
who succeeded Omar, sent to explore the state of India, while 
he prepared an army to invade it in person : a design which he 
never fulfilled. The generals of the Caliph Ali made conquests 
in Sind, which they abandoned at All's death. While Yazid was 
governor of Khorasan several attempts were made on India, as 
also during the caliphat of Abdu-1 Malik, but without any last- 
ing [243] results. It was not till the reign of Walid '^ that any 
successful invasion took place. He not only finally conquered 
Sind and the adjoining continent of India, but rendered tributary 
all that part of India on this side the Ganges.^ What an exalted 
idea must we not form of the energy and rapidity of such con- 
quests, when we find the arms of Islam at once on the Ganges 
and the Ebro, and two regal dynasties simultaneously cut off, 
that of Roderic, the last of the Goths of Andaloos, and Dahir 
Despati in the valley of the Indus. It was in a.h. 99 (a.d. 712, 
S. 774) that Muhammad bin Kasim vanquished and slew Dahir, 

^ [Ferishta (i. 2) calls him Sayyid bin Abiu-1-Aas.] 
" See Table next page. 

' Marigny (quoting EI-Makin), Hist, of the Arabians, vol. ii. p. 283 ; 
Mod. Univ. Hint. vol. ii. p. 47. 

03 ^ 

c3 a 

.^ 00 g 

IS o 

C^ QJ 

do S 
g ° d 

"CO P 

o « to £ 
-J oD fl o-H 

4J -g — i^ i3 o 
* So o« . 

?S-H m c« B 

+3 (D CO - " U 

5j rl a 5^ o 
cS oQ o_, 'i d, 

,^ a3T3 d,a 
-tJ -w OJ « cS cS 

.2 5 « d '^ d o a 


02 ;::; 

w ; 'B >» 



h do.) 



fq P s 


&< d fe 

"•-l -d '^ 

O o3o 

« -^^ 

S !B 

& 2 



8 «^a 

o ^ o 





& CO 


S g 











o o 



o " d 


d d-i? 
o o'd 

. sa 

03 *« 
t> > O 

' d 

d d 



'5 -73 

•-S d 



prince of Sind, after numerous conflicts. Amongst the spoils 
of victory sent to the c^|j^h on this occasion were the daughters 
of the subjugated monarch, who were the cause of Kasim's de- 
struction,^ when he was on the eve of earrjdng the war against 
Raja [244] Harchand of Kanauj. Some authorities state that 
he actually prosecuted it ; and as Sind remained a dependency 
of the caliphat during several successive reigns, the successor of 
Kasim may have executed his plans. Little is said of India from 
this period to the reign of Al-Mansur, except in regard to the 
rebellion of Yazid in Khorasan, and the flight of his son to Sind. 
The eight sovereigns, who rapidly followed, were too much engaged 
with the Christians of the west and the Huns on the Caspian to 
think of India. Their armies were then in the heart of France, 
which was only saved from the Koran by their overthrow at 
Tours by Charles Martel. 

Al-Mansur, when only the lieutenant of the Caliph Abbas, held 
the government of Sind and of India, and made the island of 
Bakhar on the Indus, and the adjacent Aror,^ the ancient capital, 
his residence, naming it Mansura ; and it was during his govern- 
ment that Bappa Rawal abandoned Chitor for Iran. 

The celebrated Harunu-r-rashid, contemporary of Charle- 
magne, in apportioning his immense empire amongst his sons, 
gave to the second, Al-Mamun, Khorasan, Zabulistan, Kabulistan, 
Sind, and Hindustan.^ Al-Mamun, on the death of Ilarun, de- 
posed his brother, and became caliph in A.ii. 198 or a.d. 813, and 
ruled to 833, the exact period of the reign of Khuman, prince of 
Chitor. The domestic history brings the enemy assailant of 
Chitor from Zabulistan ; and as the leader's name is given 
Mahmud Khorasan Pat, there can be little doubt that it is an 
error arising from ignorance of the copyist, and should be 

^ " The two young princesses, in order to revenge the death of their 
father, represented falsely to the Khahf that Muhammad bin Kasim had 
been connected with them. The Khalif , in a rage, gave order for Muhammad 
bin Kasim to be sewed up in a raw hide, and sent in that condition to court. 
When the mandate arrived at Tatta, Kasim was prepared to carry an ex- 
pedition against Harchand, monarch of Kanauj. When he arrived at court, 
the Khalif showed him to the daughters of Dahir, who expressed their joy 
upon beholding their father's murderer in'such a condition " [Ain/ii. 345 ; 
Elliot-Dowson i. 209 f.]. 

^ Aror is seven miles east of Bakhar. 

^ Marigny, vol. iii. p. 83 ; Univ. Hist. vol. ii. p. 162. 

MATIMCD'S invasion, attack on CIIITOR 287 

Mahmud's Invasion. — Witliin twenty years after this event, 
the sword of conquest and conversion was withdrawn from India, 
and Sind was the only province left to Mutawakkil (a.d. 850 [847- 
861]), the grandson of Harun, for a century after whom the throne 
of Baghdad, like that of ancient Rome, was sold by her jiraetorians 
to the highest bidder. From this time we find no mention what- 
ever of Hindustan, or even of Sind, imtil Sabuktigin,^ governor 
of Khorasan, hoisted the standard of independent sovereignty 
at Ghazni. In A.n. 365 (a.d. 974) he carried his arms [245] across 
the Indus, forcing the inhabitants to abandon the religion of their 
ancestors, and to read the Koran from the altars of Bal and 
Krishna. Towards the close of this century he made his last 
invasion, accompanied by his son, the celebrated Mahmud, 
destined to be the scourge of the Hindu race, who early imbibed 
the paternal lesson inculcating the extirpation of infidels. Twelve 
several visitations did Mahmud make with his Tatar hordes, 
sweeping India of her riches, destroying her temples and archi- 
tectural remains, and leaving the coimtrj^ phmged in poverty 
and ignorance. From the effect of these incursions she never 
recovered ; for though she had a respite of a century between 
Mahmud and the final conquest, it was too short to repair what 
it had cost ages to rear : the temples of Somnath, of Chitor, and 
Girnar are but types of the magnificence of past times. The 
memorial of Sakti Kumar proves him to have been the contem- 
porary of Sabuktigin, and to one of his son's visitations is attri- 
buted the destruction of the ' city of the sun ' (Aitpur),^ his 

Attack on Chitor. — Having thus condensed the little informa- 
tion afforded by Muhammadan historians of the connexion 
between the caliphs of Baghdad and princes of Hind, from the 
first to the end of the fourth century of the Hegira, we shall revert 
to the first recorded attack on the Mori prince of Chitor, which 
brought Bappa into notice. This was either by Yazid or Muham- 
mad bin Kasim from Sind.' Though in the histories of the 
caliphs we can only expect to find recorded those expeditions 

^ His father's name was Aliptigin, termed a slave by Ferishta and his 
authorities ; though EI-Makin gives him an ancestor in Yazdegird. [He 
was a slave (Elliot-Dowson iv. 159).] 

* Ait, contracted from Aditya : hence Itwar, ' Sunday.' 

' [This is not corroborated by Musulraan authorities.] 


which were successful, or had some lasting results, there are 
inroads of their revolted lieutenants or their frontier deputies, 
which frequently, though indistinctly, alluded to in Hindu annals, 
have no place in Muhammadan records. Throughout the period 
mentioned there was a stir amongst the Hindu nations, in which 
we find confusion and dethronement from an unknown invader, 
who is described as coming sometimes by Sind, sometimes by sea, 
and not unfrequently as a demon and magician ; but invariably 
as mlechchha, or ' barbarian.' ^ From S. 750 to S. 780 (a.d. 694 
to [246] 724), the annals of the Yadus, the Chauhans, the Chawaras , 
and the Guhilots, bear evidence to simultaneous convulsions in 
their respective houses at this period. In S. 750 (a.h. 75) the 
Yadu Bhatti was driven from his capital Salpura in the Panjab, 
across the Sutlej into the Indian desert ; the invader named 
Farid. At the same period Manika Rae, the Chauhan prince of 
Ajmer, was assailed and slain.^ 

^ Even from the puerilities of Hindu legends something may be extracted. 
A mendicant dervesh, called Roshan All {i.e. the ' light of All '), had found 
his way to Garh Bitli (the ancient name of the Ajmer fortress), and having 
thrust his hand into a vessel of curds destined for the Raja, had his finger 
cut off. The disjointed member flew to Mecca, and was recognized as 
belonging to the saint. An army was equipped in the disguise of horse- 
merchants, which invaded Ajmer, whose prince was slain. May we not 
gather from this incident that an insult to the first Islamite missionary, 
in the person of Roshan Ah, brought upon the prince the arms of the Cahph ? 
The same Chauhan legends state that Ajaipal was prince of Ajmer at this 
time ; that in this invasion by sea he hastened to Anjar (on the coast of 
Cutch), where he held the ' guard of the ocean ' {Samudra lei Chaulci), where 
he fell in opposing the landing. An altar was erected on the spot, on 
wliich was sculptured the figure of the prince on horseback, with his lance 
at rest, and which still annually attracts multitudes at the ' fair (Mela) of 
Ajaipal.' The subsequent invasion alluded to in the text, of S. 750 (a.d. 
694), is marked by a curious anecdote. When the ' Asurs ' had blockaded 
Ajmer, Lot, the infant son of Manika Rae, was playing on the battlements, 
when an arrow from the foe killed the heir of Ajmer, who has ever since 
been worshipped amongst the lares and penates of the Chauhans ; and as 
he had on a silver chain anklet at the time, this ornament is forbid to the 
children of the race. In all these Rajput families there is a putra {adolesceyis) 
amongst the penates, always one who has come to an untimely end, and 
chiefly worshipped by females ; having a strong resemblance to the rites 
in honour of Adonis. We have traced several Roman and Grecian terms 
to Sanskrit origin ; may we add that of lares, from larla, ' dear ' or 
' beloved '?[?]. 

- [The story is " puerile and fictitious : independent of which the Arabs 
liad quite enough to do nearer home " (Elliot-Dowson i. 426).] 


The Muster of the Clans. — ^The first of the Khichi princes who 
occupied the Duab of Sindsagar in the Panjab, as well as the 
ancestor of the Haras estabhshed in Golkonda, was expelled at the 
same time. The invader is treated in the genuine Hindu style as a 
Danava, or demon, and is named Ghairaram ^ (i.e. restless), from 
Kujliban,^ a term geographically given to a portion of the 
Himalaya mountains about the glaciers of the Ganges. The 
ancestor of the founder of Patan was expelled from his petty 
islandic dominion on the coast of Saurashtra at the same time. 
This is the period when Yazid was the caliph's lieutenant in 
Khorasan, and when the arms of Walid conquered to the Ganges ; 
nor is there a doubt that Yazid or Kasim was the author of all 
these revolutions in the Hindu dynasties. We are supported in 
this by the names of the princes contained in the catalogue who 
aided to defend Chitor and the Mori prince on this occasion. It 
is evident that Chitor was, alternately with Ujjain, the seat of 
sovereignty of the Pramara at this period, and, as it became the 
rallying point of the Hindus, that this race was the first in con- 
sequence.^ We find the prince of Ajmer, and the quotas of 

^ [Persian : not a likely name.] 

^ Signifying ' Elephant forests,' and described in a Hindu map (stamped 
on cloth and painted) of India from Kujiiban to Lanka, and the provinces 
west of the Indus to Calcutta ; presented by me to the Royal Asiatic Society. 

* The list of the vassal princes at the court of the Mori confirms the 
statement of the bard Ohand, of the supremacy of Ram Pramara, and the 
partition of his dominion, as described (see p. 63, note) amongst the princes 
who founded separate dynasties at this period ; hitherto in vassalage or 
subordinate to the Pramara. We can scarcely suppose the fauiily to have 
suffered any decay since their ancestor, Chandragupta, connected by 
marriage with as well as the ally of the Grecian Seleucus, and who held 
Greeks in his pay. From such connexion, the arts of sculpture and archi- 
tecture may have derived a character hitherto unnoticed. Amidst the ruins 
of Barolli are seen sculptured the Grecian helmet ; and the elegant ornament, 
the Kumbha, or ' vessel of desire,' on the temple of Annapurna (i.e. ' giver 
of food '), the Hindu Ceres, has much affinity to the Grecian device. From 
the inscription (see No. 2) it is evident that Chitor was an appanage of Ujjain, 
the seat of Pramar empire. Its monarch, Chandragupta (Mori [Maurya]), 
degraded into the barber (Maurya) tribe, was the descendant of Srenika, 
prince of Rajagriha, v/ho, according to the Jain work, Kalpadruma Kalka, 
flourished in the year 477 before Vikramaditya, and from whom Chandra- 
gupta was the thirteenth in descent. The names as follows : Kanika, 
Udsen, and nine in succession of the name of Nanda, thence called the 
Nau-nanda. These, at twenty-two years to a reign (see p. 64), would give 
286 years, which— 477 = 191 s.v. + 56 = 247 a.c. Now it was in a.c. 260, 


Saurashtra and Gujarat [247] ; Angatsi, lord of the Huns ; Busa, 
the lord of the North ; Sheo, the prince of the Jarejas ; the Johya, 
lord of Jangaldes ; the Aswaria, the Sepat, the Kulhar, the Malan, 
the Ohir, the Hul, and many others, having nothing of the Hindu 
in name, now extinct. But the most conspicuous is ' Dahir 
Despati from Debal.' This is erroneously written Delhi, the seat 
of the Tuars ; whereas we recognize the name of the prince of 
Sind, slain by Kasim, whose expatriated son doubtless found 
refuge in Chit or. ^ 

The Defeat of the Enemy, — This attack on the Mori prince was 
defeated chiefly through the bravery of the youthful Guhilot. 
The foe from Kujliban, though stated to have advanced by 
Mathura, retreated by Saurashtra and Sind, pursued by Bappa. 
He found the ancient seat of his ancestors, Gajni,^ still in the 
possession of the ' Asur ' : a term as well as mlechchha, or ' bar- 
barian,' always given to the Islamite at this period. Salim, who 
held Gajni, was attacked and forced to surrender, and Bappa in- 
according to Bayer, that the treaty was formed between Seleucus and 
Chandragupta ; so that this scrap of Jain history may be regarded as 
authentic and valuable. Asoka (a name of weight in Jain annals) succeeded 
Chandragupta. He by Kunala, whose son was Samprati, with whose 
name ends the hne of Srenika, according to the authority from which I 
made the extract. The name of Samprati is well known from Ajnier to 
Saurashtra, and his era is given in a valuable chronogrammatic catalogue 
in an ancient Jain manuscript from the temple of Nadol, at 202 of the Virat 
Samvat. He is mentioned both traditionally and by books as the great 
supporter of the Jain faith, and the remains of temples dedicated to Mahavira, 
erected by this prince, yet exist at, on Abu, Kumbhalmer, and Girnar. 
[Much of this needs correction, which cannot be done in the hmits of a note. 
For the Nanda dynasty see Smith, EHI, 40, and for Chandragupta Maurya 
and Asoka, 115 ff.] 

^ [This and the second catalogue are fictions. They conflict with the 
conditions then existing in Gujarat, and such motley arrays are a favourite 
bardic theme (Forbes, Easmala, 31, note ; A8R, ii. 379).] 

^ It has already been stated that the ancient name of Cambay was Gaini 
or Gajni, whose ruins are three miles from the present city [see p. 254 
above]. There is also a Gajni on the estuary of the Mahi, and Abu-1 Fazl 
incidentally mentions a Gajnagar as one of the most important fortresses 
of Gujarat, belonging to Ahmad Shah; in attempting to obtain which by 
stratagem, his antagonist, Hoshang, king of Malwa, was made prisoner. 
I am unaware of the site of tliis place, though there are remains of an exten- 
sive fortress near the capital, founded by Ahmad, and which preserves no 
name. It may be the ancient Gajnagar. [The Author confuses the place 
in Gujarat with Jajnagar or Jajpur in Orissa, captured through a stratagem 
by Hoshang {Ain, ii. 219 ; Ferishta iv. 178 ; BG, i. Part i. 359).] 


ducted into this stronghold of his ancestors a nephew of his own. 
It is no less singular than honourable to their veracity that the 
annals should record the fact, so contrary to their religion, of 
Bappa having married the daughter of the conquered Salim ; and 
we have a right to infer that it was from the influence acquired 
by this union tliat he ultimately abandoned the sovereignty of 
Mewar and the title of ' Hindua Suraj ' to become the founder of 
the ' one hundred and thirty tribes of Naushahra [248] Pathans ' 
of the west. It is fair to conclude from all these notices regarding 
the founder of the Guhilot race in Chitor that he must have 
abjured his faith for that of Islam ; and it is probable (though 
the surmise must ever remain unproved) that, under some new 
title applicable to such change, we may have, in one of the early 
distinguished leaders of ' the Faith,' the ancestor of the Guhilots. 

Khuman II. — Let us now proceed to the next irruption of the 
Islamite invaders in the reign of Khuman, from a.d. 812 to 836. 
Though the leader of this attack is styled ' Mahmud Khorasan 
Pat,' it is evident from the catalogue of Hindu princes who came 
to defend Chitor that this ' lord of Khorasan ' was at least two 
centuries before the son of Sabuktigin ; and as the period is in 
perfect accordance with the partition of the caliphat by Harun 
amongst his sons, we can have no hesitation in assigning such 
invasion to Mamun, to whose share was allotted Khorasan, 
Sind, and the Indian dependencies. The records of this period 
are too scanty to admit of our passing over in silence even a 
barren catalogue of names, which, as texts, with the aid of col- 
lateral information, may prove of some benefit to the future 
antiquarian and historian. 

" From Gajni came the Guhilot ; the Tak from Asir ; from 
Narlai the Chauhan ; the Chalukj- a from Rahargarh ; from Setu- 
bandlia the Jarkhera ; from ftlandor the Khairavi ; from Mangrol 
the Makwahana ; from Jethgarh the Joria ; from Taragarh the 
Rewar ; the Kachhwaha from Narwar ; from Sanchor the 
Kalam ; from Junagarh the Dasanoh ; from Ajmer the Gaur ; 
from Lohadargarh the Chandano ; from Dasaundi the Dor ; from 
Delhi the Tuar ; from Patau the Chawara, preserver of royalty 
(Rajdhar) ; from Jalor the Sonigira ; from Sirohi the Deora ; 
from Gagraun the Khichi ; the Jadon from Junagarh ; the Jhala 
from Patri ; from Kanauj the Rathor ; from Chotiala the Bala ; 
from Piramgarh the Gohil ; from Jaisalgarh the Bhatti ; the 


Busa from Lahore ; the Sankhla from Roneja ; the Sehat from 
Kherligarh ; from Mandalgarh the Nikumbha ; the BargUjar 
from Raj or ; from Karangarh the Chandel ; from Sikar the 
Sikarwal ; from Umargarh the Jethwa ; from Pali the Bargota ; 
from Khantargarh the Jareja ; from Jirga the Kherwar ; from 
Kashmir the Parihara." 

Of the Guhilot from Gajni we have said enough ; nor shall we 
comment on the Tak, or his capital, Asir, which now belongs to 
the British Government. The Chauhan, who came from Narlai, 
was a celebrated branch of the Ajmer [249] house, and claims the 
honour of being the parent of the Sonigiras of Jalor and the 
Deoras of Sirohi. Nadol is mentioned by Ferishta as falling a 
prey to one of Mahmud's invasions, who destroyed its ancient 
temples ; but from erroneous punctuation it is lost in the trans- 
lation as Bazule.^ Of Rahargarh and the Jarkhera from Setu- 
bandha (on the Malabar coast) nothing is known." Of the Khairavi 
from Mandor we can only say that it appears to be a branch of the 
Pramaras (who reckoned Mandor one of the nine strongholds, 
' Nau-kot,^ under its dominion), established anterior to the Pari- 
haras, who at this period had sovereignty in Kashmir. Both the 
Dor and his capital, Dasaundi, are described in ancient books as 
situated on the Ganges below Kanauj. 

It is a subject of regret that the annals do not mention the 
name of the Tuar prince of Delhi, which city could not have been 
refounded above a century when this call was made upon its aid . 
Abu-1 Fazl, Ferishta, their translators, and those who have fol- 
lowed them have been corrected by the Edinburgh Review, whose 
critical judgment on this portion of ancient history is eminently 
good. I possess the original Hindu record used by Abu-1 Fazl, 
which gives S. 829 for the first Anangpal instead of S. 429 ; and 

^ I presented to the Royal Asiatic Society two inscriptions from Nadol, 
one dated S. 1024, the other 1039. They are of Prince Lakha, and state 
as instances of his power that he collected the transit duties at the further 
barrier of Patau, and levied tribute from the prince of Chitor. He was 
the contemporary of Mahmud, who devastated Nadol. I also discovered 
inscriptions of the tweKth century relative to this celebrated Chauhan family, 
in passing from Udaipur to Jodhpur. [Dow (i. 170) writes " Tilli and 
Buzule " ; Briggs (i. 196) has " Baly and Nadole " ; Elliot-Dowson (ii. 229) 
writes " Pali and Nandul," the differences being due to misreading of the 
Arabic script.] 

^ [Setubandha is the causeway made by Rama to Lanka or Ceylon 
{10 1, V. 81).] 


as there were but nineteen princes who intervened untU his dynasty 
was set aside by the Chauhan, it requires no argument to support 
the foiir instead of eight centuries. The former will give the just 
average of twenty-one years to a reign. The name of Anangpal 
was titular in the family, and the epithet was applied to the last 
as to the first of the race. 

The name of the Chawara prince of Patan (Anhilwara) being 
recorded amongst the auxiliaries of Khuman, is another satis- 
factory proof of the antiquity of this invasion ; for this dynasty 
was extinct, and succeeded by the Solankis, in S. 998 (a.d. 942), 
fifty years prior to Mahmud of Ghazni, who captured Patan 
during the reign of Chawand, the second Solanki prince.^ 

The Sonigira, who came from Jalor, is a celebrated branch of 
the Chauhan race, but we are ignorant of the extent of tune that 
it held this fortress : and as nothing can invalidate the testimonies 
afforded by the names. of the Chawara of [250] Patan, the Kaclih- 
waha of Narwar, the Tuar of Delhi, and the Rathor from Kanauj, 
there can be no hesitation at pointing out the anachronisms of 
the chronicle, which states the Deora from Sirohi, the Khichi 
from Gagraun, or the Bhatti from Jaisalgarh, amongst the levies 
on this occasion ; and which we must affirm to be decided inter- 
polations, the two first being at that period in possession of the 
Pramara, and the latter not erected for three centuries later. 
That the Deoras, the Khichis, and the Bhattis came to the aid 
of KJiuman, we cannot doubt ; but the copyist, ignorant even of 
the nanaes of the ancient capitals of these tribes, Chhotan, Sind- 
sagar, and Tanot, substituted those which they subsequently 

The Jadon (Yadu) from Junagarh (Girnar) was of the race of 
Krishna, and appeared long to have held possession of this terri- 
tory ; and the names of the Khcngars, of this tribe, will remain 
as long as the stupendous monuments they reared on this sacred 
hill. Besides the Jadon, we find Saurashtra sending forth the 
Jhalas, the Balas, and the Gohils to the aid of the descendant of 
the lord of Valabhipura, whose paramount authority they once 
all acknowledged, and who appeared to have long maintained 
influence in that distant region. 

Of the tribe of Busa, who left their capital, Lahore, to succour 

^ [Chamunda reigned a.d. 997-1010 ; Anhilwara was captured under 
Bhima I. (1022-64).] 


Chitor, we have no mention, further than the name being enumer- 
ated amongst the unassigned tribes of Rajputs.^ Ferishta fre- 
quently notices the princes of Lahore in the early progress of 
Islamism, though he does not tell us the name of the tribe. In the 
reign of the caliph Al-Mansur, a.h. 143 (a.d. 761), the Afghans of 
Kirman and Peshawar, who, according to this authority, were a 
Coptic colony expelled from Egypt, ^ had increased in such numbers 
as to abandon their residence about the ' hill of Sulaiman,' and 
crossing the Indus, wrested possessions from the Hindu princes 
of Lahore. This frontier warfare with a tribe which, though it 
had certainly not then embraced the faith of Islam, brought to 
their succour the forces of the caliph in Zabulistan, so that in five 
months seventy battles were fought with varied success ; but 
the last, in which the Lahore prince carried his arms to Peshawar,^ 
produced a peace. Hence arose a union of interests between 
them and the hill tribe of Gakkhar, and all the Kohistan west of 
the Indus was ceded to them [251] on the condition of guarding 
this barrier into Hindustan against invasion. For this purpose 
the fortress of Khaibar was erected in the chief pass of the Koh-i- 
Daman. For two centuries after this event Ferishta is silent 
on this frontier warfare, stating that henceforth Hindustan was 
only accessible through Sind. When Aliptigin first crossed the 
Indus, the prince of Lahore and the Afghans still maintained this 
alliance and united to oppose him. Jaipal was then prince of 
Lahore ; and it is on this event that Ferishta, for the first time, 
mentions the tribe of Bhatti,* " at the advice of whose prince 
he conferred the command of the united forces on an Afghan 
chief," to whom he assigned the provinces of Multan and Lam- 
ghan. From this junction of interests the princes of Lahore 
enjoyed comparative security, until Sabuktigin and Mahmud 
compelled the Afghans to serve them : then Lahore was captured. 
The territory dependent upon Lahore, at this period, extended 
from Sirhind to Lamghan, and from Kashmir to Multan. 
Bhatinda divided with Lahore the residence of its princes. Their 
first encounter was at Lingham, on which occasion young Mahmud 
first distinguished himself, and as the historian says, " the eyes 

1 See p. 144. ^ [Ferishta i. 6.] 

* The scene of action was between Peshawar and Kirman, the latter 
lying ninety miles south-west of tlie former. 

* Dow omits this in his translation [see Briggs i. Introd. 9, i. 16]. 


of the heavens were obscured at seeing his deeds." ^ A tributary- 
engagement was the result, which Jaipal soon broke ; and being 
aided by levies from all the princes of Hindustan, marched an 
army of one hundred thousand men against Sabuktigin, and 
was again defeated on the banks of the Indus. He was at length 
invested and taken in Bhatinda by Mahmud, when he put him- 
self to dcath.^ The successors of Jaipal are mentioned merely 
as fugitives, and always distinct from the princes of Delhi. It is 
most probable that they were of the tribe termed Busa in the 
annals of Mewar, i)ossibly a subdivision of another ; though 
Ferishta calls the j^rince of Lahore a Brahman. 

The Sankhla from Roneja. Both tribe and abode are well 
known: it is a subdivision of the Pramara. Harbuji Sankhla 
was the Paladin pf Marwar, in which Roneja was situated. 

The Sehat from Kherligarh was a northern tribe, dwelling 
about the Indus, and though entirely unknown to the modern 
genealogists of India, is frequently mentioned in the early history 
of the Bhattis, when their possessions extended on both sides of 
the Hyphasis. As intermarriages between the Bhattis and Sehats 
are [252] often spoken of, it must have been Rajput. It most 
probably occupied the province of Swat, the Suvat of D'Anville, 
a division of the province of Ashthanagar, where dwelt the Assa- 
kenoi of Alexander ; concerning which this celebrated geographer 
says, " II est mention de Suvat comme d'un canton du pays 
d'Ash-nagar dans la meme geographic turque " {Eel. p. 25). 
The whole of this ground was sacred to the Jadon tribe from the 
most remote antiquity, from Multan, the hills of Jud, to Aswinikot 
(the Tshehin-kote of D'Anville), which, built on the point of con- 
fluence of the Choaspes of the Greeks with the Indus, marks the 
spot where dwelt the Assakenoi, corroborated by the Puranas, 
which mention the partition of all these territories amongst the 
sons of Bajaswa, the lord of Kampilnagara, the grand sub- 
division of the Yadu race. In all likelihood the Sehat, who came 
to the aid of Khuman of Chitor, was a branch of these Assakenoi, 
the opponents of Alexander.^ The modern town of Dinkot 

^ The sense of this passage has been quite perverted by Dow [see 
Briggs i. 16]. 

2 [See Smith, EHI, .382.] 

^ [The capital of the Assakenoi was Massaga, near the Malakand Pass 
(Smith, EHI, 54 ; McCrindle. Alexander, .334 £.).] 


appears to occupy the site of Aswinikot, though D'Anville feels 
inchned to carry it into the heart of Bajaur and place it on the 
rock (silla) Aornos.^ Such the Sehat ; not improbably the Soha, 
one of the eight subdivisions of the Yadu.^ When, in S. 785, 
the Bhatti chief Rao Tanu was driven across the Sutlej, the 
Sehats are mentioned with other tribes as forming the army of 
Husain Shah, with the Barahas, the Judis, and Johyas (the 
Juds and Jinjohyas of Babur), the Butas, and the ' men of 

The Chandel, from Karangarh, occupied the tracts now termed 

We shall pass over the other auxiliary tribes and conclude with 
the Parihar, who -came from Kashmir on this occasion ; a cir- 
cxmistance entirely overlooked in the dissertation on this tribe ; ^ 
nor does this isolated fact afford room for further discussion on a 
race which expelled the Pramaras from Mandor. 

Such aids, who preserved Khuman when assailed by the 
' Khorasan Pat,' fully demonstrate the antiquity of the annals, 
which is further attested by inscriptions. Khuman fought twenty- 
four great battles, and his name, like that of Caesar, became a 
family distinction. At Udaipur, if you make a false step, or 
even sneeze, you hear the ejaculation of ' Khuman aid you ! ' 
Khuman, by the advice of the Brahmans, resigned the gaddi to 
his younger son, Jograj ; but again resumed [253] it, slaying his 
advisers and execrating the name of Brahman, which he almost 
exterminated in his own dominions. Khuman was at length 
slain by his own son, Mangal ; but the chiefs expelled the parri- 
cide, who seized upon Lodorwa in the northern desert, and there 
established the Mangalia Guhilots. 

Bhartribhat III. — Bhartribhat (familiarly Bhato) succeeded. 
In his reign, and in that of his successor, the territory dependent 
on Chitor was greatly increased. All the forest tribes, from the 
banks of the Mahi to Abu, were subjugated, and strongholds 
erected, of which Dharangarh and Ujargarh still remain to main- 
tain them. He established no less than thirteen * of his sons in 

1 [For the site see Smith, EHI, 56, note 2.] 

2 See p. 104. 3 See p. 119 f. 

* By name, Kulanagar, Champaner, Choreta, Bhojpur, Lunara, Nimthor, 
Sodara, Jodhgarh, Sandpur, Aitpur, and Gangabheva. The remaining 
two are not mentioned. 


independent possessions in Malwa and Gujarat, and these were 
distinguished as the Bhatera Guhilots. 

We shall now leap over fifteen generations ; which, though 
affording a few interesting facts to the antiquary, would not 
amuse the general reader. We will rest satisfied with stating 
that the Chauhans of Ajiner and the Guhilots of Chitor were 
alternately friends and foes ; that Durlabh Chauhan was slain by 
Bersi Rawal in a grand battle fought at Kawaria, of which the 
Chauhan annals state ' that their princes were now so powerful 
as to oppose the chief of Chitor.' Again, in the next reign, we 
find the renowned Bisaldeo, son of Durlabh, combining with 
Rawal Tejsi of Chitor to oppose the progress of Islamite invasion : 
facts recorded by inscriptions as well as by the annals. We may 
close these remarks on the fifteen princes, from Khuman to 
Samarsi, with the words of Gibbon on the dark period of Guelphic 
annals : " It may be presumed that they were illiterate and 
valiant ; that they plundered in their youth, and reared churches 
in their old age ; that they were fond of arms, horses, and hunt- 
ing " ; and, we may add, continued bickering with their vassals 
within when left unemployed by the enemy from without [254], 


Although the whole of this chain of ancestry, from Kanaksen 
in the second, Vijaya the founder of Valabhi in the fourth, to 
Samarsi in the thirteenth century, cannot be discriminated with 
perfect accuracy, we may affirm, to borrow a metaphor, that " the 
two extremities of it are riveted in truth " : and some links have 
at intervals been recognized as equally valid. We will now 
extend the chain to the nineteenth century. 

Samar Singh, Samarsi : The Tuars of Delhi. — Samarsi was 
born in S. 1206.^ Though the domestic annals are not silent on 
his acts, we shall recur chiefly to the bard of Delhi - for his char- 

^ [For the error in his date see p. 281 above.] 

" The work of Chand is a universal history of the period in which he 
wrote. In the sixty-nine books, comprising one hundred thousand stanzas, 
relating to the exploits of Prithiraj, every noble family of Rajasthan will 
find some record of their ancestors. It is accordingly treasured amongst 
the archives of each race having any pretensions to the name of Rajput. 


acter and actions, and the history of the period. Before we pro- 
ceed, however, a sketch of the pohtical condition of Hindustan 
during the last of the Tuar sovereigns of Delhi, derived from this 
authority and in the bard's own words, may not be unacceptable. 
" In Patan is Bhola Bhim the Chalukya, of iron frame.^ On the 
mountain Abu, Jeth Pramara, in battle immovable as the star 
of the north. In Mewar is Samar Singh, who takes tribute from 
the mighty, a wave of iron in the path of Delhi's foe. In the 
midst of all, strong in his own strength, Mandor's prince, the 
arrogant Nahar Rao, the might of Maru, fearing none. In Delhi 
the chief of all [255] Ananga, at whose summons attended the 
princes of Mandor, Nagor, Sind, Jalwat,^ and others on its confines, 
Peshawar, Lahore, Kangra, and its mountain chiefs, with Kasi,* 
Prayag,* and Garh Deogir. The lords of Simar * were in constant 
danger of his power." The Bhatti, since their expulsion from 
Zabulistan, had successively occupied as capitals, Salivahanapur 
in the Panjab, Tanot, Derawar, which last they founded, and the 
ancient Lodorwa, which they conquered in the desert ; and at the 
period in question were constructing their present residence, 
Jaisalmer. In this nook they had been fighting for centuries 

From this he can trace his martial forefathers who ' drank of the wave of 
battle ' in the passes of Kirman when the ' cloud of war rolled from Himachal 
to the plains of Hindustan. The wars of Prithiraj, his alliances, his 
numerous and powerful tributaries, their abodes and pedigrees, make the 
works of Chand invaluable as historic and geographical memoranda, besides 
being treasures in mythology, manners, and the annals of the mind. To 
read this poet well is a sure road to honour, and my own Guru was allowed, 
even by the professional bards, to excel therein. As he read I rapidly 
translated about thirty thousand stanzas. Familiar with the dialects in 
which it is written, I have fancied that I seized occasionally the poet's 
spirit ; but it were presumption to suppose that I embodied all his brilliancy, 
or fully comprehended the depth of his allusions. But I knew for whom 
he wrote. The most familiar of his images and sentiments I heard daily 
from the mouths of those around me, the descendants of the men whoso 
deeds he rehearses. I was enabled thus to seize his meaning, where one 
more skilled in poetic lore might have failed, and to make my prosaic version 
of some value. [For Chand Bardai see Grierson, Modern Literary History 
of Hiildustan, 3 f.] 

^ [Bhima II., Chaulukya, known as Bhola, 'the simpleton,' a.d. 1179- 

^ Unknown, unless the country on the ' waters ' {jal) of Sind. 

' Benares. * Allahabad. 

* The cold regions {ai, ' cold '). 


with the heutenants of the Cahph at Aror, occasionally redeeming 
their ancient possessions as far as the city of the Tak on the Indus. 
Their situation gave them little political interest in the affairs of 
Hindustan until the period of Prithiraj, one of whose principal 
leaders, Achales, was the brother of the Bhatti prince. Anangpal, 
from this description, was justly entitled to be termed the para- 
mount sovereign of Hindustan ; but he was the last of a dynasty 
of nineteen princes, who had occupied Delhi nearly four hvmdred 
years, from the time of the founder Bilan Deo, who, according to 
a manuscript in th.e author's possession, was only an opulent 
Thakur when he assumed the ensigns of royalty in the then 
deserted Indraprastha, taking the name of Anangpal,^ ever after 
titular in the family. The Cliaulians of Ajmer owed at least 
homage to Delhi at this time, although Bisaldeo had rendered it 
almost nominal ; and to Someswar, the fourth in descent, Anang- 
pal was indebted for the preservation of this supremacy against 
the attempts of Kanauj, for which service he obtained the Tuar's 
daughter in marriage, the issue of which was Prithiraj, who when 
only eight yeai's of age was proclaimed successor to the Delhi 

Prithiraj. — Jaichand of Kanauj and Prithiraj bore the same 
relative situation to Anangpal ; Bijaipal, the father of the former, 
as well as Someswar, having had a daughter of the Tuar to wife. 
This originated the rivalry between the Chauhans and Rathors 
which ended in the destruction of both. When Prithiraj mounted 
the throne of Delhi, Jaichand not only refused to acknowledge 
his supremacy, but set forth his own claims to this distinction. 
In these he was supported by the prince of Patau [256] Aiihil- 
wara (the eternal foe of the Chauhans), and likewise by the Pari- 
hars of ISIandor. But the affront given by the latter, in refusing 
to fulfil the contract of bestowing his daughter on the young 
Chauhan, brought on a warfare, in which this first essay was but 
the presage of his future fame. Kanauj and Patan had recourse 
to the dangerous expedient of entertaining bands of Tatars, 
through whom the sovereign of Ghazni was enabled to take 
advantage of their internal broils. 

^ Ananga is a poetical epithet of the Hindu Cupid, literally ' incorporeal ' ; 
but, according to good authority, apphcable to the founder of the desolate 
abode, palna being ' to support,' and anga, with the primitive an, ' without 


Samarsi, prince of Chitor, had married the sister of Prithiraj, 
and their personal characters, as well as this tie, bound them to 
each other throughout all these commotions, until the last fatal 
battle on the Ghaggar. From these feuds Hindustan never was 
free. But unrelenting enmity was not a part of their character : 
having displayed the valour of the tribe, the bard or Nestor of 
the day Vv'ould step in, and a marriage would conciliate and main- 
tain in friendship such foes for two generations. From time 
immemorial such has been the political state of India, as repre- 
sented by their own epics, or in Arabian or Persian histories : 
thus always the prey of foreigners, and destined to remain so. 
Samarsi had to contend both with the princes of Patau and 
Kanauj ; and although the bard says " he washed his blade in 
the Jumna," the domestic annals slur over the circumstance of 
Siddharaja-Jayasingha having actually made a conquest of 
Chitor ; for it is not only included in the eighteen capitals enumer- 
ated as appertaining to this prince, but the author discovered a 
tablet ^ in Chitor, placed there by his successor, Kumarpal, bear- 
ing the date S. 1206, the period of Samarsi's birth. The first 
occasion of Samarsi's aid being called in by the Chauhan emperor 
was on the discovery of treasure at Nagor, amounting to seven 
millions of gold, the deposit of ancient days. The princes of 
Kanauj and Patan, dreading the influence which such sinews of 
war would afford their antagonist, invited Shihabu-d-din to aid 
their designs of humiliating the Chauhan, who in this emergency 
sent an embassy to Samarsi. The envoy was Chand Pundir, the 
vassal chief of Lahore, and guardian of that frontier. He is con- 
spicuous from this time to the hour " when he planted his lance at 
the ford of the Ravi," and fell in opposing the passage of Shihabu- 
d-din. The presents he carries, the speech with which he greets 
the Chitor prince, his reception, reply, and dismissal are all pre- 
served by [257] Chand. The style of address and the apparel 
of Samarsi betoken that he had not laid aside the office and 
ensigns of a ' Regent of Mahadeva.' A simple necklace of the 
seeds of the lotus adorned his neck ; his hair was braided, and he 
is addressed as Jogindra, or chief of ascetics. Samarsi proceeded 
to Delhi ; and it was arranged, as he was connected by marriage 
with the prince of Patan, that Prithiraj should march against 
this prince, while he should oppose the army from Ghazni. He 
^ See luscriptiou No. 5. 


(Samarsi) accordingly fought several indecisive battles, which gave 
time to the Chauhan to terminate the war in Gujarat and rejoin 
him. United, they completely discomfited the invaders, making 
their leader prisoner. Samarsi declined any share of the dis- 
covered treasure, but permitted his chiefs to accept the gifts 
offered by Chauhan. Many years elapsed in such subordinate 
warfare, when the prince of Chitor was again constrained to use 
his buckler in defence of Delhi and its prince, whose arrogance 
and successful ambition, followed by disgraceful inactivity, in- 
vited invasion with every presage of success. Jealousy and 
revenge rendered the princes of Patan, Kanauj, Dhar, and the 
minor courts indifferent spectators of a contest destined to over- 
throw them all. 

The Death of Samar Singh. — The bard gives a good description 
of the preparations for his departure from Chitor, which he was 
destined never to see again. The charge of the city was entrusted 
to a favourite and younger son, Kama : which disgusted the 
elder brother, who went to the Deccan to Bidar, where he was 
well received by an Abyssinian chief,^ who had there established 
himself in sovereignty. Another son, either on this occasion or 
on the subsequent fall of Chitor, fled to the mountains of Nepal, 
and there spread the Guhilot line.^ It is in this, the last of the 
books of Chand, termed The Great Fight, that we have the char- 
acter of Samarsi fully delineated. His arrival at Delhi is hailed 
with songs of joy as a day of deliverance. Prithiraj and his court 
advance seven miles to meet him, and the description of the 
greeting of the king of Delhi and his sister, and the chiefs on either 
side who recognize ancient friendships, is most animated. Sam- 
arsi reads his brother-in-law an indignant lecture on his unprincely 
inactivity, and throughout the book divides attention with him. 

In the planning of the campaign, and march towards the 
Ghaggar to meet the foe [258], Samarsi is consulted, and his 
opinions are recorded. The bard represents him as the Ulysses 
of the host : brave, cool, and skilful in the fight ; prudent, wise, 
and eloquent in council ; pious and decorous on all occasions ; 
beloved by his own chiefs, and reverenced by the vassals of the 
Chauhan. In the line of march no augur or bard could better 

1 Styled Habshi Padshah. 

* [The Gorkhas or Gurkhas are said to have reached Nepal through 
Kumaun after the fall of Chitor {IGI, xix. 32).] 


explain the omens, none in the field better dress the squadrons 
for battle, none guide his steed or use his lance with more address. 
His tent is the principal resort of the leaders after the march 
or in the intervals of battle, who were delighted by his eloquence 
or instructed by his knowledge. The bard confesses that his 
precepts of government are chiefly from the lips of Khuman ; ^ 
and of his best episodes and allegories, whether on morals, rules 
for the guidance of ambassadors, choice of ministers, religious or 
social duties (but especially those of the Rajput to the sovereign), 
the wise prince of Chitor is the general organ. 

On the last of three days' desperate fighting Samarsi was slain, 
together with his son Kalyan, and thirteen thousand of his house- 
hold troops and most renowned chieftains.^ His beloved Pirtha, 
on hearing the fatal issue, her husband slain, her brother captive, 
the heroes of Delhi and Chitor " asleep on the banks of the Ghaggar, 
in the wave of the steel," joined her lord through the flame, nor 
waited the advance of the Tatar king, when Delhi was carried 
by storm, and the last stay of the Chauhans, Prince Rainsi, met 
death in the assault. The capture of Delhi and its monarch, the 
death of his ally of Chitor, with the bravest and best of their 
troops, speedily ensured the further and final success of the Tatar 
arms ; and when Kanauj fell, and the traitor to his nation met 
his fate in the waves of the Ganges, none were left to contend with 
Shihabu-d-din the possession of the regal seat of the Chauhan. 
Scenes of devastation, plunder, and massacre commenced, which 
lasted through ages ; during which nearly all that was sacred in 
religion or celebrated in art was destroyed by these ruthless and 
barbarous invaders. The noble Rajput, with a spirit of constancy 
and enduring courage, seized every opportunity to turn upon his 
oppressor. By his perseverance and valour he wore out entire 
dynasties of foes, alternately yielding ' to his fate,' or restricting 
the circle of conquest. Every road in Rajasthan was moistened 
with torrents of blood of the [259] spoiled and the spoiler. But 
all was of no avail ; fresh supplies were ever pouring in, and 
dynasty succeeded dynasty, heir to the same remorseless feeling 
which sanctified murder, legalized spoliation, and deified destruc- 

^ I have already mentioned that Khuman became a patronymic and 
title amongst the princes of Chitor. 

^ [The battle was fought at Tarain or Talawari in the Ambala District, 
Panjab, in 1192.] 


tion. In these desperate conflicts entire tribes were swept away 
whose names are the only memento of their former existence and 

Gallant Resistance of the Rajputs. — What nation on earth 
would have maintained the semblance of civilization, the spirit 
or the customs of their forefathers, during so many centuries 
of overwhelming depression but one of such singular character 
as the Rajput ? Though ardent and reckless, he can, when 
required, subside into forbearance and apparent apathy, and 
reserve himself for the opportunity of revenge. Rajasthan 
exliibits the sole example in the history of mankind of a people 
withstanding every outrage barbarity can inflict, or human 
nature sustain, from a foe whose religion commands annihilation, 
and bent to the earth, yet rising buoyant from the pressure, and 
making calamity a whetstone to courage. How did the Britons 
at once sink under the Romans, and in vain strive to save their 
groves, their druids, or the altars of Bal from destruction ! To 
the Saxons they alike succumbed ; they, again, to the Danes ; 
and this heterogeneous breed to the Normans. Empire was lost 
and gained by a single battle^ and the laws and religion of the 
conquered merged in those of the conquerors. Contrast with 
these the Rajputs ; not an iota of their religion or customs have 
they lost, though many a foot of land. Some of their States have 
been expunged from the map of dominion ; and, as a punishment 
of national infidelity, the pride of the Rathor, and the glory of 
the Chalukya, the overgrown Kanauj and gorgeous Anhilwara, 
are forgotten names ! Mewar alone, the sacred bulwark of 
religion, never compromised her honour for her safety, and still 
survives her ancient limits ; and since the brave Samarsi gave 
up his life, the blood of her princes has flowed in copious streams 
for the maintenance of this honour, religion, and independence. 

Karan Singh I. : Ratan Singh. — Samarsi had several sons ; ^ 
but Kama was his heir, and during his minority his mother, Kuram- 
devi, a princess of Patau, nobly maintained what his father left. 
She headed her Rajputs and gave battle ^ in person to Kutbu-d-din, 

^ Kalyanrae, slain with his father; Kumbhkaran, who went to Bidar; 
a third, the founder of the Gorkhas. [This assertion, based on the authority 
of Chand, is incorrect, Samar Singh being misplaced, and succeeded by 
Ratan Singh (Erskine ii. A. 146).] 

" Tliis must be the battle mentioned by Ferishta (see Dow, p. 169, vol. ii.). 


near [260] Amber, when the viceroy was defeated and wounded . 
Nine Rajas, and eleven chiefs of inferior dignity with the title of 
Rawat, followed the mother of their prince. 

Kama (the radiant) succeeded in S. 1249 (a.d. 1193) ; but he 
was not destined to be the founder of a line in Mewar.^ The 
annals are at variance with each other on an event which gave the 
sovereignty of Chitor to a younger branch, and sent the elder into 
the inhospitable wilds of the west, to found a city - and per- 
petuate a line.* It is stated generally that Kama had two sons, 
Mahup and Rahup ; but this is an error : Samarsi and Surajmall 
were brothers : Kama was the son of the former and Mahup was 
his son, whose mother was a Chauhan of Bagar. Surajmall had a 
son named Bharat, who was driven from Chitor by a conspiracy. 
He proceeded to Sind, obtained Aror from its prince, a Musalman, 
and married the daughter of the Bhatti chief of Pugal, by whom 
he had a son named Rahup. Kama died of grief for the loss of 
Bharat and the unworthiness of Mahup, who abandoned him to 
live entirely with his maternal relations, the Chauhans. 

The Sonigira chief of Jalor had married the daughter of Kama, 

^ He had a son, Sarwan, who took to commerce. Hence the mercantile 
Sesodia caste, Sarwania. 

* Dungarpur, so named from dungar, ' a mountain.' 

* [The facts are tliat after " Karan Singh the Mewar family divided into 
two branches — one with the title of Rawal, the other Rana. In the first, 
or Rawal, branch were Khem or Kshem Singh, the eldest son of Karan Singh, 
Samant Singh, Kumar Singh, Mathan Singh, Padam Singh, Jeth Singh, Tej 
Singh, Samar Singh, and Ratan Singh, all of whom reigned at Chitor ; while 
in the Rana branch were Rahup, a younger son of Karan Singh, Narpat, 
Dinkaran, Jaskaran,Nagpal, Puranpal, PrithiPal, Bhuvan Singh, Bhim Singh, 
Jai Singh, and Lakshman Singh, who ruled at Sesoda, and called themselves 
Sesodias. Thus, instead of having to fit in something like ten generations 
between Samar Singh, who, as we know, was ahve in 1299, and the siege of 
Chitor, which certainly took place in 1303, we fijid that those ten princes 
were not descendants of Samar Singh at all, but the contemporaries of his 
seven immediate predecessors on the gaddi of Chitor and of himself, and 
that both Ratan Singh, the son of Samar Singh, and Lakshman Singh, the 
contemporary of Ratan Singh, were descended from a common ancestor, 
Karan Singh I., nine and eleven generations back respectively. It is also 
possible to reconcile the statement of the Musalman historians that Ratan 
Singh (called Rai Ratan) was ruler of Chitor during the siege — a statement 
corroborated by an inscription at Rajnagar — ^with the generally accepted 
story that it was Rana Lakshman Singh who fell in defence of the fort " 
(Erskine ii. A. 15).] 

RAHUP assumes title RANA 805 

by whom he had a child named Randhol,^ whom by treachery he 
placed on the throne of Chitor, slaying the chief Guhilots. Mahup 
being unable to recover his rights, and unwilling to make any 
exertion, the chair of Bappa Rawal would have passed to the 
Chauhans but for an ancient bard of the house. He pursued his 
way to Aror, held by old Bharat as a fief of Kabul. With the 
levies of Sind he marched to claim the right abandoned by Mahup 
and at Pali encountered and defeated the Sonigiras. The re- 
tainers of Mewar flocked to his standard, and by their aid he 
enthroned himself in Chitor. He sent for his father and mother, 
Ranangdevi, whose dwelling on the Indus was made over to a 
younger brother, who bartered his faith for Aror, and held it as 
a vassal of Kabul. 

Rahup. — Rahup obtained Chitor in S. 1257 (a.d. 1201), and 
shortly after sustained the attack of Shamsu-d-din, whom he met 
and overcame in a battle at Nagor. Two [261] great changes 
were introduced by this prince ; the first in the title of the tribe, 
to Sesodia ; the other in that of its prince, from Rawal to Rana. 
The puerile reason for the former has already been noticed ; ^ the 
cause of the latter is deserving of more attention. Amongst the 
foes of Rahup was the Parihar prince of Mandor : his name Mokal, 
with the title of Rana. Rahup seized him in his capital and 
brought him to Sesoda, making him renounce the rich district 
of Godwar and his title of Rana, which he assumed himself, to 
denote the completion of his feud. He ruled thirty-eight years 
in a period of great distraction, and appears to have been well 
calculated, not only to uphold the fallen fortunes of the State, 
but to rescue them from utter ruin. His reign is the more re- 
markable by contrast with his successors, nine of whom are 
' pushed from their stools ' in the same or even a shorter period 
than that during which he upheld the dignity. 

From Rahup to Lakhamsi [Lakshman Singh], in the short 
space of half a century, nine princes of Chitor were crowned, and 
at nearly equal intervals of time followed each other to ' the 
mansions of the sun.' Of these nine, six fell in battle. Nor did 
they meet their fate at home, but in a chivalrous enterprise to 
redeem the sacred Gaya from the pollution of the barbarian. 

^ So pronounced, but properly written Randhaval, ' the standard of the 

^ See note, p. 252. 


For this object these princes successively fell, but such devotion 
inspired fear, if not pity or conviction, and the bigot renounced 
the impiety which Prithunall purchased with his blood, and until 
Alau-d-din's reign, this outrage to their prejudices was renounced. 
But in this interval they had lost their capital, for it is stated as 
the only occurrence in Bhonsi's ^ reign that he [262] " recovered 
Chitor " and made the name of Rana be acknowledged by all. 
Two memorials are preserved of the nine princes from Rahup to 
Lakhamsi, and of the same character : confusion and strife 
within and without. We will, therefore, pass over these to 
another grand event in the vicissitudes of this house, which 
possesses more of romance than of history, though the facts are 

^ His second son, Chandra, obtained an appanage on the Charabal, and 
his issue, well known as Chandarawats, constituted one of the most powerful 
vassal clans of Mewar. Rampura (Bhanpura) was their residence, yielding a 
revenue of nine lakhs (£110,000), held on the tenure of service which, from 
an original grant in my possession from Rana Jagat Singh to his nephew 
Madho Singh, afterwards prince of Amber, was three thousand horse and foot 
(see p. 235), and the fine of investiture was seventy-five thousand rui^ees. 
Madho Singh, when prince of Amber, did what was invahd as well as un- 
grateful ; he made over this domain, granted during his misfortunes, to 
Holkar, the first limb lopped off Mewar. The Chandarawat proprietor con- 
tinued, however, to possess a portion of the original estate with the fortress 
of Amad, which it maintained throughout all the troubles of Rajwara till 
A.D. 1821. It shows the attachment to custom that the young Rao apphed 
and received ' the sword ' of investiture from his old lord paramount, the 
Rana, though dependent on Holkar's forbearance. But a minority is pro- 
verbially dangerous in India. Disorder from party plots made Amad 
troublesome to Holkar's government, which as his ally and preserver of 
tranquillity we suppressed by blowing up the walls of the fortress. This is 
one of many instances of the harsh, uncompromising nature of our power, 
and the anomalous description of our alhances with the Rajputs. However 
necessary to repress the disorder arising from the claims of ancient pro- 
prietors and the recent rights of Holkar, or the new proprietor, Ghafur 
Khan, yet surrounding princes, and the general population, Mdio know the 
history of past times, lament to see a name of five hundred years' duration 
thus summarily extinguished, which chiefly benefits an upstart Pathan. 
Such the vortex of the ambiguous, irregular, and unsystematic policy, which 
marks many of our alhances, wliich protect too often but to injure, and gives 
to our office of general arbitrator and high constable of Rajasthan a harsh 
and unfeeHng character. Much of this arises from ignorance of the past 
history ; much from disregard of the peculiar usages of the people ; or from 
that expediency which too often comes in contact with moral fitness, which 
will go on until tlic day predicted by the Nestor of India, when " one sikha 
(seal) alone will be used in Hindustan." 



Lakhamsi : Lachhman Singh. — Lakhamsi ^ succeeded his father 
in S. 1331 (a.d. 1275), a memorable era in the annals, when Chitor, 
the repository of all that was precious yet untouched of the arts 
of India, was stormed, sacked, and treated with remorseless 
barbarity by the Pathan [Khilji] emperor, Alau-d-din. Twice 
it was attacked by this subjugator of India. In the first siege 
it escaped spoliation, though at the price of its best defenders : 
that which followed is the first successful assault and capture of 
which we have any detailed account. 

Bhim Singh : Padmini. — Bhimsi was the uncle of the young 
prince, and protector during his minority. He had espoused the 
daughter of Hamir Sank (Chauhan) of Ceylon, the cause of woes 
unnumbered to the Sesodias. Her name was Padmini,^ a title 
bestowed only on the superlatively fair, and transmitted with 
renown to posterity by tradition and the song of the bard. Her 
beauty, accomplishments, exaltation, and destruction, with other 
incidental circumstances, constitute the subject of one of the most 
popular traditions of Rajwara. The Hindu bard recognizes the 
fair, in preference to fame and love of conquest, as the motive for 
the attack of Alau-d-din, who [263] limited his demand to the 
possession of Padmini ; though this was after a long and fruitless 
siege. At length he restricted his desire to a mere sight of this 
extraordinary beauty, and acceded to the proposal of beholding 
her through the medium of mirrors. Relying on the faith of the 
Rajput, he 'entered Chitor slightly guarded, and having gratified 
his wish, returned. The Rajput, unwilling to be outdone in con- 
fidence, accompanied the king to the foot of the fortress, amidst 
many complimentary excuses from his guest at the trouble he 
thus occasioned. It was for this that Ala risked his own safety, 
relying on the superior faith of the Hindu. Here he had an 

^ [Rana Lachhman Singh was not, strictly speaking, ruler of Chitor. He 
belonged to the Rana branch, and succeeded Jai Singh. When Chitor was 
invested he came to lielp his relation, Rawal Ratan Singh, husband of 
Padmini, and ruler of Chitor, and was killed, with seven of his sons (Erskine 
ii. B. 10).] 

2 [' The Lotus.' Ferishta in his account of the siege aaya nothing of 
Padmini (i. 353 f.). Her story is told in Ain, ii. 269 f.]{j 


ambush ; Bhimsi was made prisoner, hurried away to the Tatar 
camp, and his hberty made dependent on the surrender of 

The Siege of Chitor. — Despair reigned in Chitor when this fatal 
event was known, and it was debated whether Padmini should be 
resigned as a ransom for their defender. Of tliis she was informed, 
and expressed her acquiescence. Having provided wherewithal 
to secure her from dishonour, she communed with two chiefs of 
her own kin and clan of Ceylon, her uncle Gora, and his nephew 
Badal, who devised a scheme for the liberation of their prince 
without hazarding her life or fame. Intimation was dispatched 
to Ala that on the day he withdrew from his trenches the fair 
Padmini would be sent, but in a manner befitting her own and 
his high station, surrounded by her females and handmaids ; not 
only those who would accompany her to DeUii, but many others 
who desired to pay her this last mark of reverence. Strict com- 
mands were to be issued to prevent curiosity from violating the 
sanctity of female decorum and privacy. No less than seven 
hundred covered litters proceeded to the royal camp. In each 
was placed one of the bravest of the defenders of Chitor, borne by 
six armed soldiers disguised as litter-porters. They reached the 
camp. The royal tents were enclosed with kanats (walls of cloth) ; 
the litters were deposited, and half an hour was granted for ji 
parting interview between the Hindu prince and his bride. They 
then placed their prince in a litter and returned with him, while 
the greater number (the supposed damsels) remained to accom- 
pany the fair to Delhi. ^ But Ala had no intention to permit 
Bhimsi's return, and was becoming jealous of the long interview 
he enjoyed, when, instead of the prince and Padmini, the devoted 
band issued from their litters : but Ala was too well guarded. 
Pursuit was ordered, while these covered the retreat till they 
perished to a man. A fleet horse was in reserve for [264] Bhimsi, 
on which he was placed, and in safety ascended the fort, at whose 
outer gate the host of Ala was encountered. The choicest of the 
heroes of Chitor met the assault. With Gora and Badal at their 
head, animated by the noblest sentiments, the deliverance of 
their chief and the honour of their queen, they devoted them- 

^ [A folk-tale of the ' Horse of Troy ' type, common in India ; see 
Rhys Davids, Buddhist India, 4 f. ; Ferishta ii. 115; Grant Duff, Hist. 
Mahrattas, 64, note ; cf . Herodotus v. 20.] 


selves to destruction, and few were the survivors of this slaughter 
of the flower of Mewar. For a tinie Ala was defeated in his object, 
and the havoc they had made in his ranks, joined to the dread 
of their determined resistance, obUged him to desist from the 

Mention has already been made of the adjuration, " by the 
sin of the sack of Chitor." Of these sacks they enumerate three 
and a half. This is the ' half ' ; for though the city was not 
stormed, the best and bravest were cut off (sakha). It is described 
with great animation in the Khuman Raesa. Badal was but a 
stripling of twelve, but the Rajput expects wonders from this 
early age. He escaped, though wounded, and a dialogue ensues 
between him and his uncle's wife, who desires him to relate 
how her lord conducted himself ere she joins liim. The stripling 
replies : " He was the reaper of the harvest of battle ; I followed 
his steps as the humble gleaner of his sword. On the gory 
bed of honour he spread a carpet of the slain ; a barbarian 
prince his pillow, he laid him down, and sleeps surrounded by 
the foe." Again she said : " Tell me, Badal, how did my love 
(piyar) behave ? " " Oh ! mother, how further describe his 
deeds when he left no foe to dread or admire him ? " She smiled 
farewell to the boy, and adding, " My lord will cliide my delay," 
sprung into the flame. 

Alau-d-din, ha\Tiig recruited his strength, returned to his 
object, Chitor. The annals state this to have been in S. 1346 
(a.d. 1290), but Ferishta gives a date thirteen years later.^ They 
had not yet recovered the loss of so many valiant men who had 
sacrificed themselves for their prince's safety, and Ala carried on 
his attacks more closely, and at length obtained the hill at the 
southern point, where he entrenched himself. They still pretend 
to point out his trenches ; but so many have been formed by 
subsequent attacks that we cannot credit the assertion. The 
poet has found in the disastrous issue of this siege admirable 
materials for his song. He represents the Rana, after an arduous 
day, stretched on his paUet, and during a night of watchful 
anxiety, pondering on the means by which he might preserve from 
the general destruction one at least of his twelve sons ; when a 
voice [265] broke on his solitude, exclaiming, " Main bhukhi 

^ [Chitor was captured in August 1303 (Ferishta i. 353 ; EUiot-Dowson 
iii. 77).] 


ho'" ; ^ and raising his eyes, he saw, by the dim glare of the 
chiragh,^ advancing between the granite columns, the majestic 
form of the guardian goddess of Chitor. " Not satiated," ex- 
claimed the Rana, " though eight thousand of my kin were late 
an offering to thee ? " "I must have regal victims ; and if 
twelve who wear the diadem bleed not for Chitor, the land will 
pass from the line." This said, she vanished. 

On the morn he convened a council of his chiefs, to whom he 
revealed the vision of the night, which they treated as the dream 
of a disordered fancy. He commanded their attendance at mid- 
night ; when again the form appeared, and repeated the terms 
on which alone she would remain amongst them. " Though 
thousands of barbarians strew the earth, what are they to me ? 
On each day enthrone a prince. Let the kirania,^ the chhatra 
and the chamara,^ proclaim his sovereignty, and for three days 
let his decrees be supreme : on the fourth let him meet the foe 
and his fate. Then only may I remain." 

Whether we have merely the fiction of the poet, or whether 
the scene was got up to animate the spirit of resistance, matters 
but little, it is consistent with the belief of the tribe ; and that 
the goddess should openly manifest her wish to retain as her tiara 
the battlements of Chitor on conditions so congenial to the war- 
like and superstitious Rajput was a gage readily taken up and 
fully answering the end. A generous contention arose amongst 
the brave brothers who should be the first victim to avert the 
denunciation. Arsi urged his priority of birth : he was pro- 
claimed, the umbrella waved over his head, and on the fourth 
day he surrendered his short-lived honours and his life. Ajaisi, 
the next in birth, demanded to follow ; but he was the favourite 
son of his father, and at his request he consented to let his brothers 
precede him. Eleven had fallen in turn, and but one victim 
remained to the salvation of the city, when the Rana, calling 
his chiefs around him, said, " Now I devote myself for Chitor." 

The Johar. — But another awful sacrifice was to precede this 
act of self-devotion in that horrible rite, the Johar,^ where the 

^ ' I am hungry.' ^ Lamp. 

^ These are the insignia of royalty. The kirania is a parasol, from 
kiran, ' a ray ' : the chhatra is the umbrella, always red ; the chamara, the 
flowing tail of the wild ox, set in a gold handle, and used to drive away the flies. 

* [Sir G. Grierson informs me that Johar or Jauhar is derived from Jatu- 


females are immolated to preserve theni from pollution or cap- 
tivity. The funeral pyre was lighted within the ' great sub- 
terranean retreat,' in chambers impervious to the light [266] of 
day, and the defenders of Chitor beheld in procession the queens, 
their own wives and daughters, to the number of several thou- 
sands. The fair Padmini closed the throng, which was augmented 
by whatever of female beauty or youth could be tainted by Tatar 
lust. They were conveyed to the cavern, and the opening closed 
upon them, leaving them to find security from dishonour in the 
devouring element. 

A contest now arose between the Rana and his surviving son ; 
but the father prevailed, and Ajaisi, in obedience to his commands, 
with a small band passed through the enemy's lines, and reached 
Kelwara in safety. The Rana, satisfied that his line was not 
extinct, now prepared to follow his brave sons ; and calling 
around him his devoted clans, for whom life had no longer any 
charms, they threw open the portals and descended to the plains, 
and with a reckless despair carried death, or met it, in the crowded 
ranks of Ala. The Tatar conqueror took possession of an inani- 
mate capital, strewed with brave defenders, the smoke yet issuing 
from the recesses where lay consumed the once fair object of his 
desire ; and since this devoted day the cavern has been sacred : 
no eye has penetrated its gloom, and superstition has placed as 
its guardian a huge serpent, whose ' venomous breath ' extin- 
guishes the fight which might guide intruders to ' the place of 

The Conquests of Alau-d-dln.— Thus fell, in a.d. 1303, this 
celebrated capital, in the round of conquest of Alau-d-din, one 
of the most vigorous and warlike sovereigns who have occupied 

griha, ' a house built of lac or other combustibles,' in allusion to the story 
in the Mahabliarata (i. chap. 141-151) of the attempted destruction of the 
Pandavas by setting such a building on fire. For other examples of the rite 
see Ferishta i. 59 f. ; EUiot-Dowson i. 313, 536 f., iii. 426, 433, iv. 277, 402, 
V. 101 ; Forbes, Ras Mala, 286 ; Malcolm, Memoir Central India, 2nd ed. 
1. 483. For recent cases Irvine, Army of the Indian Moghuls, 242 ; Punjab 
Notes and Queries, iv. 102 ff.] 

^ The Author has been at the entrance of this retreat, which, according 
to the Khuman Raesa, conducts to a subterranean palace, but the m.ephitic 
vapours and venomous reptiles did not invite to adventure, even had official 
situation permitted such shght to these prejudices. The Author is the only 
EngUshman admitted to Chitor since the days of Herbert., who appears to 
have described what he sav.'. 


the throne of India. In success, and in one of the means of 
attainment, a bigoted hypocrisy, he bore a striking resemblance 
to Aurangzeb ; and the title of ' Sikandaru-s-Sani,' or the second 
Alexander, which he assumed and impressed on his coins, was no 
idle vaunt. The proud Anhilwara, the ancient Dhar and Avanti, 
Mandor and Deogir, the seats of the Solankis, the Pramaras, the 
Pariharas and Taks, the entire Agnikula race, were overturned 
for ever by Ala. Jaisalmer, Gagraun, Bundi, the abodes of the 
Bhatti, the Kliichi, and the Hara, with many of minor importance, 
suffered all the horrors of assault from this foe of the race, though 
destined again to raise their heads. The Rathors of Marwar and 
the [267] Kachhwahas of Amber were yet in a state of insigni- 
ficance : the former were slowly creeping into notice as the 
vassals of the Pariharas, while the latter could scarcely withstand 
the attacks of the original Mina population. Ala remained in 
Chitor some days, admiring the grandeur of his conquest ; and 
having committed every act of barbarity and wanton dilapida- 
tion which a bigoted zeal could suggest, overthrowing the temples 
and other monuments of art, he delivered the city in charge to 
Maldeo, the chief of Jalor, whom he had conquered and enrolled 
amongst his vassals. The palace of Bhim and the fair Padmini 
alone appears to have escaped the wrath of Ala ; it would be 
pleasing could we suppose any kinder sentiment suggested the 
exception, which enables the author of these annals to exhibit 
the abode of the fair of Ceylon. 

The Flight of Rana Ajai Singh. — The survivor of Chitor, Rana 
Ajaisi, was now in security at Kelwara, a town situated in the 
heart of the Aravalli mountains, the western boundary of Mewar, 
to which its princes had been indebted for twelve centuries of 
dominion. Kelwara is at the highest part of one of its most ex- 
tensive valleys, termed the Shero Nala, the richest district of this 
Alpine region. Guarded by faithful adherents, Ajaisi cherished 
for future occasion the wrecks of Mewar. It was the last behest 
of his father that when he attained ' one hundred years ' (a 
figurative expression for dying) the son of Arsi, the elder brother, 
should succeed him. This injunction, from the deficiency of the 
qualities requisite at such a juncture in his own sons, met a ready 
compliance. Hamir was this son, destined to redeem the promise 
of the genius of Chitor and the lost honours of his race, and whose 
birth and early history fill many a page of their annals. His 


father, Arsi, being out on a hunting excursion in the forest of 
Ondua, with some young chiefs of the court, in pursuit of the 
boar entered a field of maize, when a female offered to drive out 
the game. Pulling one of the stalks of maize, which grows to the 
height of ten or twelve feet, she pointed it, and mounting the 
platform made to watch the corn, impaled the hog, dragged him 
before the hunters, and departed. Though accustomed to feats of 
strength and heroism from the nervous arms of their country- 
women, the act surprised them. They descended to the stream 
at hand, and prepared the repast, as is usual, on the spot. The 
feast was held, and comments were passing on the fair arm which 
had transfixed the boar, when a baU of clay from a sling fractured 
a limb of the prince's steed. Looking in the direction whence 
it [268] came, they observed the same damsel, from her elevated 
stand,^ preserving her fields from aerial depredators ; but seeing 
the mischief she had occasioned she descended to express her 
regret and then returned to her pursuit. As they were pro- 
ceeding homewards after the sports of the day, they again encoun- 
tered the damsel, with a vessel of milk on her head, and leading 
in either hand a young buffalo. It was proposed, in frolic, to 
overturn her milk, and one of the companions of the prince 
dashed rudely by her ; but without being disconcerted, she 
entangled one of her charges with the horse's limbs and brought 
the rider to the ground. On inquiry the prince discovered that 
she was the daughter of a poor Rajput of the Chandano tribe.^ 
He returned the next day to the same quarter and sent for her 
father, v»^ho came and took his seat with perfect independence 
close to the prince, to the merriment of his companions, which 
was checked by Arsi asking his daughter to wife. They were yet 
more surprised by the demand being refused. The Rajput, on 
going home, told the more prudent mother, who scolded him 
heartily, made him recall the refusal, and seek the prince. They 
were married, and Hamir was the son of the Chandano Rajputni.^ 

^ A stand is fixed upon four poles in the middle of a field, on which a 
guard is placed armed with a shng and clay balls, to drive away the ravens, 
peacocks, and other birds that destroy the corn. 

^ One of the branches of the Ghauhan. 

' [The same tale is told of Dhadij, grandson of Prithiraj. the ancestor of 
the Dahiya Jats (Rose, Glossary, ii. 220 ; Risley, People of India, 2nd ed., 
179 f.).] 


He remained little noticed at the maternal abode till the cata- 
strophe of Chitor. At this period lie was twelve years of age, and had 
led a rustic Ufe, from which the necessity of the times recalled him. 
Mewar occupied by the Musalmans : The Exploit of Hamir. — 
Mewar was now occupied by the garrisons of Delhi, and Ajaisi 
had besides to contend with the mountain chiefs, amongst whom 
Munja Balaicha was the most formidable, who had, on a recent 
occasion, invaded the Shero Nala, and personally encountered 
the Rana, whom he wounded on the head with a lance. The 
Rana's sons, Sajansi and Ajamsi, though fourteen and fifteen, an 
age at which a Rajput ought to indicate his future character, 
proved of little aid in the emergency. Hamir was summoned, 
and accepted the feud against Munja, promising to return success- 
ful or not at all. In a few days he was seen entering the pass of 
Kelwara with Munja's head at his saddle-bow. Modestly placing 
the trophy at his uncle's feet, he exclaimed : " Recognize the 
head of your foe ! " Ajaisi ' kissed his beard,' ^ and observing 
that fate had stamped empire on his forehead, impressed [269] it 
with a tika of blood from the head of the Balaicha. This decided 
the fate of the sons of Ajaisi ; one of whom died at Kelwara, and 
the other, Sajansi, who might have excited a civil war, was sent 
from the country.'- He departed for the Deccan, where his issue 
was destined to avenge some of the wrongs the parent country 
had sustained, and eventually to overturn the monarchy of 
Hindustan ; for Sajansi was the ancestor of Sivaji, the founder of 
the Satara throne, whose lineage ' is given in the chronicles of 

1 This is an idiomatic phrase ; Hamir could have had no beard. 

2 Des desa. 

* Ajaisi, Sajansi, DaHpji, Sheoji, Bhoraji, Deoraj, Ugarsen, Mahulji, 
Kheluji, Jankoji, Satuji, Sambhaji, Sivaji (the founder of the Mahratta 
nation), Sambhaji, Ramraja, usurpation of the Peshwas. The Satara 
throne, but for the jealousies of Udaipur, might on the imbecility of Ramraja 
have been replenished from Mewar. It was offered to Nathji, the grand- 
father of the present chief Sheodan Singh, presumptive heir to Chitor. Two 
noble hues were reared from princes of Chitor expelled on similar occasions ; 
those of Sivaji and tlie Gorkhas of Nepal. [This pedigree is largely the work 
of the bards. But the Mahrattas, who seem to be chiefly sprung from the 
Kunbi peasantry, claim Rajput origin, and several of their clans bear 
Rajput names. It is said that in 1836 the Rana of Mewar was satisfied 
that the Bhonslas and certain other families had the right to be regarded 
as Rajputs {Census Report, Bombay, 1901, i. 184 f. ; Russell, Tribes and Castes 
Central Provinces, iv. 199 fif.).] 


Rana Hamir Singh, a.d. 1301-64. — Hamir succeeded in S. 1357 
(a.d. 1301), and had sixty-four years granted to him to redeem 
his country from tlie ruins of the past century, which period had 
elapsed since India ceased to own tlie paramount sway of her 
native princes. The day on which he assumed the ensigns of rule 
he gave, in the tika daur, an earnest of his future energy, which 
he signalized by a rapid inroad into the heart of the country of 
the predatory Balaicha, and captured their stronghold Pusalia. 
We may here explain the nature of this custom of a barbaric 

The Inaugural Foray. — The tika daur signifies the foray of 
inauguration, which obtained from time immemorial on such 
events, and is yet maintained where any semblance of hostility 
will allow its execution. On the morning of installation, having 
previously received the tika of sovereignty, the prince at the head 
of his retainers makes a foray into the territory of any one with 
whom he may have a feud, or with whom he may be indifferent 
as to exciting one ; he captures a stronghold or plunders a town, 
and returns with the trophies. If amity should prevail with all 
around, which the prince cares not to disturb, they have still a 
mock representation of the custom. For many reigns after the 
Jaipur princes united their fortunes to the throne of Delhi their 
frontier town, Malpura, was the object of the tika daur of the 
princes of Mewar. 

Chitor under a Musahnan Garrison. — " \^^len Ajmall ^ went 
another road," as the bard figuratively describes the demise of 
Rana Ajaisi, " the son of Arsi unsheathed the sword, thence never 
stranger to his hand." Maldeo remained with the royal garrison 
at Chitor," but Hamir [270] desolated their plains, and left to his 
eneinies only the fortified towns which could safely be inhabited. 
He commanded all who owned his sovereignty either to quit 
their abodes, and retire with their families to the shelter of the 
hills on the eastern and western frontiers, or share the fate of the 
pubhc enemy. The roads were rendered impassable fi'om his 
parties, who issued from their retreats in the Aravalli, the security 

^ This is a poetical version of the name of Ajaisi ; a Uberty frequently 
taken by the bards for the sake of rhyme. 

" [From an inscription at Chitor it appears that the fort remained in the 
charge of Muhammadans up to the time of Muhammad Tughlak (1324-51), 
who appointed Maldeo of Jalor governor (Erskine ii. A. 16). J 


of which baffled pursuit. This destructive pohcy of laying waste 
the resources of their own country, and from this asylum attack- 
ing their foes as opportimity offered, has obtained from the time 
of Mahmud of Ghazni in the tenth, to Muhammad, the last 
who merited the name of Emperor of Delhi, in the eighteenth 

Resistance of Hamir Singh. — Hamir made Kelwara ^ his resi- 
dence, which soon became the chief retreat of the emigrants from 
the plams. The situation was admirably chosen, being covered 
by several ranges, guarded by intricate defiles, and situated at the 
foot of a pass leading over the mountain into a still more inaccess- 
ible retreat (where Kumbhalmer now stands)," well watered and 
wooded, with abundance of pastures and excellent indigenous 
fruits and roots. This tract, above fifty miles in breadth, is 
twelve hundred feet above the level of the plains and three thou- 
sand above the sea, with a considerable quantity of arable land, 
and free communication to obtain supplies by the passes of the 
western decUvity from Marwar, Gujarat, or the friendly Bhils, 
of the west, to whom this house owes a large debt of gratitude. 
On various occasions the communities of Oghna and Panarwa 
furnished the princes of Mewar with five thousand bowmen, 
supplied them with provisions, or guarded the safety of their 
families when they had to oppose the foe in the field. The ele- 
vated plateau of the eastern frontier presented in its forests and 
deUs many places of security ; but Ala ^ traversed these in person, 
destroying as he went : neither did they possess the advantages 
of climate and natural productions arising from the elevation of 
the other. Such was the state of Mewar : its places of strength 
occupied by the foe, cultivation and peacefid objects neglected 
from the persevering hostility of Hamir, when a proposal of 
marriage came from the Hindu governor of Chitor, wiiich was 
immediately accepted, contrary to the [271] wishes of the prince's 

The Recovery of Chitor. — Whether this was intended as a snare 

^ The lake he excavated here, the Hamir-talao, and the temple of the pro- 
tecthig goddess on its bank, still bear witness of liis acts while confined to 
this retreat. 

^ See Plate, view of Kumbhalmer. 

^ I have an inscription, and in Sanskrit, set up by an apostate chief or 
bard in his train, which I found in this tract. 


to entrap him, or merely as an insult, every danger was scouted 
by Hamir which gave a chance to the recovery of Chitor. He 
desired that ' Vie coco-md ^ might he retained,'' coolly remarking 
on the dangers pointed out, " My feet shall at least tread in the 
rocky steps in which my ancestors have moved. A Rajput should 
always be prepared for reverses ; one day to abandon his abode 
covered with wounds, and the next to reascend with the maur 
(crown) on his head." It was stipulated that only five hundred 
horse should form his suite. As he approached Chitor, the five 
sons of the Chauhan advanced to meet him, but on the portal of 
the city no toran,^ or nuptial emblem, was suspended. He, how- 
ever, accepted the unsatisfactory reply to his remark on this 
indication of treachery, and ascended for the first time the ramp 
of Chitor. He was received in the ancient halls of his ancestors 
by Rao Maldeo, his son Banbir, and other chiefs, xvith folded 
hands. The bride was brought forth, and presented by her father 
without any of the solemnities practised on such occasions ; ' the 
knot of their gannents tied and their hands united,' and thus they 
were left. The family priest recommended jjatience, and Hamir 

^ This is the symbol of an offer of marriage. 

^ The toran is the symbol of marriage. It consists of three wooden bars, 
forming an equilateral triangle ; mystic in shape and number, and having 
the apex crowned with the effigies of a peacock, it is placed over the portal 
of the bride's abode. At Udaipur, when the princes of Jaisalmer, Bikaner, 
and Kishangarh sinmltarieously jnarried the two daughters and grand- 
daughter of i,he Raiia, the torans were suspended from the battlements of 
the tripolia, or three-arched portal, leading to the palace. The bridegrooni. 
on horseback, lance in hand, proceeds to break the toran (toran torna), which 
is defended by the damsels of the bride, who from the parapet assail him 
with missiles of various kinds, especially with a crimson powder made from 
the flowers of the palasa, at the same time singing songs fitted to the occa- 
sion, replete with doubie-entendres. At length the toran is broken amidst 
the shouts of the retainers ; when the fair defenders retire. The simihtude 
of these ceremonies in the north of Europe and in Asia increases the list of 
common affinities, and indicates the violence of rude times to obtain the 
object of affection ; and the lance, with which the Rajput chieftain breaks 
the toran, has the same emblematic import as the spear, which, at the marri- 
age of the nobles in Sweden, was a necessary implement in the furniture of 
the marriage chamber (vide Mallett, Northern Antiquities). [The custom 
perhaps represents a symbol of marriage by capture, but it has also been 
suggested that it symbolizes the luck of the bride's fam.ily which the bride- 
groom acquires by touching the arch with his sword (see Luard, Ethnographic 
Survey Central India, 22 ; Enthoven, Folk-lore Notes Gujarat, 69 ; Russell, 
Tribes and Castes Central Provinces, ii. 410).] 


retired with his bride to the apartments allotted for them. Her 
kindness and vows of fidelity overcame his sadness upon learning 
that he had married a widow. She had been wedded to a chief 
of the Bhatti tribe, shortly afterwards slain, and when she was 
so young as not to recollect even his appearance. He ceased to 
lament the insult when she herself taught him how it might be 
avenged, and that it might even lead to the recovery of Chitor. 
It is a privilege possessed by the bridegroom to have one specific 
favour complied with as a part of the dower (daeja), and Hamir 
was instructed by his bride to ask for Jal, one of the civil [272] 
officers of Chitor, and of the Mehta tribe. With his wife so ob- 
tained, and the scribe whose talents remained for trial, he returned 
in a fortnight to Kelwara. Khetsi was the fruit of this marriage, 
on which occasion Maldeo made over all the hill tracts to Hamir. 
Khetsi was a year old when one of the penates (Khetrpal) ^ was 
foimd at fault, on which she wrote to her parents to invite her to 
Chitor, that the infant might be placed before the shrine of the 
deity. Escorted by a party from Chitor, with her child she 
entered its walls ; and instructed by the Mehta, she gained over 
the troops who were left, for the Rao had gone with his chief 
adherents against the Mers of Madri. Hamir was at hand. 
Notice that all was ready reached him at Bagor. StiU he met 
opposition that had nearly, defeated the scheme ; but having 
forced admission, his sword overcame every obstacle, and the 
oath of allegiance (an) was proclaimed from the palace of his 

The Sonigira on his return was met with ' a salute of arabas,' ^ 
and Maldeo himself carried the account of his loss to the Khilji 
king Mahmud, who had succeeded Ala. The ' standard of the 
sun ' once more shone refulgent from the walls of Chitor, and was 
the signal for return to their ancient abodes from their hills and 
*hiding-places to the adherents of Hamir. The valleys of Kum- 
bhalmer and the western highlands poured forth their ' streams of 
men,' while every chief of true Hindu blood rejoiced at the pros- 
pect of once more throwing off the barbarian yoke. So powerful 
was this feeling, and with such activity and skill did Hamir follow 
up this favour of fortune, that he marched to meet Mahmud, 

1 [Khetrpal, Kshetrapala, is guardian of the field (Kshetra).] 
" A kind of arquebuss [properly the gun-carriage. Irvine, Army of the 
Indian Moghuls, 140 ff.] 


who was advancing to recover his lost possessions. The king 
unwisely directed his march by the eastern plateau, where numbers 
were rendered useless by the intricacies of the country. Of the 
three steppes which mark the physiognomy of this tract, from the 
first ascent from the plain of Mewar to the descent at Chambal, 
the king had encamped on the central, at Singoli, where he was 
attacked, defeated, and made prisoner by Hamir, who slew Hari 
Singli, brother of Banbir, in single combat. The king suffered a 
confinement of three months in Chitor, nor was liberated till he 
had surrendered Ajmer, Ranthambor, Nagor, and Sui Sopur, 
besides paying fifty lakhs of rupees and one hundred elephants. 
Hamir would exact no promise of cessation from further in- 
roads, but contented himself with assuring him that from such he 
sliould be prepared to defend Chitor, not witliin, but without the 
walls [273]. 1 

Banbir, the son of Maldeo, offered to serve Hamir, who assigned 
the districts of Nimach, Jiran, Ratanpur, and the Kerar to main- 
tain the family of his wife in becoming dignity ; and as he gave 
the grant he remarked : " Eat, serve, and be faithful. You were 
once the servant of a Turk, but now of a Hindu of your own faith ; 
for I have but taken back my own, the rock moistened by the 
blood of my ancestors, the gift of the deity I adore, and who will 
maintain me in it ; nor shall I endanger it by the worship of a 
fair face, as ditl my predecessor." Banbir shortly after carried 
Bhainsror by assault, and this ancient possession guarding the 
Chambal was again added to Mewar.. The chieftains of Rajasthan 
rejoiced once more to see a Hindu take the lead, paid willing 
homage, and aided him with service when required. 

The Power of Rana Hamir Singh. — Hamir was the sole Hindu 
prince of power now left in India : all the ancient dynasties were 

^ Ferishta does not mention this conquest over the Khilji emperor ; but 
as Mewar recovered her wonted splendour in this reign, we cannot doubt the 
truth of the native annals. [There is a mistake here. The successor of 
Alau-d-dln was Kutbu-d-din Mubarak, who came to the throne in 1316. 
Ferishta says that Rai Ratan Singh of Cliitor, who had been taken prisoner 
in the siege, was released by the cleverness of his daughter, and that Alau- 
d-din ordered liis son, Khizr Khan, tO evacuate the place, on which the Rai 
became tributary to Alau-d-dln. Also in 1312 the Rajputs threw the 
Muhammadan officers over the ramparts and asserted their independence 
(Ferishta, trans. Briggs, i. 363, 381). Erskine says that the attack was 
made by Muhammad Tughlak (1324-51).] 


crushed, and the ancestors of the present princes of Marwar and 
Jaipur brought their levies, paid homage, and obeyed the summons 
of the prince of Chitor, as did the chiefs of Bundi, Gwahor, Chan- 
deri, Raesin, Sikri, Kalpi, Abu, etc. 

Extensive as was the power of Mewar before the Tatar occu- 
pation of India, it could scarcely have surpassed the solidity 
of sway which she enjoyed during the two centuries following 
Hamir's recovery of the capital. From this event to the next 
invasion from the same Cimmerian abode, led by Babur, we have 
a succession of splendid names recorded in her annals, and though 
destined soon to be surrounded by new Muhammadan dynasties, 
in Malwa and Gujarat as well as Delhi, yet successfully opposing 
them all. The distracted state of affairs when the races of Khilji, 
Lodi, and Sur alternately struggled for and obtained the seat of 
dominion, Delhi, was favourable to Mewar, whose power was 
now so consolidated that she not only repelled armies from her 
territory, but carried war abroad, leaving tokens of victory at 
Nagor, in Saurashtra, and to the walls of Delhi. 

Public Works. — The subjects of Mewar must have enjoyed not 
only a long repose, but high prosperity during this period, judging 
from their magnificent public works, when a triumphal [274] column 
must have cost the income of a kingdom to erect, and which ten 
years' produce of the crown-lands of Mewar could not at this 
time defray. Only one of the structures prior to the sack of 
Chitor was left entire by Ala, and is yet existing, and tliis was 
raised by private and sectarian hands. It would be curious if the 
unitarian profession of the Jain creed was the means of preserving 
this ancient relic from Ala's wrath.^ The princes of this house 
were great patrons of the arts, and especially of architecture ; 
and it is a matter of surprise how their revenues, derived chiefly 
from the soil, could have enabled them to expend so much on 
these objects and at the same time maintain such armies as are 
enumerated. Such could be effected only by long prosperity 
and a mild, paternal system of government ; for the subject had 
his monuments as well as the prince, the ruins of which may yet 
be discovered in the more inaccessible or deserted portions of 
Rajasthan. Hamir died fuU of years, leaving a name still 

^ [The Jain tower, kaowu as Kirtti Stamb, ' pillar of fame,' erected in the 
twelfth or thirteenth century by Jija, a Bagherwal Mahajan, and dedicated 
to Adinath, the first Jain TIrthankara or saint.] 


honoured in Mewar, as one of the wisest and most gallant of her 
princes, and bequeathing a well-established and extensive power 
to his son. 

Kshetra or Khet Singh, a.d. 1364-82. — Khetsi succeeded in 
S. 1421 (a.d. 1365) to the power and to the character of his father. 
He captured Ajnier and Jahazpur from Lila Pathan, and rean- 
nexed Mandalgarh, Dasor, and the whole of Chappan (for the first 
time) to Mewar. He obtained a victory over the Delhi monarch 
Humayun ^ at Bakrol ; but unhappily his life terminated in a. 
family broil with his vassal, the Hara chief of Bumbaoda, whose 
daughter he was about to espouse. 

Laksh Singh, a.d. 1382-97. — LakhaRana, by this assassination, 
mounted the throne in Chitor in S. 1439 (a.d. 1373). His first act 
was the entire subjugation of the mountainous region of Merwara, 
and the destruction of its chief stronghold, Bairatgarh, where he 
erected Badnor. But an event of much greater importance than 
settling his frontier, and which most powerfully tended to the 
prosperity of the country, was the discovery of the tin and silver 
mines of Jawara, in the tract wrested by Khetsi from the Bhils 
of Chappan. 2 Lakha Rana has the merit of having first worked 
them, though their existence is superstitiously alluded to so early 
as the period of the founder. It is said the ' seven metals ' {haft- 
dhat) ' were formerly [275] abundant ; but this appears figura- 
tive. We have no evidence for the gold, though silver, tin, 
copper, lead, and antimony were yielded in abundance (the first 
two from the same matrix), but the tin that has been extracted 
for many years past yields but a small portion of silver.* Lakha 
Rana defeated the Sankhla Rajputs of Nagarchal,^ at Amber. 
He encountered the emperor Muhammad Shah Lodi, and on one 

^ [The contemporary of Khet Singh at Delhi was Firoz Shah Tughlak.] 

* [The mines at Jawar, sixteen miles south of Udaipur city, produce 
lead, zinc, and some silver. The mention of tin in the text seems wrong 
(Watt, Diet. Econ. Prod. vi. Part iv. 356 ; Gomm. Prod. 1077).] 

* Haft-dhat, corresponding to the planets, each of which ruled a metal : 
hence Mihr, ' the sun,' for gold ; Chandra, ' the moon,' for silver. 

* They have long been abandoned, the miners are extinct, and the pro- 
tecting deities of mines are unable to get even a flower placed on their 
shrines, though some have been reconsecrated by the Bhils, who have con- 
verted Lakshmi into Sitalamata (Juno Lucina), whom the Bhil females 
invoke to pass them through danger. 

® Jhunjhunu, Singhana, and Narbana formed the ancient Nagarchal 
territory. . 

VOL. I • Y 


occasion defeated a royal army at Badnor ; but he carried the 
war to Gaya, and in driving the barbarian from this sacred place 
was slain.^ Lakha is a name of celebrity, as a patron of the arts 
and benefactor of his country. He excavated many reservoirs 
and lakes, raised immense ramparts to dam their waters, besides 
erecting strongholds. The riches of the mines of Jawara were 
expended to rebuild the temples and palaces levelled by Ala. A 
portion of his own palace yet exists, in the same style of archi- 
tecture as that, more ancient, of Ratna and the fair Padmini ; 
and a minster (mandir) dedicated to the creator (Brahma), an 
enormous and costly fabric, is yet entire. Being to ' the One,' 
and consequently containing no idol, it may thus have escaped the 
ruthless fury of the invaders. 

Lakha had a numerous progeny, who have left their clans 
called after them, as the Lunawats and Dulawats, now the sturdy 
allodial proprietors of the Alpine regions bordering on Oghna, 
Panarwa, and other tracts in the Aravalli.^ But a circumstance 
which set aside the rights of primogeniture, and transferred the 
crown of Chitor from his eldest son, Chonda, to the younger, 
Mokal, had nearly carried it to another line. The consequences 
of making the elder branch a powerful vassal clan with claims to 
the throne, and which have been the chief cause of its subsequent 
prostration, we will reserve for another chapter [276]. 


If devotion to the fair sex be admitted as a criterion of civiliza- 
tion, the Rajput must rank high. His susceptibility is extreme, 
and fires at the slightest offence to female delicacy, which he 
never forgives. A satirical impromptu, involving the sacrifice 

^ [There was no Sultan Muhammad Shah Lodi, and that dynasty did 
not begin till 1451. Firoz Shah (1351-88) was contemporary of Laksh 
Singh at Delhi. It is not hkely that a Rajput in the fourteenth century 
conducted a campaign at Gaya in Bengal ; but, according to Har Bilas 
Sarda, author of a recent monograph on Rana Kiimbha, the fact is corro- 
borated by inscriptions, Peterson, Bhaunagar Inscrijiiions, 90, 117, 119.] 

^ The Sarangdeot chief of Kanor (on the borders of Chappan), one of 
the sixteen lords of Mewar, is also a descendant of Lakha, as are some of 
the tribes of Sondwara, about Pharphara and the ravines of the Kali 


of Rajpxit prejudices, dissolved the coalition of the Rathors and 
Kachhwahas, and laid each prostrate before the Mahrattas, whom 
when united they had crushed : and a jest, apparently trivial, 
compromised the right of primogeniture to the throne of Chitor, 
and proved more disastrous in its consequences than the arms 
either of Moguls or Mahrattas. 

Chonda renounces his Birthright. — ^Lakha Rana was advanced 
in years, his sons and grandsons established in suitable domains, 
when ' the coco-nut came ' from Ranmall, prince of Marwar, to 
affiance his daughter with Chonda, the heir of ^lewar. Wlien 
the embassy was announced, Chonda was absent, and the old 
chief was seated in his chair of state surrounded by his court. 
The messenger of Hymen was courteously received by Lakha, 
who observed that Chonda would soon return and take the gage ; 
" for," added he, drawing his fingers over his moustaches, " I 
don't suppose you send such playthings to an old greybeard like 
me." This little sally was of course applauded and repeated ; 
but Chonda, offended at delicacy being sacrificed to wit, declined 
accepting the symbol which his father had even in jest supposed 
might be intended for him : and as it could not be returned 
without gross insult to Ranmall, the old Rana, incensed at his 
son's obstinacy, agreed to accept it himself, pro\nded Chonda 
would swear to renounce his birthright in the event of his ha\nng 
a son, and be to the child but the ' first of his Rajputs.' He 
swore by Eklinga to fulfil his father's wishes. 

Rana Mokal, a.d. 1397-1433. — ^Mokalji was the issue of this 
union, and had attained the age of five when the Rana resolved 
to signalize his finale by a raid against the enemies of their faith 
[277], and to expel the ' barbarian ' from the holy land of Gaya. 
In ancient times this was by no means uncommon, and we have 
several instances in the annals of these States of princes resigning 
' the purple ' on the approach of old age, and by a life of austerity 
and devotion, pilgrimage and charity, seeking to make their 
peace with heaven 'for the sins inevitably committed by all who 
wield a sceptre." But when war was made against their religion 
by the Tatar proselytes to Islam, the Sutlej and the Ghaggar 
were as the banks of the Jordan — Gaya, their Jerusalem, their 
holy land ; and if there destiny filled his cup, the Hindu chieftain 
was secure of beatitude,^ exempted from the troubles of ' second 

1 MuMi. 


birth ' ; ^ and borne from the scene of probation in celestial cars 
by the Apsaras,^ was introduced at once into the ' realm of the 
sun.' ^ Ere, however, the Rana of Chitor journeyed to this 
bourne, he was desirous to leave his throne unexposed to civil 
strife. The subject of succession had never been renewed ; but 
discussing with Chonda his warlike pilgrimage to Gaya, from 
which he might not return, he sounded him by asking what estates 
should be settled on Mokal. " The throne of Chitor," was the 
honest reply ; and to set suspicion at rest, he desired that the cere- 
mony of installation should be performed previous to Lakha's 
departure. Chonda was the first to pay homage and swear obedi- 
ence and fidelity to his future sovereign : reserving, as the recoin- 
pense of his renunciation, the first place in the councils, and 
stipulating that in all grants to the vassals of the crown, his 
symbol (the lance) should be superadded to the autograph of the 
prince. In all grants the lance of Salumbar * still precedes the 
monogram of the Rana.^ 

The sacrifice of Chonda to offended delicacy and filial respect 
was great, for he had all the qualities requisite for command. 
Brave, frank, and skilful, he conducted all public affairs after his 
father's departure and death, to the benefit of the minor and the 
State. The queen-mother, however, who is admitted as the 
natural guardian of her infant's rights on all such occasions, felt 
umbrage and discontent at her loss of povv^er ; forgetting that, 
but for Chonda, she would never [278] have been mother to the 
Rana of Mewar. She watched with a jealous eye all his proceed- 
ings ; but it was only through the medium of suspicion she could 
accuse the integrity of Chonda, and she artfully asserted that, 
under colour of directing state affairs, he was exercising absolute 
sovereignty, and that if he did not assume the title of Rana, he 
would reduce it to an empty name. Chonda, knowing the purity 
of his own motives, made liberal allowance for maternal solicitude ; 
but upbraiding the queen with the injustice of her suspicions, 

^ This is a literal phrase, denoting further transmigration of the soul, 
which is always deemed a punishment. The soldier who falls in battle 
in the faithful performance of his duty is alone exempted, according to 
their martial mythology, from the pains of ' second birth.' 

^ The fair messengers of heaven. 

* Sitraj 3Ianda]. 

* The abode of the chief of the various clans of Chondawat. 
6 Vide p. 235. 

RATHOR influence in MEWAR : RAGHUDEVA 325 

and advising a vigilant care to the rights of Sesodias, he retired 
to the court of Mandu, tlien rising into notice, where he was 
received with the highest distinctions, and the district of Halar ^ 
was assigned to him by the king. 

Rathor Influence in Mewar.^ — His departure was the signal for 
an influx of the kindred of the queen from INIandor. Her brother 
Jodha (who afterwards gave his name to Jodhpur) was the first, 
and was soon followed by his father, Rao Ranmall, and numerous 
adherents, who deemed the arid region of Maru-des, and its rabri, 
or maize porridge, well exchanged for the fertile plains and 
wheaten bread of Mewar. 

Raghudeva, the Mewar Hero. — With his grandson on his knee, 
the old Rao " would sit on the throne of Bappa Rawal, on whose 
quitting him for play, the regal ensigns of Mewar waved over the 
head of Mandor." This was more than the Sesodia nurse ^ (an 
important personage in all Hindu governments) could bear, and 
bursting with indignation, she demanded of the queen if her kin 
was to defraud her own child of his inheritance. The honesty of 
the nurse was greater than her prudence. The creed of the Rajput 
is to ' obtain sovereignty,' regarding the means as secondary 
and this avowal of her suspicions only hastened their designs. 
The queen soon found herself without remedy, and a remonstrance 
to her father produced a hint which threatened the existence of her 
offspring. Her fears were soon after augmented by the assassina- 
tion of Raghudeva, the second brother of Chonda, whose estates 
were Kelwara and Kawaria. To the former place, where he 
resided aloof from the court, Rao Ranmall sent a dress of honour, 
which etiquette requiring him to put on when presented, the 
prince was assassinated in the act. Raghudeva was so much 
beloved for his virtues, courage, and manly beauty, that his [279] 
murder became martyrdom, and obtained for him divine honoijrs, 
and a place amongst the Di Patres {Pitrideva) of Mewar. His 
image is on every hearth, and is daily worshipped with the 
Penates. Twice in the year his altars receive public homage 
from every Sesodia, from the Rana to the serf.* 

1 [Halar in W. Kathiawar (BG, viii. 4).] 

^ The Dhdi. The Dhdbhdis, or ' foster-brothers,' often hold lands in 
perpetuity, and are employed in the most confidential places ; on embassies, 
marriages, etc. 

* On the 8th day of the Dasahra, or ' military festival,' when the levies 


The Expulsion o£ the Rathor Party. — In this extremity the 
queen-mother turned lier thoughts to Chonda, and it was not 
difficult to apprise him of the danger which menaced the race, 
every place of trust being held by her kinsmen, and the principal 
post of Chitor by a Bhatti Rajput of Jaisalmer Chonda, though 
at a distance, was not inattentive to the proverbially dangerous 
situation of a minor amongst the Rajputs. At his departure he 
was accompanied by two hundred Aherias or huntsmen, whose 
ancestors had served the princes of Chitor from ancient times. 
These had left their families behind, a visit to whom was the 
pretext for their introduction to the fort. They were instructed 
to get into the service of the keepers of the gates, and, being 
considered more attached to the place than to the family, their 
object was effected. The queen-mother was counselled to cause 
the young prince to descend daily with a numerous retinue to give 
feasts to the surrounding villages, and gradually to increase the 
distance, but not to fail on the ' festival of lan^js ' ^ to hold the 
feast (got) at Gosunda.- 

These injmictions were carefully attended to. The day 
arrived, the feast was held at Gosunda ; but the night was 
closing in, and no Chonda appeared. With heavy hearts the 
nurse, the PuroMt,^ and those in the secret moved homeward, 
and had reached the emuience called Chitori, when forty horsemen 
passed them at the gallop, and at their head Chonda in disguise, 
who by a secret sign paid homage as he passed to his younger 

are mustered at the Chaugan, or ' Champ de Mars,' and on the 10th of Chait 
his altars are purified, and his image is washed and placed thereon. Women 
pray for the safety of their children ; husbands, that their wives may be 
fruitful. Previously to this, a son of Bappa Rawal was worshipped ; but 
after the enshrinement of Raghudeva, the adoration of Kuhsputra was 
gradually abohshed. Nor is this custom confined to Mewar : there is a 
deified Fuira in every Rajput family — one who has met a violent death. 
Besides Ekhnga, the descendants of Bappa have adopted numerous household 
divinities : ttie destinies of life and death, Baenmata the goddess of the 
Chawaras, Nagnachian the serpent divinity of the Rathors, and Khetrapal, 
or ' fosterer of the field,' have with many others obtained a place on the 
Sesodia altars. This festival may not unaptly be compared to that of 
Adonis amongst the Greeks, for the Putra is worshipped chiefly by women. 

^ The Diwali, from diwa, ' a lamp.' This festival is in honour of Lakshmi, 
goddess of wealth. 

- iSeven miles south of Chitor, on the road to Malwa. 

^ The family priest and instructor of youth. 


brother and sovereign. Chonda and [280] his]^band had reached 
the Rampol,^ or upper gate, unchecked. Here, when challenged, 
they said they were neighbourmg chieftains, who, hearing of the 
feast at Gosunda, had the honour to escort the prince home. 
The story obtained credit ; but the main body, of which this was 
but the advance, presently coming up, the treachery was apparent. 
Chonda unsheathed his sword, and at his well-known shout the 
hunters were speedily in action. The Bhatti chief, taken by 
surprise, and imable to reach Chonda, launched his dagger at and 
wounded him, but was himself slain ; the guards at the gates 
were cut to pieces, and the Rathors hunted out and killed without 

Death of Rao Ranmall. — The end of Rao Ranmall was more 
ludicrous than tragical. Smitten with the charms of a Sesodia 
handmaid of the queen, who was compeUed to his embrace, the 
old chief was in her arms, intoxicated with love, wine, and opium, 
and heard no tiling of the tumult without. A woman's wit and 
revenge combined to make his end afford some compensation for 
her loss of honour. Gently rising, she bound him to his bed with 
his own Marwari turban : - nor did this disturb him, and the 
messengers of fate had entered ere the opiate allowed his eyes to 
open to a sense of his danger. Enraged, he in vain endeavoured 
to extricate himself ; and by some tortuosity of movement he 
got upon his legs, his jiallet at his back like a shell or shield of 
defence. With no arms but a brass vessel of ablution, he levelled 
to the earth several of his assailants, when a ball from a matchlock 
extended him on the floor of the palace. His son Jodha was in 
the lower town, and was indebted to the fleetness of his steed for 
escaping the fate of his father and kindred, whose bodies strewed 
the terre-pleine of Chitor, the merited reward of their usurpation 
and treachery. 

The Revenge o£ Chonda. — But Chonda's revenge was not yet 
satisfied. He pursued Rao Jodha, who, unable to oppose him, 
took refuge with Harbuji Sankhla, leaving Mandor to its fate. 
Tins city Chonda entered by surprise, and holding it till his sons 
Kantatji and Manjaji arrived with reinforcements, the Rathor 
treachery was repaid by their keeping possession of the« capital 
during twelve years. We might here leave the future founder 

^ Rampol, ' the gate of Ram.' 
* Often sixty cubits in length. 


of Jodhpur, had not this feud led to the junction of the rich [281] 
province of Godwar to Mewar, held for three centuries and again 
lost by treachery. It may yet involve a struggle between the 
Sesodias and Rathors.^ 

" Sweet are the uses of adversity." To Jodha it was the first 
step in the ladder of his eventual elevation. A century and a 
half had scarcely elapsed since a colony, the wreck of Kanauj, 
found an asylum, and at length a kingdom, taking possession of 
one capital and founding another, abandoning Mandor and 
erecting Jodhpur. But even Jodha could never have hoped that 
his issue would have extended their sway from the valley of the 
Indus to within one hundred miles of the Jumna, and from the 
desert bordering on the Sutlej to the Aravalli mountains : that 
one hundred thousand swords should at once be in the hands of 
Rathors, ' the sons of one father' {ek Bap ke Betan). 

If we slightly encroach upon the annals of Marwar, it is owing 
to its history and that of Mewar being here so interwoven, and 
the incidents these events gave birth so illustrative of the national 
character of each, that it is, perhaps, more expedient to advert 
to the period when Jodha was shut out from Mandor, and the 
means by which he regained that city, previous to relating the 
events of the reign of Mokal. 

Harbuji Sankhla. — Harbuji Sankhla, at once a soldier and a 
devotee, was one of those Rajput cavaliers ' sans peur et sans 
reproche,'' wjiose life of celibacy and perilous adventure was 
mingled with the austere devotion of an ascetic ; by turns aiding 
with his lance the cause which he deemed worthy, or exercising 
an unbounded hospitality towards the stranger. This generosity 
had much reduced his resources when Jodha sought his protection. 
It was the eve of the Sada-bart, one of those hospitable rites which, 
in former times, characterized Rajwara. This ' perpetual charity ' 
supplies food to the stranger and traveller, and is distributed not 
only by individual chiefs and by the government, but by sub- 
scriptions of communities. Even in Mewar, in her present 
impoverished condition, the offerings to the gods in support of 
their shrines and the establishment of the Sada-bart were simul- 
taneous. Hospitality is a virtue pronounced to belong more 
peculiarly to a semi-barbarous condition. Alas ! for refinement 

^ [Godwar, including the Bali and Desuri districts in S.E. Marwar, is 
now known as the Desuri Hukumat : see Erskine iii. A. 180 f.] 


and ultra-civilization, strangers to the happiness enjoyed by 
Harbuji Sankhla. Jodha, with one hundred and twenty followers, 
came to solicit the ' stranger's fare ' : but unfortunately it was 
too late, the Sada-bart had been distributed. In this exigence, 
Harbuji recollected that there was a wood [282] called nrnjd,^ 
used in dyeing, which among other things in the desert regions 
is resorted to in scarcity. A portion of this was bruised, and 
boiled with some flour, sugar, and spices, making altogether a 
palatable pottage ; and with a promise of better fare on the 
morrow, it was set before the young Rao and liis followers, who, 
after making a good repast, soon forgot Chitor in sleep. On 
waking, each stared at his fellow, for their mustachios were dyed 
with their evening's meal ; but the old chief, who was not disposed 
to reveal his expedient, made it minister to their hopes by giving 
it a miraculous character, and saying " that as the grey of age 
was thus metamorjjhosed into the tint of morn^ and hope, so 
would their fortunes become young, and Mandor again be theirs." 
Elevated by this prospect, they enlisted Harbuji on their side. 
He accompanied them to the chieftain of Mewa, " whose stables 
contained one hundred chosen steeds." Pabuji, a third inde- 
pendent of the same stamp, with his ' coal-black steed,' was 
gained to the cause, and Jodha soon found himself strong enough 
to attempt the recovery of his capital. The sons of Chonda were 
taken by surprise : but despising the numbers of the foe, and 
ignorant who were their auxiliaries, they descended sword in 
hand to meet the assailants. The elder ^ son of Chonda with 

^ The wood of Solomon's temple is called ahnug ; the prefix al is merely 
the article [?]. This is the wood also mentioned in the annals of Gujarat, 
of which the temple to Adinatli was constructed. It is said to be indestruc- 
tible even by fire. It has been surmised that the fleets of Tyre frequented 
the Indian coast : could they thence have carried the Almujd for the temple 
of Solomon ? [Almug, according to the Encyclopcedia Biblica (i. 1196) is 
either Brazil-wood or red sandalwood (Pterocarpus santalinus). Sir G. Watt, 
who has kindly examined the question, thinks it very improbable that the 
mujd of the text is almug wood, because neither the true sandalwood {Scm- 
tahim album) nor the red sandalwood [Pterocarpus santalinus) is found 
in Rajputana. He identifies the inujd of the text with Moringa concanensis, 
a sinaU tree found wild in Sind and the Konkan, which yields a gum of 
considerable value, and its congener Moriruja pferygospertna {Comm. Prod. 
784), the horse-radish tree of India, is used as a dye in Jamaica, and probably 
could be so used in India.] 

* This wood has a brownish-red tint. 

^ This is related with some variation in other annals of the period. 


many adherents was slain ; and the younger, deserted by the 
subjects of Mandor, trusted to the swiftness of his horse for 
escape ; but being pursued, was overtaken and killed on the 
boundary of Godwar. Thus Jodha, in his turn, was revenged, 
but the ' feud was not balanced.' Two sons of Chitor had 
fallen for one chief of Mandor. But wisely reflecting on the 
original aggression, and the superior power of Mewar, as well as 
his being indebted for his present success to foreign aid, Jodha 
sued for peace, and offered as the mundkati, or ' price of blood,' 
and ' to quench the feud,' that the spot where Manja fell should 
be the future barrier of the two States. The entire province of 
Godwar was comprehended in the cession, which for three cen- 
turies withstood every contention, till the internal dissensions 
of the last half century, which grew out of the cause by wliich [283] 
it was obtained, and the change of succession in Mewar severed 
this most valuable acquisition.^ 

Who would imagine, after such deadly feuds between these 
rival States, that in the very next succession these hostile frays 
were not only buried in oblivion, but that the prince of Marwar 
abjured ' liis turban and his bed ' till he had revenged the 
assassination of the prince of Chitor, and restored his infant heir 
to his rights ? The amials of these States afford numerous 
instances of the same hasty, overbearing temperament governing 
all ; easily moved to strife, impatient of revenge, and steadfast 
in its gratification. But this satisfied, resentment subsides. A 
daughter of the offender given to wife banishes its remembrance, 
and when the bard joins the lately rival names in the couplet, 
each will complacently curl his mustachio over his lip as he hears 
his ' renown expand like the lotus,' and thus ' the feud is 
extinguished.' Thus have they gone on from time immemorial, 
and will continue, till what we may fear to contemplate. They 
have now neither friend nor foe but the British. The Tatar 
invader sleeps in his tomb, and the INIahratta depredator is 
muzzled and enchained. To return. 

1 There is little hope, while British power acts as high constable and 
keeper of the peace in Rajwara, of this being recovered : nor, were it other- 
wise, would it be desirable to see it become an object of contention between 
these States. Marwar has attained much grandeur since the time of Jodha, 
and her resources are more unbroken than those of Mewar, who, if she 
could redeem, could not, from its exposed position, maintain the province 
against the brave Bathor. 


Mokal, A.D. 1397-1433. — Mokal, who; obtained the throne by 
Chonda's surrender of his birthright, was not destined long to 
enjoy the distinction, though he evinced quahties worthy of 
heading the Sesodias". He ascended the throne in S. 1454 (a.d. 
1398), at an miportant era in the history of India ; when Timur, 
who had already established the race of Chagatai in the kingdoms 
of Central Asia, and laid prostrate the throne of Byzantium, 
turned his arms towards India. But it was not a field for his 
ambition; and the event is not even noticed in the annals of 
Mewar : a proof that it did not affect their repose. But they 
record an attempted mvasion by the king of Delhi, which is 
erroneously stated to have been by Firoz Shah. A grandson of 
this prince had indeed been set up, and compelled to flee from 
the arms of Timur, and as the direction of his flight was Gujarat, 
it is not miiikely that the recorded attempt to penetrate by the 
passes of Mewar may have been his [284]. Be this as it may, 
the Rana Mokal anticipated and met him beyond the passes 
of the Aravalli, in the field of Raepur, and compelled him to 
abandon his enterprise. Pursuing liis success, he took posses- 
sion of Sanibhar and its salt lakes, and otherwise extended and 
strengthened liis territory, which the distracted state of the 
empire consequent to Timur's invasion rendered a matter of 
little difficulty. Mokal fmished the palace conunenced by 
Laldia, now a mass of ruins ; and erected the shrine of Chatur- 
bhuja, ' the four-armed deity,' ^ in the western hills. 

Lai Bai. — Besides tliree sons, Rana Mokal had a daughter, 
celebrated for her beauty, called Lai Bai, or ' the ruby.' She 
was betrothed to the Khiclii chieftain of Gagraun, who at the 
Hathleva - demanded the pledge of succour on foreign invasion . 
Dhiraj, the son of the Ivliichi, had come to solicit the stipulated 
aid agamst Hoshang of Malwa, who had invested their capital. 
The Rana's headquarters were then at Madri, and he was em- 
ployed in quelling a revolt of the mountaineers, when Dhiraj 
arrived and obtained the necessary aid. Madri was destined to be 
the scene of the termination of Mokal's career : he was assassmated 
by liis uncles, the natural brothers of his father, from an uninten- 
tional offence, which tradition has handed down in aU its details. 

^ [The four-armed Vishuu, the favourite deity of the Mertia Rathors 
{Census Report, Bajpuiana, 1891, ii. 26).] 
' The ceremony of joining hands. 


Assassination of Rana Mokal. — Chacha and Mera were the 
natural sons of Khetsi Rana (the predecessor of Lakha) ; their 
mother a fair handmaid of low descent, generally allowed to be a 
carpenter's daughter. ' The fifth sons of Mewar ' (as the natural 
children are figuratively termed) possess no rank, and though 
treated with kindness, and entrusted with confidential employ- 
ments, the sons of the chiefs of the second class take precedence 
of them, and ' sit higher on the carpet.' These brothers had the 
charge of seven hundred horse in the train of Rana Mokal at 
Madri. Some chiefs at enmity with them, conceiving that they 
had overstepped their privileges, wished to see them humiliated. 
Chance procured them the opportunity : which, however, cost 
their prince his life. Seated in a grove with his chiefs around 
him, he inquired the name of a particular tree. The Chauhan 
chief, feigning ignorance, whispered him to ask either of the 
brothers ; and not perceiving their scope, he artlessly did so. 
" Uncle, what tree is this ? " The sarcasm thus prompted they 
considered as reflecting on their birth (being sons [285] of the 
carpenter's daughter), and the same day, while Mokal was at 
his devotions, and in the act of counting his rosary, one blow 
severed his arm from his body, while another stretched him 
lifeless. The brothers, quickly mounting their steeds, had the 
audacity to hope to surprise Chitor, but the gates were closed 
upon them. 

Rana Kiimbha, a.d. 1433-68. — Though the murder of Mokal 
is related to have no other cause than tlie sarcasm alluded to, 
the precautions taken by the young prince Kumbha,^ his suc- 
cessor, would induce a belief that this was but the opening of a 
deep-laid conspiracy. The traitors returned to the stronghold 
near Madri, and Kumbha trusted to the friendship and good 
feeling of the prince of Marwar in this emergency. His confidence 
was well repaid. The prince put his son at the head of a force, 
and the retreat of the assassins being near his own frontier, they 
were encountered and dislodged. From Madri they fled to Pai, 
where they strengthened a fortress in the mountains named 
Ratakot ; a lofty peak of the compound chain whicli encircles 
IJdaipur, visible from the" surrounding country, as are the remains 
of this stronghold of the assassins. It would appear that their 

^ [His mother was a Praraar, Subhagya Devi, daughter of Raja Jaitmall, 


lives were dissolute, for they had carried off the virgin daughter 
of a Chauhan, which led to their eventual detection and punish- 
ment. Her father, Suja, had traced the route of the ravishers, 
and, mixing Avith the workmen, foimd that the approaches to the 
place of their concealment were capable of being scaled. He 
was about to lay his complaint before his prince, when he met the 
cavalcade of Kumbha and the Rathor. The distressed father, 
' covering his face,' disclosed the story of his own and daughter's 
dishonour. They encamped till night at Delwara, when, led by 
the Chandana, they issued forth to surprise the authors of so 
many evils. 

Suja and the Tiger. — Arrived at the base of the rock, where 
the parapet was yet low, they commenced the escalade, aided 
by the thick foliage. The path was steep and rugged, and in the 
darkness of the night each had grasped his neighbour's skirt for 
security. Animated by a just revenge, the Chauhan (Suja) led 
the way, when on reaching a ledge of the rock the glaring eyeballs 
of a tigress flashed upon him. Undismayed, he squeezed the 
hand of the Rathor prince who followed him, and who on per- 
ceiving the object of terror instantly buried his poignard in her 
heart This omen was superb. They soon reached the summit. 
Some had ascended the parapet ; others were scrambling over, 
when the minstrel [286] slipping, fell, and his drum, which was to 
have accompanied his voice in singing the conquest, awoke by 
its crash the daughter of Chacha. Her father quieted her fears 
by saying it was only " the thunder and the rains of Bhadon " : 
to fear God only and go to sleep, for their enemies were safe at 
Kelwa. At this moment the Rao and his party rushed in. 
Chacha and Mera had no time to avoid their fate. Chacha was 
cleft in two by the Chandana, while the Rathor prince laid Mera 
at his feet, and the spoils of Ratakot were divided among the 


Bana Kumbha, a.d. 1433-68. — Kumbha succeeded his father 
in S. 1475 (a.d. 1419) ; ^ nor did any symptom of dissatisfaction 

^ [The dates given in the margin are based on recently found inscriptions 
(Har Bilas Sarda, Maharana Kumbha : Sovereign, Soldier, Scholar, Ajmer, 
1917, p. 2.] 


appear to usher in his reign, which was one of great success 
amidst no common difficulties. The bardic historians ^ do as 
much honour to the Marwar prince, who had made common 
cause with their sovereign in revenging the death of his father, 
as if it had involved the security of his crown ; but this was a 
precautionary measure of the prince, who was induced thus to 
act from several motives, and, above all, in accordance with 
usage, which stigmatizes the refusal of aid when demanded : 
besides ' Kumbha was the nephew of Marwar.' 

It has rarely occurred in any country to have possessed suc- 
cessively so many energetic princes as ruled Mewar through 
several centuries. She was now in the middle path of her glory, 
and enjoying the legitimate triumph of seeing the foes of her 
religion captives on the rock of her power. A century had 
elapsed since the bigot Ala had wreaked his vengeance on the 
different monuments of art. Chitor had recovered the sack, and 
new defenders had sprung up in the place [287] of those who had 
fallen in their ' saffron robes,' a sacrifice for her preservation. 
All that was wanting to augment her resources against the 
storms which were collecting on the brows of Caucasus and the 
shores of the Oxus, and were destined to burst on the head of his 
grandson Sanga, was effected by Kumbha ; who with Hamir's 
energy, Lakha's taste for the arts, and a genius comprehensive 
as either and more fortunate, succeeded in all his undertakings, 
and once more raised the ' crimson banner ' of Mewar upon the 
banks of the Ghaggar, the scene of Samarsi's defeat. I/Ct us 
contrast the patriarchal Hindu governments of this period with 
the despotism of the Tatar invader. 

From the age of Shihabu-d-din, the conqueror of India, and 
his contemporary Samarsi, to the time we have now reached, 
two entire dynasties, numbering twenty-four emperors and one 
empress, through assassination, rebellion, and dethronement, 
had followed in rapid succession, yielding a result of only nine 
years to a reign. Of Mewar, though several fell in defending 
their altars at home or their religion abroad, eleven princes 
suffice to fill the same period. 

It was towards the close of the Khilji dynasty that the satraps 

^ The Raj Ratana, by Ranchhor Bhat, says : " The Mandor Rao was 
pardhan, or premier to Mokal, and conquered Nawa and Didwana for 


of Delhi shook off its authority and estabhshed subordinate 
kingdoms : Bijapur and Golkonda in the Deccan ; Malwa, 
Gujarat, Jaunpur in the east ; and even Kalpi had its king. 
Malwa and Gujarat had attained considerable power when 
Kumbha ascended the throne. In the midst of his prosperity 
these two States formed a league against him, and in S. 1496 
(a.d. 1440) both kings, at the head of powerful armies, invaded 
Mewar. Kumbha met them on the plains of Malwa bordering 
on his own State, and at the head of one hundred thousand horse 
and foot and fourteen hundred elephants, gave them an entire 
defeat, carrying captive to Chitor Mahmud the Khilji sovereign 
of Malwa. 

Abu-1 Fazl relates this victory, and dilates on Kumbha's 
greatness of soul in setting his enemy at libeii;y, not only without 
ransom but with gifts.^ Such is the character of the Hindu : a 
mixture of arrogance, political blindness, pride, and generosity. 
To spare a prostrate foe is the creed of the Hindu cavalier, and 
he carries all such maxims to excess. The annals, however, state 
that Mahmud was confined six months in Chitor ; and that the 
trophies of conquest were retained we have evidence from Babur, 
who mentions receiving from the son of his opponent, Sanga, the 
crown of the Malwa king. 

The Tower of Victory. — But there is a more durable [288] 
monument than this written record of victory : the triumphal 
pillar in Chitor, whose inscriptions detail the event, " when, 
shaking the earth, the lords of Gujarkhand and P»Ialwa, with 
armies overwhelming as the ocean, invaded Medpat." Eleven 
years after this event Kumbha laid the foundations of this 
column, which was completed in ten more : a period apparently 
too short to place " this ringlet on the brow of Chitor, which 
makes her look down upon Meru with derision." We will leave 
it, with the aspiration that it may long continue a monument of 
the fortune of its founders.^ 

It would appear that the Malwa king afterwards united his 

^ [It is the generosity of Rana Sanga to Muzaffar Shah of which Abn-1 
Fazl speaks (Ain, ii. 221).] 

^ [The Musalman historians give a different account. Ferishta says that 
Mahmud stormed the lower part of Cliitor, and that the Rana fled (iv. 209). 
At any rate, Mahmiid erected a tower of victory at Mandu (IGI, xvii. 173). 
The result was probably indecisive. For Kumbha's pillar see Fergusson, 
Hist. Indian Architecture, ii. 59 ; Smith, HFA. 202 f.] 


arms with Kumbha, as, in a victory gained over the imperial 
forces at Jhunjhumi, when ' he planted his standard in Hissar,' 
the Malwa troops were combined with those of Mewar. The 
imperial power had at this period greatly declined : the KJiutba 
was read in the mosques in the name of Timur, and the Malwa 
king had defeated, single-handed, the last Ghorian sultan of 

The Fortresses of Mewar. — Of eighty-four fortresses for the 
defence of Mewar, thirty-tv.^o were erected by Kumbha. Inferior 
only to Chitor is that stupendous work called after him Kum- 
bhalmer,^ ' the hill of Kumbha,' from its natural position, and 
the works he raised, impregnable to a native army. These works 
were on the site of a more ancient fortress, of which the moun- 
taineers long held possession. Tradition ascribes it to Samprati 
Raja, a Jain prince in the second century, and a descendant of 
Chandragupta ; ^ and the ancient Jain temples appear to confirm 
the tradition. When Kumbha captured Nagor he brought away 
the gates, with the statue of the god Hanuman, who gives his 
name to the gate which he still guards. He also erected a citadel 
on a peak of Abu, within the fortress of the ancient Pramara, 
where he often resided. Its magazine and alarm-tower still 
bear Kumbha's name ; and in a rude temple the bronze effigies 
of Kumbha and his father still receive divine honours.* Centuries 
have passed since the princes of Mewar had influence here, but 
the incident marks the vivid remembrance of their condition. 
He fortified the passes between the western frontier and Abu, 
and erected the fort Vasanti near the present Sirohi, and that of 
Machin, to defend the Shero Nala and Deogarh against the Mers 
of Aravalli. He re-established Ahor and other smaller [289] 
forts to overawe the Bhumia * Bhil of Jharol and Panarwa, and 
defined the boundaries of Marwar and Mewar. 

Temples. — Besides these monuments of his genius, two conse- 
crated to religion have survived : that of Kumbha Sham, on 
Abu, which, though worthy to attract notice elsewhere, is here 
eclipsed by a crowd of more interesting